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To the Pious and Peaceable Proteftant-Cdnform-ing Minifters, who are againft our Subje<%ion to a Foreign Jurifdidtion. The- notice of the : Reafbn of this Book, with a Breviate of Ludol pirns Habaffian Hiftory,

V-

Reverend Brethren 3

WHen after the ejfeffs of our calamitous di vifions , the rejoycing Hat ion fuppofed they had been united, in our King new-ly reflored (by a General and Army which had been fighting againft himjnvited&flrengthned by the City }3 many other sJ3 an Aft of Oblivion feerned to have prepared for future amity; fome little thought that men were about going further from each other than they were before: Bu t the Malady was evident to fuch of us as were called to attempt a Cure, and neither the Caufes nor the Prognofticks hard to be known. A certain and cheap Remedy was obvious; but no Tleas, no c Petitions i could get nan to accept it. The Symptomes then threatnedfar worfe thanyet hath come to pafs,God being more merciful to us than mijiaken men. We were then judged criminal forforefeemg and foretelling what Fruit the Seed then [own would bring forth: And fine e then the Sowers fay the Foretellers are the caufe of all. We quickly fiw y that inftead of hoping for any Concord\ and healing of the Bones which then were broken, it

A 2 would

lhe rreiace,

would become our Care and too hard work, to endeavour to fr event a greater breach. Though we thought Two Thoufandfuch Minifters as were filenced would be mift y when others thought it a blefftng to be rid of them, we then pared, andfome hoped, that no [mall number more would follow them.

It was not you that caft fuch out \ nor is it you that wifljthe continuance and increafe oftheCaufes. We agree with you in all points of the Chriftian Reformed Religion : and concerning the evil of all the fins which we fear by Conforming to commit, though we agree not of the meaning of thofe Oaths, Tromifes^rojefftons, and^Pra-Bices, which are the matter feared. We live in unfeigned Love and Communion with thofe that love Truth, Holme fs and Teace, notwithftanding fuch differences as thefe. God hath not laid our Salvation or Communion upon cur agreeing about the meaning of every word or Sentence in the Bible , much lefs on our agreeing of the fenfe of every word in all the Laws and Canons of men* Two things we earnefily re que ft of you , for the fake of the Chriftian Religion, this trembling Nation, and your own and others Souls, i. That you will in your c PariJJj Relations ferioufty ufe your beft endeavours to •promote true Godlinefs and Brotherly Love, and to heal the fad Divifions of the Churches: We believe that, it muft be much by the Parochial Minifters and Affem-blies y that Piety and Troteftant Verity muft be kepi up: And what we may not do, we pray that you may do it who are allowed. 2. That you will join with us again/} all Foreign Jurifdi&ion, Ecclefufiicalor Civil. The Tarty which we dread I have given you fome account of in my Reply to Mr. Dodwell. By their Fruits you may know them. 1. They are fuch as labour to mike our Breaches wider, ly rendring thofe that they differt

from

The Preface.

from odious , which commonly is by falfe accusations; They call out for Execution by the Sword againft thoft that dare not do as.they do, and cry, Goon, abate nothing; they are famousSchifmaticks, rebellious: They might eafily have learnt this Language, without flaying long in the Vniverfities, and without all the Brtmftone Books that teach it them.' An invifible Tutor can foon teach it them without Book. He that hateth his Brother is a murtherer, and hath not eternal Life abiding in him. 2. They are for an univerfal humane Government, with power of Legiflation and Judgment over the whole Chriftian World. How to call it they are not yet agreed 9 whether Ariffocratical, or Monarchical r or mixt. Some of them fay that it is in the Collegium Epif-eoporum, governing per Literas formatas, for fear left if they fay, It ism Councils, they J}jould]>refently be confuted by the copious Evidence which we produce againft them. Andyet they may well think that men will ask them {When did all the Bifhops on Earth make Laws for all the Chriftian World, orpafs Sentences on Offenders without ever meeting together ? And how came they to know each others minds ? and which way the major Vote went ? And what, and where are thofe Laws which we mufl all be governed by, which neither God nor Councils made ? The Canons were all made by Councils.

If you fay that I describe men fo mad, as that lmujl be thought to wrong them r I now. only ask you, whether our Cafe be not difmal when fuch ?ne-n as you call mad, have power to bring us and keep us in our T)ivificns ; or to do much towards it without much contradiction!

But others who know that fuchpalpable darknefs will not ferve their caufe, do openly jay, that it is General Councils which are the Legiflative and judging Govern

nours

The Preface.

nours to the whole Church on Earth, as one Political Body. For they know that we have no other Laws be-(ides Gods and theirs, pretended to be made for all the World. But when the Cafes opened by me in the Second part of my Key for Catholicks, and elfe where, dofdence them, this Fort alfo is deferted by them. Even Albert. Pighius hath rendred it ridiculous, i. Jf this be the i I fp eci jy ifl & or unifying Head, or fumma Poteftas of the Universal Church, then it is not monarchical but Arifto- -cratical. i. Then the Church is no Church, when for hundreds of Fears there are no General Councils, an effen-tial part being wanting. And they that own but the 4 or 6 firfi General Councils, make the Church no Church, or to have been without its eJfentiatingGovemmentthefe Thousand Fears. And by what proof, be fides their incre* dibleWvrd, can they tell the Church, that they are fub-jelf to the fix firfi General Councils, and yet not to the [eventh, eighth, ninth, oranyfince^ 3. I have oft (^a* gainFt Johnfon, and elfewhere,') proved that there never was an universal Council of all the Churches, but only of part of thofe in the Roman Empire ; Were there no prooj but from the recorded Names of the Callers of Councils , and all the Subscribers , it is unanswerable. 4. Who knows not that the Church is now divided into about Twelve SeBs, all condemning one another^ And \\ that they are under the Tower of various ^Princes, and many Enemies to Chriftiamty , who will never agree to give them leave to travel to General Councils^ And who (hall call them, or hew long time willycugive the Bijheps of Antiocb, Alexandria, the Jacobites, Abaffines, IMcftorians, Armenians, Mufcovites, and all the reft, to learn fo much of each others Languages, as to debate intelligibly matters cf fuch moment, as Laws for all the World mufl be. Fwenty more fuch abfurdities , make

this

The Preface.

this Ariflocracy over all the World, as wad'a conceit as that forementtoned: And when we know already what the Christian Parties hold, and that the [aid Jacobites, Neftorians, Armenians, CircafTians, Mengrelians,Greeks, Mufcovites, &c. are jar more than either Protefratits or Tariffs, do we not know that in Councils if they have free Votes they will judge accordingly againft both.

But this Jort of men are well aware, that the Church is always, but Councils are rare, and it's, at leaft , uncertain whether ever there will be more; and the Articles of the Church of England fiy, They may not be called without the Will of Princes,- and the Church is now under fo many contrary Trinces as are never like to agree hrr-etc. And they knew that fome body muft call them, and fame body muft pre fide y &c. Therefore they are fori ed \ o fpeak out y and fay, that the Pope is St.Pf-frftSucceflbr, the prime Patriarch, and prmcipiumVni-tatst, and muft call Councils, and asPrefident moderate and difference the lawful from the unlawful .• And that in the Intervals of Councils he as Patriarch is to govern at leaft the !VeIi y and that every Diocefane being ex Officio, the Reprefenter of hisDiocefs, and every Metro-politane of his Province, and every Patriarch of his Patriarchate, what thefe do all the Bifliops on Earth do, Andfo the Riddle of a Collegium Paftorum is opened, end all cometh but to this, that the Italians are Papifts, who would have the Tope rule Arbitrarily, as above Councils; but the French are no Tapifts , who would have the Tope rule only by the Canons or Church Tarlia-ments, and to be fingulis Major, at univerfis Minor, This is the true Reformation of Church-Government , in which the Engliffj Jhould (by them) agree. And now you know what 1 am warning you to beware of We are for atwi$tf§ cwjmfficr of the civil Tower

The Preface.

nnd the Ecclefiaftical, and for Christian Kingdoms, and Churches, fofar national as to he ruled and protected by Christian 'Kings, in the greatejt Love and Concord that can be will obtained: And for Councils nee effary to fuch ends: But we are.not for fetting up a Foreign Jurifdi-I {lion over King and Kingdom, Church and Souls, upon ■ the fa Ife claim ofuncapable Z)fur per s. One of your felves in a [mail Book called, The whole Duty of Nations, and another, Dr. Ifaac Barrow againft Papal and all Foreign Jurifdi&ion, {ptblijhed by 2>. Tillotfon) have (poken our thoughts fo fully, as that we only intreatyou to take thofe for ourfenje, and concurr with us therein for our common Teace and Safety.

We reverence all Councils fo far as they have done good-, we are even for the Advice and Concord <?/" Foreigners; but not their Jurifdiclion.

If you know the difference between an Ajfembly of Princes confultingfor Peace and Concord.anda Senate to govern all thofe Princes as their SubjecJs, you will know the difference between our Reverence to Foreign Councils, and the Obedience to them now challenged as the only way to avoid Schifm. I hope you will join with us in being called Schifmaticks both to Italian and French Vapifts.

The great Inftrument of fuch mens T>efign being to o-ver- extol Councils called General, and to hide their Miscarriages, and fo by f life Hiftory to deceive their credulous -parly who cannot have while, to fearch after the truth, I took it to be my "Duty to tell fuch men the truth out of the moft credible Hiftorians, especially out of the Councils themfelves as written by our great eft Adverfa-vies; that they may truly know what fuch Bifljops and Councils have done. Among others this, exafferaied a Writer^ (by fame called Mr. Morrice,) who would make men believe that I have wronged Councils and Bi (hops,

and

The Prefaced

and falfified Hiftory; and divers other accusation* he brings, to which I have tendered you mine Answer. I have heard men reverence the Englifti Synods, who yet thought that the 5th 9 6th,7th, %th Excommunicating Canons and the late Engines to cafl out 2000 Minifters, froved them fuch to England as I will not denominate. I have heard men reverence the prefent Miniftry andV-mverjities, who yet have fad, that they fear more hurt from the worfer part of them to England, than theyjhould do from an Army of Foreign Enemies whom we might reft/I.

I write much, and in great weakness and hafte^ and have not time for due perufal: And my judgment isra-ther to do it when I think it neceffary, oilcan, than not at all. And Mr. M. would make Jm Reader* believe ; when he hath found a wordof Theodorets haftily mifta-ken, and Calami tranflated Quils, and fuch matter for a few triflmgcavils, that he hath vindicated the Councils and Bifhops, and proved me afalfe Hiftorian.

Andean we have a harder cenfure of General Councils than his own Reverend Lords and Tatronspafs upon . them, who tell us that there is but fix of all the multitude to be owned. If all the reft are to be rejected, I think the faults ofthofejfix may be made known, againft their jDefigns who would bring us under a Foreign JurifditJi-on, by thi art of over-magnifying General Ccnncils.

I confefs theje men have great advantage againft all that fuch as I can fay ,' for they have got a fort of Followers who will take their words, and are far from having will or wit impartially themselves to read the Hi-flories and try the cafe; but will {wear that we are all Rogues and Schematic ks, and unfit to be fuffered- And they have got young Reverend Priefts, who can cry, away with them, execute the Laws; being confeious how much

[a] lefi

The Preface.

lefs able they are to confute us, than the Gaoler is: But this h but a "Dream: The morning is near, when we fjail all aw ike. Terhapf you remember the jeaftingfory with which Sagitarius begins the Trejace to his Me-tafbyficksx Indeed the hyflerical fufocating Vapours do 07'dm inly (o work^ that in a place vf T erjumes or fweet-nefs the Wornehv faint and fwoun away as dead; andCa-■ y or AjfdFoetida, called Stercus Diaboli, or fuch like (link^rrviveth themlike a Cordial And worfe vapours affeEt the men we {peak of: Motions of Love they cannot bear; but reviling and fal[e accufivg Books and Speeches are Food and Medicine to them.

One of my chief Ccntr over fie s with Mr. M, is about, the Acts and Effects of the Councils of Ephefus andCvX-cedon, about the Nejlorian and Eutychian and Mono-th elite Cont r over fie s. That the ijfue was mofi dolefulTDi-vijions of the Chrifian World, unhealed to this day , is pafl the denial of fober men. Whether this was long of the Bijhop- and Councils is the quef ion. I have fully proved that Neftorius, Cyril, and Dioi'corns were all of the fame Faith and differed but in wording the fame fenje: And if fo, judge how much the World is beholden toihefe Councils of'Bi/hops .• But this Mr. M. takethfor afalje Report.

Becaufe it is our mofi important difference, I will here give the Reader an account op the Effect of fhefe Cam-cils even to our times, in the great Empire c/Haballia, out of the much praifed Uiflory fl/Job Ludolphus.

Lib.;, c. 8. In order to declarethe Religion of the Ha-baflines he frfl declareth the Succefs of the Council of Calcedon, thus,-- [ Damnatus Diofcoms Patriarcha Alexandrinus tanquam Eutychis Dcfenfor & Hasrefiar-eha, verheribus quoaue mul&atus Sc in cxilium eje&us fair, alio Patriarcha Catholico in locum ejus iuffe&o---

Atrox

/

The Preface,

Atrox exinde in Ecclefia Alexandrina Schifma, czdc & fanguine continuatum, in caufa fait, ut non folum mul-to maxima pars Ecclefise Alexand. a reliqua Ecclefia Catholica avelleretur, fed&iEgjptus ipfa, attritis in* colarum viribus.in Saracenorumpoteflatem veniret; qui difcordia Chriftianorum, utrofque opprefTerunt ,• ut exi-guum, proh dolor! veftigium Chi iftianas Religionis nunc in JEgy pto fuperfit.Hsec atque alia talia Scriptores noftri. And the /ofs 0/Egypt and the South, fo firengthened the Enemies of ChrifHanity, that this breach let in^De-flruEiion to the whole Chriffian Empire : But the lofs of the whole Empire and Introduction oj Mahometanifm, in the Eyes of our fiery Canoneers, is no dijljonour tothefe Councils: It is but Jaywg, It was all long ofDiofcorus, and the Hereticks: And were not thefe Hereticks alfo Trelates andTrelaticafo

But he procedeth, [" But the ^Ethiopians thus re-c< port it, that Diofcorm and his SuccefTors, and their <; followers did greatly complain of the Injury done " them; for he neither followed Eutyches, nor ever de-M nied or confounded the Divinity or Humanity really " exiftinginChrift,but only was unwilling to acknowlcdg " the word [Narure] to be common to the Divinftyand 11 Humanity of Chriit; anJ only avoided this, leftcon-il trary to the mind of the Catholick Church, and the " Decrees of the General Council at Ephefits, two per-41 fons of Chrift (hould be afferted : For that would fol-"low, if we admit Two Natures, and two Wills in " Chrift. And the word [cpu'ens] [Nature'] fignifyingfom-u what born or created, no way fitteth the Divinity: * Nor can the mind conceive of two Wills, in two Na-<c tures united in one perfon, without Divifion, Separa-" tion, orDiftance.- And the Humane Nature exalted " into the ftate of Glory, doth not will, do, or fuffer the

[ a i ] " fame

The Pretace.

4< fame which it willed, did and differed in the (late of l€ Exinanition; and fo in the preftnt date of Glory , " the humanity doth neither will nor judge any thing €C but what the Divinity at once willeth and judgeth. " And this being our known Judgment, the queftion 4i feemeth idle, and a meer ftrife of Words, for which <4 Chriftians fliould not have hated one another. At Cdl-44 cedon they proceeded irom Words to Blows, and 44 fought more than they difputed: And c £zofcormwas " condemned abfent, neither heard nor well underftood, 44 as obftinate and guilty of Herefie in Hatred and En-4< vy rather than by right.]

This is the Habaflincs Opinion of the Council and Con-' troverjie, falfe no doubt in our Canoneers Judgment, (for alas they are unlearned men ; ) but indeed much truer and wifer than their Adversaries.

Heproceedeth, 4 Primoreperiomnidubiocarere, quod

* Habeffini rejiciunt consilium Chalcedonenfe-- i. Ob-

* fervavi eos in hoc errore e(Fe, quafi Patres Concilii Cal-

* ced. Hypoftafin Chrifti dividere, & contra pr^ecedens

* Concilium Ephefinum ex una duas perfonas facere vo-1 luerint— Hanc ob caufamdamnant LeonemPapam,& 4 in coelum extollunt fuum Diofcorum tanquam Ortho-4 doxae fidei hyperafpiften qui juftozelo diploma Leonis 4 ad fe datum diJaceravit,- eumque Martyri affimilant, ob

* accepta verbera, excuflbs dentes & evalfam barbam.] (But it eafed the Spleen of the Bfs. at prefent, and then all the following lofs feems tolerable.)Be addeth, [4.Con-1 flat ex multis locis, quod utrumque abftradtum, Divi-

* nitatem & Humanitatem, conjun&im in Chrifto aperte 1 confiteantur. Quid autem hoc aliud eft, quam agnofce-4 re duas fimul naturas in Chrifto. ?. Tellezius ex Rela-4 tione Patrum focietatis teftatur [utramque naturam] ' reperiri in eorum libris. 6* Hejhews that the Habajfmes

The Preface-

c words have various fignifc-ation , and by two natures, 4 they mean twoPerfons--\Vhich(p/r/6Ludolphus)vvhcnI 'read and confider, I find all to be confufed and per-

* plexed .• There is no certain Hate of the queftion, and c the words are out of meafure equivocal. Perhaps is.'**

* tyches himfelf could not tell what fort of Nature was 'madeoftwo, and what was its name, and what wasits

* qualities: But that he was fuch a fool as to think that ' the Natures in Chri'ft were fo confufed as Water is with 'Wine, and that in fo abfurd an Opinion he had molt 'wife men agreeing with him; thisalmolt exceedeth all 4 belief: Certainly the Ethiopians are not guilty of fo c grofs a Herefie. Wherefore I confefs I cannot under-

* ftand what thofe frequent Difputations were, which

* the Jefuitshad with the Kabaffiines, of two Natures in 'Chrift, in which they fay they had ftill theworfe, be-

* ing convidted by their ownBooks,which I eafily believe,

* feeing they mod willingly confefs Chrifts Divinity and ' Humanity. To me it feemeth likely only that they 4 could not agree in words.Do but explain to them that by

* Natures in Chrift we mean his Divinity and Humanity, 4 & then ask them which Nature is it that fai?eth inChril/. 'Mod certainly they will anfwer that neither the Divi-

* vinity nor Humanity failed, but both continue eternal-c ly. And fo it's plain, that they take the word Nature *in a far other fenfe than we, and that the true ftate of

* the queftion with them is, whether and by what common Name the two abftra&s are to be denominated, 4 which they undoubtedly confefs.

Now good Mr. Morrice, (withyour Lords) yea mujl pardon me, (or choose) for thinking that it is not necef-fary to Salvation, or to keep the Church from utter con-fufion, to be fuch Criticks in Grammar or Metaplyr Jicks, as to revive the queftions about the fence oj Nature,.

The Prerace.

ture, and Unity, or Duality, which yon no better re-fclveyour[elves ; I fay, it is not neccjj'ary by Gods Law, but by the Councils * And ifl be a Schtfmatickfor holding that Chrifts Vniverfal Law is fo Sufficient for his Church, as that a Legijl.itive Tower in Councils to make fuch Laws asJJoalltear allto pieces theChurckesfor i joo Tears, and teach our Holy Fathers to damn Millions of the Innocent, is not either neceffary or defireable; a Schifmatick I will continue.

Ludolphus proceeding to open the ambiguity of the words, addeth, [ 4 A famous Country-manor ours, who ''anno 1634. dwelling in Egypt, read the Books of the 'Cophties (Tet. Beylmot Lubeck.*) judged that [the ' Diffent of the Parties was more in their fear of the Se-

* quele, than in the matter itfelf: For the Greeks would 1 obviate the Hereticks who confound Chrifts Divinity ' and Humanity : And the Cophties thofe who feign two

* Perfons in Chrifh] And it indeed this be the cafe, that 1 the Fight either of old was, or ftill is only about the ' fenfe of words;verily no kind of Tears can be fo ftiarp,as

* to fuffice to weep for this unhappy Word-War; NoBreaft 4 can be fo hard which would not mourn for the unhappy Contentions of them, to whom Chrift by his own ex-4 ample folicitoufly commended the ftri&eft Bond of Cha-1 rity : No mind can be fo cruel, which for the name of 1 [Nature] would loofe the knot of Concord between 4 thofe whofe Nature the eternal Word afiumcth into 1 his mod facred Hypoftafis. ]

Fie, Mr. Ludolphus, canyon fo well defcribe Ethiopia, and no better know your Neighbours! Come ///to England and you may fobn know the Reverend and Right Reverend, who will not only defend this Councils Acls,and condemn thofe that be not of their mind, but are ready to do the like themselves, and triumph over the thoufands

filenced

The Preface.

JHenced, as they judge, for lejferthings; yea, and make that Councils Canons fuch a Law to theVniverfilChu as that all are Schismaticks that obey it not.

i?^Ludolphus^YJ confide ring,addeth,[b\xiiAch is the Infirmity of our mod corrupt Nature, that where once Ambition hath begun, and from Ambition Emulation, and from Emulation Envy, and from Envy Hatred, the mind poffeiTed with (fuch) afTe&ions, no more percciv-eth Truth, but as with Ears and Eyes fhut up, neither heareth nor feeth, how or with what mind any thing is fpoken or written by the other fide.

O Sir, now J perceive you understand more than you Jetmedto do.

But yet the Hijtory is behindXhe ^Pcpe hath long had a great dejire to be the Church Governour c^Habailia, but could never come to know it, much lefs to bear Rule over it. At Ijff the Portugals \ getting poffeffion offome Maritime farts ', whence with much difficulty it was poffible to come to them, the Tope got them to help the Kabaf-fines in a dangerous War which they had againft their Neighbour Mahometanes and Heathens, on condition that the HabafTmes would receive a Patriarch and Je-Juites from Romey The Portugals Guns, (which that Country had not) and their own neceffuy, made the Ha-bzffmzs confent; The Roman Patriarch and Jefuits came ever. The cujiom of Habaffia had long been to receive a Metropolitan called their Abuna , from the Patriarch of Alexandria, who being a poor unlearnedSub)utl, and almoft Slave totbeTurk, made Abunas and Priefs as unlearned as himfelf: when the Jefuits came fur'ni feed with Arts^nd Sciences, the matter came to longitif-piles ; for the 'People, tfpecially'the Monks and the Rulers , were loth to change their old accuftomed Religion, sailed the Alexandrian , for that called the Romane :

The

u

The P ret ace.

71: e King would needs have it done by hearing both partus [peak: But the learnedJefuites were ft ill too hard for the unlearned HabafJJnes : One King feemed to like the Romanes, but his Son (Claudius) fiiffiy rejiftedthem: Others afterward again needed help, atid received them f and by theirT)ifputes feemed really tobeforthttn, feeing how much the Jefuites excelled their IPriefts ; fpecially K. Zadengelus, being taken with the Jefuits Treachifig % when all his own Clergy only readLitnrgies&Homilies y &neverpreacht:tlefct up theRomane c Patriarch& power+ & KSuihcus after him [ware Obedience to theToperand refolut-ely efiabli/Led Tcpery : Difputcs brought him to it: And the Jefuites knowmg^that it muft be fomthing which [eemed to be ofjVeigbt, which muft make the Empire fubmit to a Change of their Religion^ accufe the Abaf-fines as erring with the Eutychian$,in rejccJwgthe Council cj Calcedon, and denying two Natures and Wills in Chrift. Tim was chofen as the main Subjett of the great T)ifputes : The Empercur was convinced of their Here-fie, and became a refolute Profelite to Rome.- And To* pery Eight Hears had the upper ruling hand.

But all this while the Empire was in difcontent: The r Royal Family and the Sub-Cioverncurs oft broke out into Rebellion. To befhortynany bloody battels were fought The /Emperour ufually had the Victory : But when one feld of | blood was dried up, a new Rebellion [till Sprungup. The Tapifisftill told the K that God gave him the Vicloryfor owning his Church and Caufe. His Rulers, Triefts, and Monks told him he killed his Subjeffs, and in the end would lofe his Empire for nothing but bare words. After many fights in the Lift about Eight Thcujand of his Subjects called his Enemies,were killed: The Kings cwn adherents being no friends to the Roman Change, defired the King to view the dead, and made to him presently

this

The Preface.

thisSpeech: 'Thefewere notHeat hens nor Mahometanes,

* in whofe death we might juftfy rejoice:They wereChri

4 ftians;they were formerly yourSubje<3:$,our6buntrymcn,

* andnear in Body fome of them to you,and fome to us: 4 How much better might fo many valiant Breads have c been fet againft the deadly Enemies of your Kingdom. '■It's no victory which is got upon Citizens ; with the J Sword by which you kill them,you (tab your felf. Thole 4 whom we perfecute with fo terrible a War do not hate 'us, but only are againft that Worfliip which we force c them to: How many have we already killed for the ' changing of Religion (Sacromm ? ) How many more ■ are there yet to De killed ? What end will there be of

* Fighting? Give over we befeech you, to drive them to

* your new Religious things (novafacra,') left they give 4 over to obey you, elfe there will never be a fafe peace]

TeajheKwgs eldefl Son and hisBrother got the Gallans (Heathens ,) that had been Souldiers [or the King, to tell him they would fight againft his 7)ijfenting Chrtfiiansno more. The K. growing weary of War, and feeing and hearing all this, changed his mind, and called a Council, in which it was agreed, [That the Alexandrian Religion Ihould be reftored: And to effect this they declared, that indeed the Roman Religion was the very fame.-Both faid that Chriit is true God and true Man : And to fay, There is one Nature, or there are two, are words of fmall moment, and not worthy the ruining of the Empire,! Aadthus the King was brought to give Liberty of Religion to the DifTenters.

The Romane Patriarch underfhnding all this, gceth with the Biihop and Jcfuits to the King, andmide this Speech to him, [ 'I thought we had been lately Conque-'rours, bat behold we are conquered : The Rebels that 4 were: conquered have obtained tlmt which they de fired :

[ b ] 4 Be-

The Preface.

K Before the Fight was the time of Vowing and Promising,

k but now is the time of Performing: The Catholickand

Portugal Soldiers got the Vi&ory, God profpering the

*CathoIick Religion: But now what thanks is given him?

4 When his decreed the other day, that the Alexandri-

1 an Religion fhall be freely permitted. And here you

4 ccnfult not with the Bps. and Religious men, but the

1 duli Vulgar, and Gallanes and Mahomctanes, yea and

4 Women pafs Sentence of Religion : Bethink you how

4 many Vi&oriesyou have won againft the Rebels fince

4 you followed the Romane Religion. Remember that it

4 was nor as conftrained by Arms or Fear, but induced by

* free Will, that you embraced it as the truer. Nor did ' we come to you of our own accord, but were fent by 4 the Pope of Rome, the higheft Prelate, and the King of .* 'Portugal, and this at your Requeft. Nor did they ever

4 intend any thing (againft you]) but only to join your 4 Kingdom to the Church of Rome. Take heed therefore

* left you provoke them to juft Indignation : They are 4 far off you, but God is near you, and will demand the 4 fatisfadiion which is due to them, you will inure an in-

* delible Blot on the Lyon of the tribe of Judah, with 4 whom your Enfigns fliine; and will imprint a ftain on 4 your Glory and your Nation .• In a word,you will caufe 4 fo many fins by your Apoftafie, as, that I may not fee

• 4 them, nor the Vengeance of God, which hangeth over 'you, I defire you to command that my Head may be

* presently cut off] Thus lay the Parriarch, Bp. and Je-fuits at the Kings feet in tears.

Readers, Left you think that I have miftranjlated r to ft the matter to our times , I intreat the learned to try it by the Original: Toupee that the things that arc, haze been, and that fin fo blindelb and hardeneth fin-ners, that one Age md Country will take no warning by many others. Ton

ThePreface.

Ton fee here that the Name and Inter efi of God and Re ligion, and the Church may be pleaded by a blind ambitious Clergy, for the murdering of thoufands for a bare difference of Names and Words , and Gods Judgments threatned againjl thofrthat will net go on in killing and deftroying, and making Kingdoms defolate By Cruelty : And that the hurt Satan doth by Witches and Highway Robbers, it a flea biting in cemparifon of what he doth by ambitions Tr elates and valiant Soldiers. The dif malleft Story of the fuccefs of Witches is that of the Swedes Witches, by Mr. Hornick tranflated; But what is the killing of now and then cne 9 to the Murder of fo many Thoufands , the Ruine of fo many Kingdoms, tht Silencing of fo many Thoufandfaithful Pre at hers, the Perfecting of fo many Thoufand godly Chriftians, and the engaging the Chriftian World in Hatred and War, as the Topijh 'Prelates have been guilty of!

But you I expert the Anfwer of King Sufneus to the Patriarch.

LudoJphus thus proceedeth, (li. \. c. n.) [ c The King 'unmoved briefly anfwereth, that he had done as much ' as he was able, but could do no more. And that thebu-* finefs was not about the total change of Religion, but 'only about»the grant or (Ubeny) of certain Rites for 'Ceremonies.)

(O Sir, you had been happier if you had known that foonerf)

'The Patriarch anfwered, that he himfelf had indul-' ged fome things, and was about to indulge more, which 'concern not the fubftance of Faith, (you are for Toleration till the Fires are kindled y ) fo be it another EdicSfc might be proclaimed , that there might be no other change. The King gave him no other Anfwer, but that the next day he would fend fome to treat with the Fathers, [bi] They

The Preface.

They that were for the Alexandrian Religion go to the Emperour, and by Abba Athanafim requeft, that by a publick Edid he would allow his Subjects to embrace the Religion of their Anceftors, elfe the Kingdom would be ruined. The King confenred, and fent fome to the Patriarch, to acquaint him with it. Thefe upbraid him with the many defections of the People. * Minis, 'Caabraely Ttcla-George^Sertzax, with many A.lyriades' 4 flain: And that the La/lenfes yet fought for the old Re-c ligion, and all ran to them. But the King was deferted, 4 all the Habaffines defiring tkeir old Religion. But that c they that would might follow the Roman Religion,

The Tafifts feeing that they could get no better but a Toleration, fent to the King this Answer by Emanuel d* Almeyda, That ['thePatriarch underftood, that both 'Religions were tolerated in his Kingdom, and.now he c loved Ethiopia equally with his own Country Tortu-l gal, and would prefently grant as much as mightftand

* with the purity of Dodrine, (viz.oi the two Natures)

* But there muft be difference made between thofe who

* had not yet received the Roman Religion, and with 4 them they might agree; but thofe that had given up 4 themfelves to it, and had ufed the facrod Confeffion

* andCommunion, might not be fuffered to return to the

* Alexandrian Religion without grievous Sin.] By this temperament the Patriarch would have kept the King and all his Court; for thefe had profefled the Roman Religion. But the King weakened with Age and Sicknefs ^avethem no other Anfwer but, [' But howpanthatbe 1 dono, for I have not now the Power of the Kingdom?] Home went the Prelates and Jefuits: And prefently the Trumpets and Drums founded, and the Crier proclaimed, [ * Oyes, Oyes, (Hear ye) We firft propofed to you

The Preface*

'the Romane Religion, taking it for good; but an in-' numerable multitude of men perifhed, with JElius^Ca-1 brall^ Tula-George, Sertzaxo y and with the Country

* La/fenfes; Wherefore we now grant you the Religion

* of your Anceflors: It fhall be lawful hereafter for the

* Alexandrian Clergy to frequent their Churches, and to 4 have their Arcula for the Eucharift, and to read their 'Liturgy in the old manner.- So farewel, and Rejoice]

It is incredible with what joy this Edidt W2S received by the People, and how the whole Camps applauded and rejoiced, as if they had been delivered from an invading Enemy, fpecially the Monks and Clergy having feit the Fathers greateft hatred, did lift up to Heaven their joy ful voices: The Vulgar Men and Women danced, the Soldiers prayed all Profperity to thflBJperour: They broke their own Rofaries, and other mens as they met them, and burned fome, faying, 'Thatit was enough for 'them that they BELIEVE CHRIST TO BE TRUE GOD 'and TRUE MAN, and THERE IS NO NEED OF ' DISPUTING ABOUT TWO NATURES, and fo they returned to the old way..

It's worth the noting here, that the Papifts way was cafi out as Novelty, and the other kept on the account of" Antiquity: For Habaffia never had received the Tope till the Portugals came to help them. Tet are they not ajhamedhere to call theirs the old Religion, becaufe when they had banifhed the old, [which was Jimple Chrifiia-nity) we returned to it by Reformation.

Befides the T^cclrine of Two Natures, about which they piw they agreed in fenfe, while the Jefuites Here-ticatedthem^ tbreeahings much alienated the Habatfincs.' i- Denying them the Sacrament of the Eucharift in both kinds, 2. Rebaptifmg their Children. 3. Reordain-ing their Priefls,

This

The Preface.

This much being done, the Tapfts were by degrees Joon overcome, i. TheTatriarch is accufea ] for j?reach-i fig Sedition.- i. Then the Temples are taken from them, and they break their own Images left the Habaftines Jhould do it in [com. 3. On Sept 16. 1631. the King died, and his Son Bafiiides was againft them. 4. Ras-Secl-axus their mofi powerful Jriend is banijhed, and others after him. 5, Vpon more Accusations their Far me s, Goods, and Guns are feifed on. 6. They are confined to Fremona .• Thence they -petition again for new Difputati-ens : The KingBzCihdcs anfwereth them thus by writing:

[ 'What 1 did heretofore was done by my Fathers 4 command, whom I muft needs obey, (o that bv his 'conduct I mjJfcWar againft my Kindred and Sub-4 jedts. But afterthe lad Ba tie in Wainadega, both learn-

* ed and unlearned, Clergy and Laity, Civil and Military ' men, great and fmall, fearlefly faid to my Father the

* King, How longfhali we be vexed & tired with unprofita-

* ble rhings? How long ftiall we fight againft ourBrethren 4 and near Friends, cutting off our Right Hand with our 4 Left? Hew long fliall we turn our S.vords againft our

* own Bowels, when yet by the Roman Belief we know 4 nothing but what we knew before? For what the Ro-4 manes call two Natures in Chrift, the Divinity and Hu-1 manity, we knew it long ago, from the beginning even 4 unto this day: For we all believe that the fame Chrift

* our Lord is perfect God and perfedl Man; perfed: God 1 in his Divinity, and perfect Man in his Humanity : But ' whereas thofe Natures are not feparated, nor divided,

* (for each of themfuhfifleth, not by itfelf, but conjunct 1 withthe other) therefore we fay not that they are two 4 things, for one is m&de of two, yet fo as that the Na-4 flrres are nor confoiiaded or mixed in his Being. This ' Cuatroverfie therefore is of fmall moment among us :

'Nor

The Preface.

* Nor did we fight much for this; but fpecially for this 'caufe, that the Blood was denied the Laity m theliu-'charift, whenas Chrift himfelf faid in the Gofpcl, ex-4 cept ye eat the Flefh of the Son of Man, and drink his

* Blood ye fhallnot have eternal Life.— But they deteft-

* ed nothing more than the Reiteration of Bapnfrns, as ' if before the Fathers rebaptizedus we had been Hea-' thens or Publicanes: And that thty Ileordained our 4 Puefts and Deacon?.— You toolate offer us now that

* which might have been yielded at the firft; for there is 'now no returning to that which ail look at with the " greateit horrour and detefiation, and therefore all fur-

* ther Conferences will be in vain.]

In fort the 'Patriarch and all the reft were utterly banifhed outofthe Empire . Ludolph. J. 5. c.i 5,

1 add one hut thing (ex cap. 14.) to end the ft ory. As the new Alexandrian Abuna was coming oik of Egypt, the foresaid Z)r. Peter Heyling of Lubeck being then in Egypt, took that opportunity to fee Habaffia, and went with him\On theBorders tf/Suagena they met the depart-ing Roman Tstriarch; where Peter Heyling enters the Lift with hirtfSfo handled him as made it appear\that it was only tire poor Habatfine Triefts utile arneanefs .which had give* the Jefuits their Succefs .• And the Tatriarch at the parting, jighing {aid to his Company, If this Doctor come into Habajfu, he will precipitate them into che extreamefl: Herefie. But what became of him is yet unknown.

And fo much for this Uiftory of the Roman C on que ft in Habaffia, by the Calcedon Council, and the Hereticating the HabafTines, about the one or two Natures, and the Eight years poffef/ion Tcpery got by it y and the many bloody Battles fought for it, the Trilitvs jpowerJulOra* t.ory for it, and ike C Pcopies more powerful again fl it;

The Prerace.

f he Kings mind changed t?y fad experience, and the Ta*

pifts finally Extirpated. "

And it is exceeding observable, that their veryVicJo-ries were their Ruine, and the lafl andgreatefl which killed 8coo, was it that overcame them, when they ihcught they had dene their work. And thofe that conquered for them drove them out, when they confider-ed what they had done: But had it not been better known at a cheaper rate ?

This Tragedy is but the fruit of the Council which Mr. Morrice juftifieth: The fruit of a Church determination above i io£> years ago. If you had feen the Fields of blood in Habaffia, would it not have inclined you to my Opinion again ft Mr. M. Or if he had feen it y would it %ot have changed his mindl I doubt it would not , becaufe the Silencmgs andCalamities in England no more move fuch men ; and becaufe they ftill call for Execution a-gainft thofe that obey not all their 'Oaths and'Ceremonies^ and will abate nothnig,what ever it maycoft theLand.by the firengthening ofthem that are for ov./Divifion:And becaufe the 11 coy ears experience hath not yet been enough to make them fee the faultinefs of fuch Bijhtts^i) Councils, nay, becauf thy yet take not all Gods Laws in Nature and Scripture jor Sufficient to Rule the Catholic k Church in Religion^ without the Laws of thefe fame Councils, which hive h id fuch effects : But fome Bijho^s and Clegy-Mtn yet fiand to it , thit All mult be taken as Schifmaticks who obey not thefe fame Counci^Decrecs, 04 the Laws of the Universal Church.

A"d if Ludolphus and the Aballines can fay fo much agunfi htercticatmg thofecalltd Eutychians, much more m iy be (aid for the Neitorians, to prove that the Contro* ve>-\y w is but verb il.

There U m Biblioth. Par. To. 6. p. 131. the Mifh qua

utun-

The Preface.

utuntur antiqui Chriftiani Epifcopatus Angamallenfis in Montanis Mallabarici Regni apud Indos Oricntalcs, o mendata & ab erroribus blafphemiifque Neftorianomm expurgata per Alexium Menefium Archiepifcopum Goa-num an. 1599. I had rather have had it with all its Err ours , that voe might have truly known how much is genuine. But it being one of the mo ft Scriptural, rati^ onal, and well compofed Liturgies of all there publiflj-ed: It would make one think, 1. That thefe Neftorians were not fo bad a people as their Anathematifers would haw made the world believe them. i. That the Banifh-ment of the Neftorians and Eutychians accidentally pre* ved a great means of theChurches enlargement beyond the bounds of the Romane Empire, whither they were ba-nifhed: And this is plain in current Hiftory.

I have given you wis account ofmyDefign in both the Books, (The Hiftory of Councils, with its Vindication. and the following Treat ife.) I add an Anfwer to a Lord Si/hop of Cbrke and Rofle, who hath written mary Hi-ftorical Untruths by his credulity, believing falfe Reporters. As to his and others Reprehenjion ofmyjloarp unpeaceable words, my. Cafe is hard; My own Conference at once forbids tnetojuftifie my Stile orTaffion; and alfo tells me that if making odious Gods fervants, fi-lencing and perfecting faithful Minifters, and Perjury, jhouldprove as great a guilt and danger ofT>eJtruc~iion to the Land, as is feared y I cannot jaftifie my long Silence^ nor that I ufe no more plainness and fervency in calling the guilty to Repent.

[c] THE

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• ■ ■ .

» ...* ' " " '' ' ' ' ' • •

■ III ' ""

THE

Ready Way

O F

Confuting $tr. 0ajctet,

SPECIMEN

PRESENTMODE

O F

Controverfie in England.

" ■ . » i i i ■ i ■ i ' i i i. ^^s

Job. 8. 44. 1 King. 22. 22. Pr^u.29..12.. & 19.5^ 9. K^ 21. 8. & 22.15..

IN 1661. Dr. Borernan of Trinity-CoIledgeinCa'mbridge, PubliftV ed a Book againft me* as having written to Dr. Hill againfb Phyfical-Tredetermination to Sin } and in it faith, That it is re-ported^ That I kjU'd a Man with my own Hand in cold Blood ; and if it be not trtte y / am not the fir & that have been wronged. The Man, though promoted to the Charge of this Parifc, St. Giles in the Fields^

A. - was

(O

was accounted fo.weak, (forbearing his Miniftry,.and faying he was fufpended fome Years before he died) that I thought it vain to take publick Notice of his Words \ neither imagining whence he had them, nor ever hearing of them before.

But a few Weeks before the late Plot was reported, one Mr. P.-came to me, and told me, - That at the CofFeerHoufe in FuMcrs-Rej.ts, where Papsis and Protectants ufed familiarly to meet; he provoking the Papists to Anfwer my Books, orto Difpute with me, was anlwercd by a Gentleman of this Parifh, faid to be of the Church of England, That \_Mr. Baxter had kjjld a Alan in cold Blood with his own Hand.~] Mr. P. provoked him by a Wager to* make it good. He refilling the Wager, was told, He mould hear of it p-.iblkkly, unkfs he would ask me Forgivenefs.» After fome time, the Gentleman came to me with Mr. Tailor ough^Qmce imprifoned, as is known) and with great Civility, ask't me Forgivenefs. He was the Son of a Knight, and Judge, of my Acquaintance ^ and had an Aunt, that had been my very dear Friend. I told him, That Slandering is fo common, and asking Forgivenefs fo rare, that 1 took it for a note of great Ingenuity in him } and, as I mull forgive all Men as a Chri-flian, fo I .could eaiiiy 'forgive any wrong to one related to fuch a Friend of mine. He told me, He was refolved openly to confefs his Fault, and to vindicate mc on all Occalions.

Accordingly, at the fame Coilee Houfe, he openly declared his Repentance. Upon which, Mr. P. tells me, That Mr. G. an A-ged Lawyer, Brother to the Lady Ab. was difpleafed, and faid, He would prove the thing true by many Witxeifes": (And, faith Mr. P. the Story among foine of them was, Tnat a linker did beat his Kettle at iny Door, and being dilturbed by him, I pi/toll'd him, and was tryed for my Life at Worcester?) Mr. P. faid, He provoked Mr. G. to lay a Wager oh it: And he refilling, was told, [Then he jhould hear of it in We siminsbcr- Ha117\ Upon this, faith Mr. P. his Feilow-C^W/d^.ingenuoufly refolved to difown him, unljefs he would ask Forgivenefs \ whiclrhe being unwilling to come to me to do, Mr. P. faith, He at laft performed before Him y and Capt. Edmund Hampden.

All this being done without my Knowledge (till after,) Iwas relating it to Mr. John Humfrey: Why (Taith hej / did twelve Tears /tjroijear Dr. Allcflry, now Regms-Profeffor in Oxford, fay the /;%, That he could not thinhjwell of that Man-) that had kl^d a Man in cold Blood with his own Hand.

(?)

I little regarded all the reft: But Dr. AlUViry had many Years been my old School Fellow \ many a time I had taught him \ and he was the belt at Learning, and of the honeftefl Difpofition of any Boy that ever 1 knew ; and I thought, if Parties could draw fuch as "he into fuch Guilt, there was little Account to be made of the Reports or Hitter/ of Men, if once they fell into different Factions.-Wherefore, i wrote w him what Mr. Hmnfrey told me, and received from him this her . : ingenuouS Letter, which I here annex.

And as to all this Stc -\ I do here folemnly profefs, That I'never killed, wounded, or hurt any Man in my Life, (fave one Man, whoie Leg I hurt with playful Wreftling, when I was a Boy, and once or twice boxii g with Sehobi-Bpys, and correcting Lads when I was one Year a Sthool Mailer.) Nor in all the Wars, or in my Life, did 1 ever fee any other kill any Man, fave o le \ and that was at the farue Bickering, (about Forty of a Side) wnen Jennings was wounded : While they were Fighting with him in one great Field, I being in another near the Houfe, faw the Souldiers offering Quarter to a Foor-Souldier, and promifinghim Safety, if he would lay down his Musket \ ■ which he did not, but ilruck at them , and Captain HJi.'h fhot him dead: And it proved sfter to be a Welfi-man, that undei itood not E.ighfh ; which grieved them when they knew it.

I have gone rhe next day where Fights have been, and feen many dead, when I had nothing to do with the Armies of either Part. But 1 never few any, to my Knowledge, kill or hurt any Man, but this one.

Dr. Alkjlrfs Letter : (Which I.fliould notPubiifh, but that even in Oxford, and elfewhere among the Clergy, the Report yet goeth on.)

SIR,

Mujt profefs fmcerely, That T cannot recollect I ever faid fuch Words of you to Mr. Humfrey, as itfiems he does affirm - did: But yet I cannot but acknowledge-, itisverypoffible, that I related, (and may be, to Mzfr) That I had heard, you kilPd a Man in cold Blood: S^nce I very rvell remember , that above Thirty Tears fince, at the End of the War, 1 heard thftfub-

A 2, Uckly

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Hckly fpoken before Company', and with tins farther Circum-fl&nce, that it was aSouldier, who had been a Prifbmr forte Hours. Now this Report relating to the Wan , in which {Ifear) fuch Things were no great Rarities, and from my very tender Tout h y I having not had the leafi Comerfe with you, nor likely-of anv for the future, did not therefore apprehend, at prefect, any Concern or Occafion of inquiring, whether it were true ; of which, upon that confident Ajfeveration, I did make m do ibt. And I took fo little thought of laying up the Relation, that I protefi to you, as in the Prefence of Almighty God, it is impojfi-ble for me to recover, who made up that Company in which I heard it, or from whom I heard it : And I wonder, how it came into my Mind, to fay that I had heard it y fo long after. But however, though it be fome Eafe to me, to believe the late Dif-courfes of it, do not come from my relating fo long fi/ice that I , htar'd it y neither are likely to receive any Confirmation from it, unlefs it be made more Publick thin J have made it ; yet I do frofefs, it is a great Affliction to me, to have fpoken that, though but as a Report, which {it feemr) was a Slander, (for fo I believe ity upon your Ajfeveration) and not having endeavoured to know whether it were true. And, as I have begd G od's For-givenefs of it; fo T heartily defire, Tou will forgive me : And if I could direct my felf to any other way of Satisfaction, I would give it. This is the whole Account lean give of this Matter ; - to which I/hall only add, That lam,

Eatcn-Coll/Dec. SIR,

13. it>79*

Your very Affe&ionate Servant,

Richard AUefiry.

II. In the Preface tor the* Life of Dr. Htylin are thefe Words. Mr. Baxter may he f leafed to call to mind, what: wot done t& ont Major Jennings,'/* lafiWar^ in that Bight that- wo* ktweenLyndfcl and Lorg-ford*, intbt County of Salop ; where the Kings Party, having unfortunately the worfi of the Bays thtfoer Man was firift almefi naked, and left

for

m

♦

fcr dead in the Field: Bit Air. Baxter, and om Lieutenant Hfirdmar, f rf&tff their Wallajtmong thewomded and dead Bodies, perceived feme Life left tn the Major, ahdHurdn&n run him through the Body in cold Blor A/r. Baxter all the. while looking on, and taking off with his own Hand, the Kings Picture from abouthis Neckj telling him, as he was fwiming in bit Gear, That he was a Pcpifo Rogue, and that was his Crucifix : Which Picture was keft by Mr. Baxter for many Tears,till it was got from him (but not without much difficulty) by one Mr. Somerfiild, who then lived r Sir Thomas Rous, andgenercufly reslored it to the poor man, now 'alive at Wick near Perfhore in Worcefterfhire, although at the Fight fuppo-fedtobe dead: being, after the Wounds given him, dragdupanddovonr.hr Field by the mercilefs Souldiers; Mr. Baxter approving of thz inhujr.ar.i-ty, by feeding his Eyes with fo bloody, and fo barbarous a Spectacle.

I Thomas Jennings, Sttbfcribeto the truth of this Narrative abovemr--tioned ; andhave hereunto put my Hand and Seal thisfecend Day c/MarcJ? 1682. Thomas Jennings. Signed and Sealed, March 2. 1682. in the Pre fence of John Clark, Minister of Wick, Thomas Dacke. Publijhed by George Vernon, Minister.

The like was before Publilhed by Roger U Strange.

Anfw. I do not think Major Jennings knowingly made this Lye,but was directed by feme bodies Report, and my fending him the Med.d. I do folemnly proteft, 1. That, to my Knowledge, I never faw Major Jennings: 2. That I never faw Man wound, hurt, flrip, or touch him: 3. That I never fpake a word to him, much lefs any word here affirmed: 4. T h2t I neither took the Picture from about his Neck, nor faw whodid it: 5. That I was not intheField,when it was done: 6. That I walked not among any wounded or dead y nor heard of any kild.but the" one Man before-me tioncd. 7. That the Pi&ure was never got from me with difficulty. But that this is the Truth: The Parliament had a few Men in Longford Houfe, and'the King at Lynd-fet, about a Mile and a half a-funder -, who ufed oft to sk'frmifti, and dare each other in the Fields between: My Innocent Father being Prifoner at 'Lyndfel, and I beihg at Longford, rcfolved not to go thence till he was delivered. Ifawthe Souldiersgo out, as they oft did, and in another Field difcernedthem to meet and Fight: I \:r ,v noty that they had feen Jennings -, but, being in the Houfe, a Soul-dier fhewed a tmalVMiktl of Guilt Silver, bigger than a Shilling; at d tokbus, That he wounded Jennings, and took' his Coat, afctt 1 toofrthat Medhi from about his Neck : I bought it of him for 18 J. no one offering hnfmore. Andfome Years after (the firft : time that 1

I heard

. (6)

I heard where he w^, freely defired Mr. Somerfieldto give it him from me, that had never feen him -, fuppofing it was a mark of Honour, which might be ufefui to him. And now all thefe Lies, are all the Thanks that ever I had.

III. The Obfervator,N. 96. faith, [Tor. Wlio faith, they (the Presbyterians) brought in theKmgi>efides your fdf ? Wh. y*/r.Hunt, the Author of the Conformists Plea, Air. Baxter and who not ?

Tor. Prethee ask^Mr. Baxter, If he knows who it was, that went with five or fix more of his own Cloth and Char after, to General Monk, upon his coming up to London, *tf 1659 ; and finding a great deal of Company with him, told his Excellency, That he found his time was precious, and fo would not trouble him with- many Words : But as they were of great weight, fo he hoped, they would make an anfwerable Jmprcjfwn on him : I hear a Report, Sir, (faith he) that you have fome thoughts of calling backjhe King ; but it is my^ Senfe,' and the Senfe of thefe Gentlemen herewith me, that it is a thing you ought not to do on any termes : For Prophannefs is fo infepar able from the Royal Party, that if ever you bring the King backjhe Power of G odlinefs willmoJi certainly depart from this Land.

Anfw. Dr. Afanton f and whether any other, I remember not) went once with me to General Monkj, and it was to congratulate him ; but with this requeft, That he would take care, that Debauchery and Contempt of Religion might not be let loofe, upon any mens pretence of being for the King, as it already began with fome to be. But there was not one word by me fpoken, (or by any one, to my remembrance) againft his calling backjhe King, nor any of the reft hereadjoyned -, but as to me, it is a meer Fidion.

And the AT^wasfofenfibleofthefame that I faid, that he fent oyer a Proclamation againft fuch Men, as while they caMed them-felves the Kmgs Party, did live in Debauchery and Prophannefs; wkich Proclamation fo rejoyced them that were after Nonconformists, that they read it publickly in the Churches. Such grofs Falfhoods as thefe, are part of the Evil deprecated.

As to his Queftion, Whether the Presbyterians brought in the King f Who can affirm or deny any thing of equivocal Words ? A Pfesbyte-ri.wis, who thefe Men will call fuch. They that in the Face of the World deny the Publick Afts of Three Kingdoms, in the Age they were done in, no wonder if they multiply the groiTeft Lies of fuch as I. The Parties that reftored the King, were thefe-, 1. Ther Excluded Members of the Ung Parliament^ the Minifters that were

* [ (7)

fince filenced ; and the fruflrated endeavours of the Scotch A;, Sir George Booth, Sir Thomas Middleton, joyning with fomeofthe Kings Souldiers, prepared Mens minds to it. 2 General Atonkty anid his Army, who were Fighting againit the King a little before, repreP Oomvcels Army. • 3. The Long-Parliament Members reftored, agreed todilTolve themfeives, and fee up a Council to call home the King:

4. Sir Thomas Allen, Lord Mayor, and the Aldermen, invited General MonV^'wito the City, who joyning with him, turned the Scales.

5. The City Minifters (called. Presbytena?is) perfwaded the Lord Mayor to this, and wrote to Mctiks Colonels (called Presbyterians) to be fortheTung: (fpeciallyMr. Afr, by Mr. Calamys Couniel.) 6. The Lord Alazarine, Lord Broghil, and others of the fame Party in Ireland, contributed their help ; and Colonel Badges, with others, lur-prizedD/^//tf'Caftle. 7. Many of the Old Parliament Men openly* provoked Gen Monkj, and fecretly perfwaded and treated with him r to bring in the King (whom the Earl of Anglefiy, the Earl of Shaftf-bury, and others yet living, can Name to you.) 8. The Parliament called by General Mor\, (by agreement with the Lo-ng-Parliament,) accounted mollly of the fame Party, Voted the Kings Return: Which no doubt alfo, the Old Ro.yalifb molt earnefily dehYed, and endeavoured.

Thisisthe Hiflorical Truth -, which if in this Age, Men will deny, I will bear any lies that they fliall fay or fwear of me.

Now, either the forefaid Armies, Parliament men, Mi?;is~hers, &C. were Presbyterians, or not. If they were not *, then, I. Say no more, that it was Presbyterians that rat fed War agJtinft the King ; but that it was the Epifiof.il Men, if thefe were fuch. 2. Why then have you called them Presbyterians fo long, and do fo ftill ? But if they were Prtf-byterians, then it was fitch that Reftored the King. But alas, how contemptible, yea, how 7 odious is Truth grown to this Generation!

IV. There is yet a more Famous Hiftorian, than any of thefe, though unnamed ; who pretending to militate after Dr. Stilling fleet, as in a 2d. Part againsl Separatton,takcs on him to give you theHifto-ry of my Life. Partly making it my Reproach, that when 1 grew to llnderitanding, I reinembred how many Drunken or Ignorant Renders had been my Teachers : Partly raking up retraced and obliterated Paifages of Old Writings *, while at once they perfwade me to Reviews and Retractations : Partly heaping up abundance of down right FaMhoods : Partly clipping Sentences, and leaving out

the

(8)

the part that fliouU, *nake them underftood,and turning true Words, by perverfion, into Falfhoods: And partly by mixing this known Truth, [That I was on the Parliaments fide, and openly declared it, ,]

But when at the uew Models I faw that they changed their Caufe, I changed my Pra&ioe, & was from the Day that I went into the Army, a.refolved Qppofer of all that they did,to the Changing of the Govern-?r:m, & their Vfurpation:, & was fent among them to that end} which was immediately after Nafeby Fight: And continued openly disowning the llfurpation, and the Means thatfet it up. And though I was Preaching and Writing againlt the feidllfurpers, when an Army was Fighting for them, a^aipft the King, and the King knew how to forgive and Honour them, that did fo much to his Refloration , yet are, the Accufers fo far from forgiving thofe that never perfonally hurt a Man, that they forbear not multiplying falfe Accufations -, yea, and accufing thofe Minilters, and private Men that never had to do with Wars: Yea, the feme Men that then wrote again ft me for the Changers andUfurpers, have fince been the fierce Accufers of us, thatop-pofed them.

And if thefe Men be unfatisfyed ofmy prefent Judgment, I have no hope of giving them Satisfaction, if all will not do it, which I have largely written in my Second Tie a for Peace, for Loyalty, and againft Rebellion; and all my Confutation of Head's Politicks, in the Lalt Part ofmy Chriftian Dirt fiery', with much more. . But. this Book mull have ( if any) a Peculiar Anfwer.

V. Lately, when I taught my Hearers, That we muft not make the World believe, that we are under greater Sufferings, than we are, nor be unthankfulfor onr Peace, and that we muft when any hurt us, hove and for~ give them, and fee that we fail not of our Duty to them ; but not for fake the owning, andjittt defending by Scripture-Evidence the Truth oppofed. They Printed, that I Bid the People Reftsl, and not ft and ft til, and dye like Bogs. And 1.was put tbe next Day to appeal to many Hundred Hearers, who all, knew, that the Accufation was molt impudent Lies* This is our prefent Cafe,

VI. The Players, 1 hope, exped no Anfwer to their Part.

LonoLony Printed for R. Javeway, in jQueeas-Hedd-dl/ej, in Pater-'Nofter- R on>, 1682.

CO

The General Tart containing the Dejign and Sum of this and the former SooA, that it may be under-flood Tbbat it is that Mr. Morrice defendetb, and oppofetb ; and what it is that I maintain or blame y and by what Evidence.

i

§ i.TF Have been thefe forty years much troubled with the temptation to wonder, why God fuffers moft of the World to lie drown'd in Ignorance, Infidelity and Sen-fuality, and the Church of Profeffed Chriftians to live in fo great Scandal, Contention, Divifion, and for the greater number, in a Militant Enmity againft the Word, Will, Way, and Servants of Chrift, while in Baptifm they are Lifted under him. But of late fince Experience tells me of the marvelous Diverfity of Humane Interefts and Apprehenfions, and the deep Enmity of the Flefhly Mind to Spiritual things, I admire the Wifdom and Providence of God, that there is fo much Order,and Peace, and Love in the World of Mankind as there is : And that all men live not as in a continual War. And I perceive that if God had not preferved by Common Grace fome remnants of Moral Honefty in the World, and had not alfo fanctified a peculiar People, whole New Nature is LOVE, the Sons of Men would have been far worfe than Bears and Wolves to one another $ and a man would have fled with greater fear from the fight of another man, than from a Snake or Tyger. But God hath not left himfelf without witnefs, in his Works, and daily Provider ces, and in the Confcicnces of thofe who have not finned them-felves into Brutes or Devils. And hence it is that there is fome

B Govern-

(2)

Government and Order in the World, and that fin is afhamed of its proper name, and even they that live in Pride, Govetoufnefs, Ambition, Lying, Perfecution, ch\ cannot endure to hear the name of that which they can endure to keep and praclife^ and cannot endure to forfake.

§ 2. And indeed it is a great Credit to Hotiefly and Piety, to Truth, and Love, and Peace, and fufiice, that the deadliest Enemies of them are ambitious of their Names ; and though they will damn their Souls rather than be fuch 5 they will challenge and draw upon any man that denieth them to be fuch.

And I muft profefs, that I fetch hence a great confirmation of the Immortality of Souls, and a Future Life of Retribution, For if there were not a very great difference between Moral Good and Evil, whatfhould make all the world, even the worft of men, be lb defirous to be accounted Good, and fo impatient of being thought and called naught, and as they deferve. And if the difference be fo vaft here, muft there not needs be a Go-vernour of the World that hath made fuch a difference by his Laws and Providence, and who will make a greater difference hereafter, when the End and Judgment cometh.

§ 3. Among other Gaufes of Humane Pravity and Confufion, one is the exceeding difficulty that young men mefct with, in the communication of fo much Knowledge as they muft necef-farily receive from others. Knowledge is not born with them: It is but the power and capacity of ir, and not the atl in which an Infant excels a Dog. And how (hall they have it but by Objects and Communication ? And Oljects tell them not things paft, the Knowledge of which is necefiary to make them underftand things prefent, and to come; and without which it is not pof-fible to be wife. And God teacheth not Men now by Angels fent from Heaven, but by Men that were taught themfelves before 5 and by his Spirit bleffing mens endeavours. And when I have faid {by Man\ how bad.how fad a creature have I named ? Alas! David's hafte Pfal. 1 16, was not erroneous paffionj nor Paul's words, Rom. 3. a flander, when they called all men Lyers, that is untrufty 5 and fo little do men know that muft teach others, and fomuch doth all corruption incline them to love flattering LieSj and to take flefhly Intereft, the World, and the Devil for their Teachers, and to hate the Light, becaufe itdifgra-ceth their hearts and deeds, and fo much goeth to make a man

wife.,

wife, that ic muft be a wonder of merciful Providence that fnaii help young men to Teachers that fhall not be their Deceivers. There were ever comparatively few that were truly wife and trufty, and thefe ufually defpifed in the World.

§ 4. And bow fhould young men know who thefe are ? This is the grand difficulty that maketh the Errour of the World fa uncurable. It requireth much wifdom to know who is wife, and to be truftedj who can well difcern and value that Knowledge in another, which he is a granger to himfelf ? Experience tells us, that young unexperienced men do commonly receive that man's Opinions, 1. Who hath by nearnefs, or fbme accident the greateft advantage in their efteem and love : 2. Or his that fpeaks moft for their flefhly Intereft, and for that which they would have to be true : 3. Or his that hath the laft wordl It cannot be expected that they judge of any thing, beyond the advantage of their fenfes, and the Netitia communes y according to Evidence of Truth, which muft be received by long and ferious ftudy, and by willing honeft minds, and by the help of an* tecedent Verities.

§ 5:. In this therefore Divine free Elettion is very manifeft $ As in giving the Gofpel to fbme Nations in the World, when moft others never have it, fo in giving fome young perfonsthe bieffing of good Education, and Teachers, and chufing for them that were unable to chufe well for themfeIves 5 as alfo in blef-fing the fame helps to one, which are defpifed by another. And verily when I have been long ftalled with the difficulties about Election and Differencing Grace, undeniable Experience hath been my chief Conviction. If the Gofpel be true, the common worldly flefhly fort 5 that areforChrift but by Tradition, Law andCu* ftotiij and are religious for worldly ends, and no farther than the Intereft of the Flefh and World will give them leave, have no true Saving Grace at all. And the reft that ferioufly believe and feek a better Life, and live above flefhly worldly Interefts, are in moft places few, and made the fcorn and hatred of the reft. And if de fatto, God do fanctifie only a peculiar People, who can deny his differencing Will and Grace ?

§ 6. I was my felf in my Childhood ignorant what Teachers among fuch diverfity I fhould prefer. And firft God had fuch a witnels in my Confcience, that Virtue and Holinefs were better than Vice and Sw> that it made me think that the fort of

B 2 Teachers

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Teachers who Traded meerly for the World, and never fpake a ferious word of Heaven, nor differed from fober Heathens, but in Opinion j yea, that endeavoured to make ferious Godlinefc ro feem but Hypocrifie, were not like to be the wifeft and moft rrufty men. And yet how to judge among the ferious, which were right, was long too hard for me,

§ 7. When I came to confider ofthe Divifions of the Chriftian World.and heard the Fapifts pretend to Catholicifm, and call all others Schifmaticks or Hereticks,it fometime feemed a plaufiblc Opinion, that the greateft Power and Dignity of the Clergy, was the Intereft of Cbriftianity : By Ricbes,Honour and Power, they may protect the Godly, and keep Religion from Contempt a-mong the worldly fort of men, or from oppreffun at the leaft.

2. And I faw that in all Ages and Countries of the World, Hiftorians tell us how rare a thing, a wife and holy Prince hath beeiij and how commonly by Wealth and Greatnefs they have been bred up in that Senfuality and Pride, which hath made them the Capital Enemies to ferious Piety 5 if not the Perfecu-tors of it.

3.1 thought with my felt if fuch godly Chriftians, as much value the Intereft of Religion had lived in fuch times and places, where Rulers were Perfecutors of the Truth, how glad would they have been to have had the Power of Church-matters put into the hands of their Chofen Paftors, what would they have defired more ?

4. And I read that till Riches and honours were annexed ro the Office, the People had ftill the Choice of their own Paftors, and therefore could not chufe but wifh their Eftates and Lives,and all, as well as their Religion, to be as much as might be in their hands. And fo no doubt when the Bifhopsw r ere advanced to great Diocefles, and Power, it was by thedefire ofthe moft Religious Chriftians, who valued moft the Intereft ofthe Church.

j. And I could not but obferve, that though Cbrift gave his Apoftles no Power ofthe Sword, he fet them above other Mini-ilers, not only in Miraculous Gifts, and Infallible teftifying and recording his Commands and works, but in fome fort of over-fighr, which feemeth a thing appointed for Continuance as well as preaching.

6. And I thought that if Church Grandure were the Intereft of Religion and Unity the ftrength of the Church, it lookt very

plaufibly

(5)

plaufibly to reafon, that as Bifhops were over Presbyter?, fo iherefhould be fome over Bifhops ; and that National Churches (hou'd by fuch Government be hindered from Schifm and Here-fie as well as Parochial. And that Diocefans and Metropolitans Power mould be derived from a Superiour as well as Presbyters-. And tbat when poor Subjects dare not reprove a Prince, fome that are above fearing his Power may.

7. And when I read the Popes Claim,I thought it feemed not improbable, that Petrus primus, and pafce oves meas, andfuper banc Petram were not fpoken in vain And thefe though:* pleaded thus for Church-Grandeur in Prelates and Popes.

§ 8. On the other fide., I faw 1. ThatChrift faid, HisKing-com was not of this world, and comes net u*m J^/lnfo**, with obfervablePomp. And that when they ftrove who fbould be greateft, he reproved them, and Concluded [w >itb you it ftallnot t>efo~j and that the moft ferviceable is to be accounted thegreateftj that Peter himfelf accordingly defcribeth their office, 1 Pet. e.

2. I find that Chrift appointed them another fort of work to do, even-to-Preach the Gofnel # to all Nations through all (freights, difficulties and furferings, and to baptize, and teach Chriftians to obferve the Lawsof Chrift. And that as he never put the 5word into their hand, fo an official declaring and applying hU Word to voluntary Difciples was all their Office, as ordinary Paftorsto be continued.

3. I find that Chrift fent them out by two and two,as if it had been done on forefight, that men would erect a Church-Monarchy : And tbat no Scripture tells us of any divifion of the Church into Diocefles, where ore Apoftle was a Monarch 5 or had Power above the reft,or was his Peculiar Province: Nor tbat the twelve fettled twelve fuch, or any as the feats of their Succeffors.

4. 1 find not that ever any one ApoftleexercjTed Government over tbe reft : Nor that ever Chrift gave the reft any Command or Direction to obey any one $ Nor tbat ever the Contending or Schifmatical fort of Chriftians were directed to end their ftrife, by taking any one for the Head who muft determine all their Controverfies : And that they that faid [/ am of Cephas'} are reproved with the reft. And tbat all are called Members of the Body, and only Chrift the Head. And if it had been his will that One Vniverfal Head ox Power fhould have been let up as the Princlpium, or Center of Unity, it is a matter of fo

great .

yaence,that it is net to be believed thftt GUrh: .ave plainly commanded it. - f. 1 find that Chrift bath himfeifdone the work, for which

HumMH Govtmmtnt (by Pope or Councils) ispretendc He hath made and caufed his a-

pottles (peculiarly qualified fbr it J to record llniverfal ChurcU-l,2v. | even ai many u are UnivertaKy r.ecellary : And if lb, I cannot but think, I c hath done it better than Man can

dOi 2. And that to add more unneceffarily mult needs be a c and burden to the Church; ;. A d that i: nmft be an ufurping the I ver of Chrift : For if chert be no other llniverfal there is no other that hath Authority to make Uni* veria! Law*. Therefore this is Trealbn againit Chrilt, and a making Man a Yice-Chritt,

6. I found chat there is not Co much as a X.iturAl Capacity in any one, or many, for an llniverfal Government: Church-Government being of fuch a nature as maketh it far more impartible, than for one Monarch or Ariftocracy to Govern all the

:h : And to do it by a trujy General Council, or by the Dif-futed Fifhops of all the World is further from poiFibility than to do it bv a Pope.

7. I torchtthe Councils pretended to be General,to fee whether they had made any better Laws than ChriiVs, or made any defirab'e addition. And I found 1. That while they were not wholly Papifts, they never pretended to make Canons for any Chrhtians, but only thofe in the acw.i» Empire. 2. And that it had been much happier for the Churches if they had made no more Laws than Chriir had made them, for holy Doctrine, Wor-fhip, and Church Difcipline, and had only as Teachers expounded and applied the Laws of Chrift.

8. I confidered the Prclent State of the Church llniverfal, and I find it inch as no Party of Chriftians in the World doth own. The Pope pleadeth for an llniverfal Soveraignty, and all his Clergy do the fame $ fome faying it is in Councils, fome in the Pope, and moft in both together, or Councils approved by the Pope: And Proteltanrs, Greeks, Neftorians, Jacobites, and almoft all other Chriitians in the World, accufe this Rcmtn Church and Claim.

The Papiftscondemn the reft: The Creeks, Arminians, and aft* moft all the reft accufe each other,

9. *

(?)

9. I confidered what Popery is, that is. Clergy-Power in \:s height,and what it hath done in the World. And I found i. A wolul defcription of the lives of multitudes of Popes, recorded by their own moft credited Hiftorians. And x, I found multitudes of vicious Canons obtruded by them as Laws on the Uni-vcrfal Church. 3. I found moft doleful Hiftories of the Wars and Rebellions that they have caufed from Age to Age. 4. I found that they have corrupted the Doctrine of Chrift in abundance of particulars. 5. And that they have lockt up the Sacred Scriptures from the Vulgar, as they have not done their Canons. 6. And that they have turned God's Spiritual Worship into a multitude of Superfluous Riies, and fcenical Ceremonies and Shews. 7. And that they have turned Spiritual Charch-Difcipline into a fecular fort of Tyranny. 8. And that they have moft fchifmatically unchurched the reft of the Churches, becaufe they are not Subjects of the Pope. 9. And that they have branded the foundeft Churches with the name of Here-t'^ks,while they are the grand Herefie of the World. 1 o. And that they have been and are the greateft Silencers of found Preachers, and hinderers of true Piety and Reformation in the Church.

11. And that they have wofully vitiated the People that are their Subjects, fo that cdious wickednefs fed by Ignorance, a-bounds among them 5 and it is their Votaries that are called Re-I'.gf'otu, and a few Canonized perfons Saints ; as if Religion and Sanctity were rarities, or any could be faved without them.

12. Laftly, I find that they have lived upon Blood,like Leeches, and have been the cruelleft Perfecutors of holy men, on pretence of killing Hereticks: And that it is this to which they truft.

10. I took not this notice of them upon meer prejudice, but have read, I chink,as many Papifts Books, as Proteftants, or any other againft them. Nor have I taken it upon dark Scripture Prophecies, fufpecting my uoderftanding of them: But 1. The matter of fact from themfelves-: 2. Againft their Papal Supremacy from fuch Arguments as are fully collected by Dr.Barrow. 3. Againft their heinous Church-corruptions, from fuch Moral Evidence as Dr.H. Moore hath fully gathered in his Mjfiery of Iniquity. 4, Againft their pretences of Tradition and Antiquity, I fetcht my Arguments from the Hiftories and Authors which they themfelves alledge, and efpecially their Councils, with the Fathers Writings. § 9. Seeing

(8)

§ 9" Seeing the Church in this fad Condition, and the Papal part lb greatly vitiated, I confidered how long it had fo been. And I round that the Pope and his Bifhops grew not up like a Mufhroom in aday$ but had been long in thriving to maturity: And I met with no man that could jufr tell what Year or what Age the difeafe or tumor did begin. Bifhop Bromball thinks if i they will abate their laft 400 years Innovations, we may have hope of agreeing with them. Bifhop Gunning will own no General Councils,but the ftti\ fixj fome will receive eights fomebut four. Mr, Momce here goeth no further in his defence of them, whatever he think. Some begin Popery with Leo the great, fome with Gregorys SuccelTour. But it is moft certain that it was firft an Embrio, and next an Infant and fo grew up from Childhood to maturity bydegrees.And the firft Church-corruption was not that which we now call Popery. And it is as certain that the tumor did neither begin nor grow up in the Bifhop of Rome alone, but in other Bifhops, who grew up withhim,& were his ftrength and Councils, and he their Head.

§ 10. It is known when the Greeks and Romans began moft notably to ftrive which mould be greateft, and how the divifion increafed, and when and how it came to an anathematizing or excommunicating each other.

§ 11. It's notorious that it was from the Councils of Calcedon, and Ephefus, that the great feparated bodies of Neftorians and Etttycbians (now called facohites) that pofiefs the Eafi and South, were broken off with NeftoriM and Diofcorus i and fo continue to this day.

§ n. I confidered who were the Chief Authors of all thefe lamentable Schifms, and Church-corruptions in the feveral Ages when they rofe, and who continue them to this day: And I found that many Princes were much to be blamed, and the People not Innocent, no not the Religious Monks. But the Bifhops that had the main Church-power, by abufmg it, were with their Clergy the principal Caufes,and foare to this dayp The breaches might yet be healed in Eaft, Weft, and South, were it not for them.

§ 13. Finding this in Hiftory of undoubted Truth, I next confidered what was the Caufethat the Bifhops and their Clergy fhould become fuch Church-corrupters and Dividers, and ftill continue the Churches miferies,

And

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And I found as followcth, i. That none are ab;c to do fo much hurt as thofe that have the greateft Parts, Poiverjr.urcft and Truft. None kill fo many (except SouldiersJ as thofe Fhyli-cians who are entrufted to heal and fave them. If five hundred neighbours miftake a man's Difeafe, whom he never trufted, it hurts him not: But an unskilful Nurfe or Parent may kill a lick Childjand an unskilful or unfaithfulPhyfician may kill multitudes.

2. And there goeth fo much to make a man a skilful, faithful Paftor, as that fuch are rare. A% a Phyfician is like to kill his Patient, if he miftake but fomc one thing in his Difeafe, or fome Ingredient in his Medicine, though he were right in all the reft: So if a Guide of Souls were excellent h all other things what work one Opinion, yea or unskilful word may make , not only the cafe of the Nejlcri.ani 9 E*t)chians, MonotElites, 8rp< tell us,., but even the ftriferhat arofe in the Church about Hjpjhtfismd Ferfina, which had almoft hereticated ferom himfelf, for all hi? skill in the Languages : And the cafe of the Greeks and Latines about [F/7/o^}j and abundar.ee fuch*

3. And Frtde is the Heart of the Old Man 5 firft living, and laft dying. Andgrea^Power, great Parts, and great Eftsem do feed it, iftrueGracedo not mortifie it. Knowledge purfeth up$ and efpecially when men live among the ignorant and unlearned, and are but half Learned themfelves, and are thought by the people and themfelves, to be much wifer than they are: Inter aoecos lujcus Rex.

4. And Selftjhnefs is the very fum of all positive iniquity: And* Pride and Selfiffinefs make men ciefirous to be the Idols of the World, and to feem as Gods knowing good and evil, and to have their will of all that they have to do with.

5". And the ftrongeft temptations ufe to caufe the greateft fins..

§ 14. Thefe Generals prefuppofed, it is moft clear, i.Thac the remnant of thefe fins', even in Chrift's Apoftles, fet them on ftriving whofhould be greateft, and made James dXidJohn defire preheminence, and alfo to have called for Fire from Heavenjand made them after Chrift's. Refurrection, hope that he would have reftored the Earthly Kingdom unto Ifrad. And it put Paul to vindicate his Apoftlefliip againft many that difparaged him 5 As it made Dietrepks, who loved to have the preheminence, to caft out the Brethren, and fpeak evil of John; It gave Peter oc-cafionto warn the Bi(hops not to Lord it over Cod's Heritage,

Q but.

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to be Examples to the Flocl^, overfeeing them net by- cort-ftrainr, but willingly.

2. Even in good men this fault, though not in a reigning decree, did live more in others afterwards, that had nor that measure of the Spirit as the Apoftles had to overcome it. And if even in Paul's daies he had none like-minded to Timdthj^ho naturally cared for the good of all; for all (too muchj fought their own, and not the things that are Jefus Chrift's, as Demas forfook him for fome worldly Interelt -, what wonder is ir if afterward Pride and Worldlinefs grew greater, and Herefies and

• Strifes increafed.

3. Yet while Chriftianity was a fuffering and laborious State, the Paftors of the Churches were commonly the beft men, thac had more Knowledge, Holinefs and Love than others, and the Churches profpered under the Crofs : They that fpared not their labours, but imitated the pattern fet by Panl, Atts 20. did not ftrive who fhould have the largeft Diocefs, and undertake that which they could not do, but they ftrove to do as much as they were able, and to increafe and edifle the Flock.

4. But when extraordinary Gifts abated* and acquired Ones became more neceflary 3 and few Philofophers turned Chriftians, able Taking Preachers or Orators grew fewer, and thofe few that were eminent in knowledge and Speech were juftly preferred before the relr. And ufually fome one man had the chief hand in converting men, and gathering a Church in each particular Town, and then he rightfully was taken for their Paftor: And it being found that the publick and private care of Souls required in each Church, where were fit men-, mo re than one Paftor j \ It was not meet that more fhould be brought to him that 8 was there before, without his approbation and confentj but that 4 he were to the juniors as a Father; And becaufe the relt were u-fually below him in Gifts and Worth, it was thought but meet that they fhould do what they did by his confent : And alfo to avoid Divifions, to which they were over-prone, it was Judged fit that one fhould have the preheminence, and a negative, and partly ruling Vote.

5. The Churches, which in the beginning had thefe Bifhops and Fellow-Presbyters, were fingle Congregations : And fhortly they grew to be more than could meet together in fome few great Cities % Perfecution hindering them from very large Af-

lemblies,

(II) .

femblies, beftties their want of large capacious Temples. Dr. Hammond thinks that there is no evidence, that in Scripture-time there were any other Presbyters than Bifoops, and consequently aBifhop had but one Congregation, unlefs he went one hour to one, and another to another, which was not their life. But doubtiefs in this he is miilaken, as the many Speakeis as Corinth (hew.

6. TheGreatnefc of the Roman Empire was prepared by God to be then an exceeding great furtherance of the Gofpel : For under the fame Civil Laws and Power?, where one or two Languages were underftood by moil, Chriftians had the far greater* advantage for Communication. Want of forreign Languages is now our great hinderance from Preaching the Gofpel to ether Nations of the World: And the Confufion at Babel was an un-fpeakable Judgment. But as Ships, yea Navies, can fail on the Ocean, when final! Barks or Boats only can pafs on Rivers 5 fo the vaftnefs of the Reman Empire was a great help to thcChurch, by Communication , Language and AccefTes: But efpecialiy when the Emperour became Chriftian, the advantage was exceeding great: Whereas now the Greatnefs of the Tttrkjjh, Tar* tarian fklxdoftan Empire, are great Impediments to the Gofpel 5 becaufe the Barbarians are more cruel Enemies than the Civil Romans (notwithstanding the ten Perfections) were; and their oppofition is the moreextenfive by the extent of their Dominions $. and the Chriftian Churches having now more fcandalized the Infidels by their corruptions. While they were not corrupted by worldly power and wealth* the great holinefs of the Churches convinced the fober part of the Empire. Albafyintus fhews us clearly that their ftri&nefs was fo great, that they endured no notable fcandalous fin among them 5 yea and came very near to the Novatians in their Discipline: And that it was not for greater ftridtnefs that the Novatians were condemned, but for denying the Power of the Church to abfolve men penitent that finned afcer Baptifm. And their Canons (new it. And it is certain,, that Chriftians obeying ?aul t avoided the Heathen Judicatures as much as might be, and cenfured thofe that did not, and ended their Differences by the way of Arbitration, and took the Bifhop with the Confent of bis Clergy to be an Authorized Arbitrator 5 and thus the affairs of all the Chriftians being caft upon him, - and lie having no power to force any

C 2 ma.v

\

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man, but only to govern Volunteers, theBimops were con-(trained to make their Rules of Difcipline fo much the ftri&er, that all that would not renounce Chriftianity, and Church-Communion, might be brought to Obedience to efcape Excommunication.

7. God having made the Great Yowr and Extent of the Roman Empire, fo great a means for the propagation of Chriftiani-tv, the Chriitians thought that the Greater they grew them-felves, the more it would tend to the Churches deliverance,, from contempt and perfecution: And their advancement lay in

"that advancement of the Bifhops, which private men could not expect, fave only by fubfequent participation. Hereupon the Bifhops, by the Peoples content, endeavoured to form the Go-

\ vernment of the Church within the- Empire, into a conformity to the Government of the Empire: And they contrived that thofe Cities whofe Govemonrs had the chief Civil Power,their Biflhops mould have anfwerable Church-Power; the Glory of the Empire drawing them for Teeming Intereft, into imitation.

8. From the like Principles they defired greatly the enlargement of the Churches of which they were Overfeers : And whereas Chriflhad made fingle Churches like Schools, and every ftated Worfhipping Church, was alfo a Governed Church, as every School hath its School-Mafters, one, or more, by degrees thefe Churches were by degeneration quite altered into other things : Firft, They were like a Parochial Church, which add-eth Chappels: They thought not fo contemptibly of tbePaftoral work as we do, but found enough, as is laid, for many men in a Church of a few hundred or thoufand fouls .• And when by Perfecution, or Numbers, or Diftance, tbey could not all meet ordinarily in one place, they appointed them to meet.under feve-ral Presbyters, in feveral places, but without appropriating a particular Presbyter to each AfTembly.

2. After they appropriated them to their diftincl: charges, and diftinguifhed a ftated Worfhipping company from a Governed Church,the Bifhopand his Confiftory ruling all in common ; and the People tyed to communicate only at the Bifhops Altar, and elfewhere to be but Hearers and Worfhippcrs.

3. After that they fetup Altars u-p and down for Monuments and Memorials of Nkrtyrs^nd then in the Presbyters Chappefsj yet fo that the People were at Eafic\ WhibftntMr, ana the Na-

tsvtty,

tivity, to communicate with the Eifhop in the Mother Church or Cathedral.

4. Then when Country-Village? diftarrt had a great irxreafe of Uhriftians, they allowed Country-Bifhops, Chorepifcopos, (proved by Petaviusxo be true Bifhops; if they were nor,Presbyters ordained.) But they muft be fubjeel: to the City Bifhop. f. Afrer this they decreed that very little Cities ihould have no Bifnope, ne vHtfcai nomsn Bpifcopi ; whenas before that every City had a Bifhop and Elders,that had Chriftians enow : And every Town, like our Corporations, or Market-Towns, were called Cities: *BA/<4jd not'fignific only fuch as we now call Cities diftinft from fuch Towns; were they no bigger than Cenchrea, Majufna* and fuch others clofe to greater Cities, they had Bifhops. Yea every Church was to have their Elders, (and confequently Bifhops,faith Dr. Hammond) where ever it was, by the Rule of the Holy Ghoft, Acts 14.23. And God never faid, Let there be .no Churches but in Cities: Elfe when an Emperour would put down all the Cities, or many, he fhould put down as many Churches.

6. After this they fet upPatriarks as before they had doneMe-tropolitans: And ir was three that they firft fet up (but no where out of the Empire: J And the Papifts find in thelnftitu-tion the myftery of Trinity in Unity : For they could not find any where Twelve Seats SuccefFors to the Twelve Apoftles $ and fo they feigned, that Veter being the Center of Unity, The Trinity flowed from him. 1. He as Bifhop erected the Antiocht-ai Patriarchate. 2. By St. Mar^hh Difciple, the Alexandrian. And 3. By his final Epifcopacy the Roman, faith foh.Dar-tis t de ftatu Ecckf. tempore Apvftolt % pag. 23, 24, \Jmitatur Ecclsfa D um ut trinum in Per fonts & unum in effentU, quatenus fcilicef una dr eadem Ec clef a eft multiplex ratione locorum-, nam diftrihutio prima ( & generalis omnium Ecclefarum fait in tres Pa-triarcbat:is s Romanzm, Alexander mum, & Antiscienum y ut unum eptpcr tres Ami ft it es Saccrdotium ad Trinitatis in far cut una eft atque individua poteftas ut rette interpretatur S)mmachus Pap. ad Eonwm--- Dicendum eft quod ficut in Trinitate una exiftente ef-fcxtui, tamen perfna d'.ffsrentes exiftunt^ it a Ecclefa una eft effen-ti.i y licet plnres particuUres ex if ant: Et fcui omnes Trim tat is pcrfina ortginem fumznt d Patre y qui eftortgp Fili: y & met que Sp. Santti) it a Ecclefa ortgo eft Roth ana aliarum.]

7. After

7. At the fame time ihey began to defcribe Churches or Bi-fhops Provinces by the Meafures of Land, which before were defcribed by the Perfons of Volunteers, inhabiting near each other, faith the aforefaid Dartis p. 128. Et fane din duravit Hit mo: tanquam Apoftolicus in Ecclejiis^ at non effent alii termini EpifcQpatUi qttam muhitudo tor am quos ad fidem convert ijfcm & baptiz-a/fent, which he proveth out of the Canons.

8. Rome being the imperial Seat, the Bifhop of Rome was neareft the Emperour and fiibordinate Rulers, and (b mo ft capable to make Friends for Chriftians under any Accusations and Perfecution?* by which advantage all Chriftians through the Empire needing and being glad of fuch help, did willingly give the Primacy to the Romane Fatriark.

9. The Emperor Confi amine turning Chriftian, and taking them for his fureft Souldiers, refolved to raife them as high as he well could, for the intereft of Chriftianity and his own, and thereby to work down the Heathens by degrees, and according* ly gave them chief Countenance , and chief Power 5 and their Bifhops being their chief men, it muft be done by exalting them. He made them the authorized Judges of -all Chriftians that de-fired it, even in criminal cafes. He yet gave not the Bifhops the power of the Sword 5 but if any Chriftians had committed For* nication, Adultery, Perjury., yea Murder, the Bifhop was to pu-nifh them by Pennance and Sufpenfion from the Sacrament: Befides which,Chriftians had the chief Preferments as they were capable of in the Armies and Civil Government: So that they triumphed over their late Perfecutors, AndnowHonour,Power and Wealth,were moft on the Chriftians fide, but efpecialLy the Biftiops.

10. Worldly Intereft being now on the Churches fide 5 much of the World by fuch Motives crowded into the Churchy and no man can imagine that it could be otherwife, who confiders which way the Vulgar go, and how apt to be of the Prince's mind, and how much nature inclineth to flcfhly Intereft: Who had nor rather be kept from the Sacrament and Communion for a crime, till be profefs Repentance, than to be hanged or ba-nifhed, or ruined for it ?

But cfpecially the Temptation was ftrongeft to the Biftiops,' whofe baits were the moft alluring: And ever fince then they that moft \ovttiYealthpowr nn&Honoitr (that is, the worft, molt

woridly

vtorldly men) have been the moft eager defirers and teekers of Bifhopricks: And while humble holy men mutt rather be fought to, fuch earneft feekers are like to be the ordinary finders and poffeffors.

ii. But yet three things kept up for fome tirme a confide-rabte number of godly Bifhops in theChurches, which with the humble Presbyters, kept up the Intereft of found and practical Religion.

i. Thofe that had been tryed worthy men before Conftan* tines converfion, and the Bifhop's exaltation, kept their Integrity in the main j though in the Nicene Council their contentious Libels (hewed that we are more beholden to Conftantine than to them, that they fell not into fuch ftrifeas their Saccef-fors did. Good men may be carryed too far in Pride and Strife, but they will not be mattered by them, and turn againft the Power of Godlinefs.

2. The People and Inferiour Clergy had the choice of their Bifhops: And fo (though they oft had tumults, as in popular Elections it will be) yet the worft ambitious men were long kept out, and the beft oft chofen, till the People and Presbyters themfelves were corrupted.

3. And divers good Emperours arofe that took fome care to promote the beft: But alas ! this had fad and frequent interruptions.

12, For the Arlans poffeft Conftantine hrmfelf with hard thoughts of Atbanaftm and his Adherents: And it could not be expected that Julian fhould countenance the beft, when Conftan-tim and VaUm had done fo much againft them, and got moft of all the Churches headed by Arian Bifhops 5 to fay nothing yet of after times.

13. But now iW6 things became matter of Contention a~ mong the Bifhops and their Clergy, and increafed the ftrife from time to time. The firft and chief was the Old Caufegreatly ftrengthened, *#'&, Whojhould be greateft t Who fhould have the largeft, fatteft, and moft Ruling Diocefs and Seat ? The other was, Wbofloottld be taken for the moft Orthodox , and wbofe Explications of the Faith Jhould be taken for the foundeft ; efpe-cially about the defcription of the Per fin and immanent atts of Chrift ? Or briefly, 1. Jurifdiftion and Greatnefs : 2. Wifdom and hard words.

14. Now

(i6)

14. Now alfo Conftantinople contended with Rome, and being the Seat of the Empire which they judged to be the true Rea-Ton of Church-preheminence, they rtfirft modeftly took rbefe-cond place: And now the Trinity of Patriarchs was turned to ftvejertifalem being made the fifth. At all this Rome grudged.

if. All this while the old Difcipline of the Church was tolerably kept up; i.Becaufe though much of the world had got ir-to the Church., yet a very great part were tenacious of their HeathenifhCuftoms, and prejudiced againft Chriftians by their Contentions, (odioufly defcribed by Am. Marcellinus, and many others,and prejudiced againft Confi amine for his Son Crifpus and Sopaters death, &C. and againft Conftantiw for the Murder ©f^-lian'i Relations; and being taken with the plaufible parrs of p-i-Han, and with the great Learning and highly extolled Lives of Tlotinus ) VorphyriuS) fambhcbut, lALdefitis, Mavcimu^ VrcereJiM, LibaniuSy ChrjfanthiKs, and fuch others, defcribed by Emiaptu*) &C, fo that except Rome and Alexandria for 100 years/an j fbme few of the very great Churches for 400, the Churches were no greater than one Bifhop and his ConfefTus, might tolerably govern by the Keys. 2. And all this while all the Presbyters were Church-Governours as well as the Bifhop, though he was their Chief, and all Excommunications were to be done by joint con-fent; And fo many Church-Governours may do more than one.

16. Tben Councils called General, having bytbe Emperours Grant, and the Clergies Defire and Confent,the Supreme Church-Power, it was in thefe Councils that the Pride, Ambition and Domination of all the worldly Prelates that were too foon got in, didexercife itfelfas the valour and wit of Souldiers in a field of War: And as 1. The good men yet among them ; 2. And the Articles of Faith yet retained by them, did caufe them to do much good againft fome Herefies and £>iforders,fo the Pride afid Turbulency, yea ignorance of the reft, caufed them to become theoccafions of the doleful Schifms, and Herefies^ and Enmity of Chriftians againft each other, which continue to this day unhealed.

17. Thefe hurtfal Contentions in Councils at flrft prevailed but little, and that at Nice did much more good (I think) than harm: And after at Qwjrant : a little more hurt was done, and lunch good: And thofe that followed did worfe and worfe, till the proud worldly Spirit contracted Malignity, and fo much

prevailed,

(17)

^prevailed, that for a thoufard years at leaft the Bifhops with their Prelatical Clergy and their Councils have been the grand Corruption and Plague of the Church j which many of the moft Learned Expofitors of the Revelation^ take to be the Image of the Beajt 5 and Dr. H. Moore calls it a Heathemjb Chriftiamty 9 which they have made their Religion. 1 ' ~*~

18. In their progreft to all this, as the Diocefles firft g*ew up from our Parochial Magnitude towards that of the prefer.c Dio* cefan, lb the very Paftoral Power of all the reft of the Presbyters, was by degrees taken away, fo far as that they had no contenting power in Ordinations or Excommunications, unlefs the Bifhop would chufe a few for his Council: fo that the proper power of the King's was confined to one Bifhop over many hundred Parifhesj and fo Difcipline became an impoflible thing, fave as it ferved the Bifhops againft fome that theydif-liked : And fo the Church which was as the Garden of Chrifr, became like the Commons, and good and bad were little differenced in Communion.

19. Yet becaufe the Power muft ftill be ufeful to the Bifhops ends, as he fees caufe, fome fhadow of the old exercife muft be kept up: But the Bifhop having not leifure for the tenth part of the labour which this very fhauow required, Lay- men are made his Chancellours to decree Excommunications and Abfolutions, and to Govern by the Church Keys; like a fecular Court: And CommiflaYies, Officials, Surrogates, and other hard names and things, are fet up inftead of the Presbyters and their Antient Office.

20. By this time the Antient Species of the Churches was a!-teredr and whereas it was long held, that a Church and Bifhop were Corre!ates,and there were no more Churches than Bifhops, cow many hundred or a thoufand Parifhes are become no Churches,but parts of one Diocefan Church,which is the lowefr, and manv fcore or hundred of the old fort of Bifhops, all caft out andfwallowed up by one. Juft as if a thoufand, or fome hundred Schools fhould have but one Governing Schoolmafter, and be but one School, but each part have an Ufher to read to the Boyes, and tell the one Schoolmafter as a Monitor what they did amifs $ but might correct none, nor put them out.

21. 'By this time they began to live on blood $ and even as they fweiled in the beginning > cruelty grew up equally with

D Pride;

Pride: For Reafon and Scripture were not on^their fide, nor would juftifie their Caufe and them, and therefore violence mult do it: They defired not the bare title of Power, but the exercife of it,to promote the Ifliies of their Wit and Will. They began with rafh filencing, ejecting anddepofing Difltnters, and thence to anathematizing them, and thence to banifhing, till at laft it grew up to tormenting in the Inquifuion, and burning them.

2x. And whereas (rotwithftanding the petty Herefies among Chriftians too earlyj the glory of the Antient perfecuted Christians was their entire Love and Concord, and the fhame of the Philofophers was their difcordjit came to that pafs,that where-as a Herefie of old did ftart up among a few for a fm all time, like our Ranters and Quakers, who fhame Religion no more than Bedlams fhame Reafon : Now the great Continents of theEartfc have been the Seats of the millions of thofe called Hereticks and Schifmaticks by each other, about 1400 or 13 00 years. Ea-fdius in Prapar. & Dcmonftr. copioufly fhevveth that the Philofophers were 'all confounded in diffention (and yet did not per-fecute each other) but that the Chriftians were all of One Religion, cleaving to one Sacred Word ofGod : Of which alfo fee Rajm t Breganitim in Theol. Gent, de Cogn. Dei, Euar. $. cap. 8» To be Lovers of good men,was the character of the old Bifhops: To be dividers, and haters, and flanderers,and fi!encer*,and persecutors, and murderers of them, grew up with corrupters Pride.

23. And with thefe did gradually grow up corruptions of Doctrine, even while they pretended a burning Zeal sgainft Herefie j and corruption of God's publick Worfhip,. till it grew up to all the Mafs and Roman Impurities.

24. And to fecure all this againft Reformation, ridiculous Legends, and falfification of Churcr>Hifrory, made it hard for posterity what to believe, or whom.

§ 1 j. Being thus farfure of the matter of fad, by what degrees Prelacy grew up to the height, that it hath now attained in the World abroad, I confidered what men thought of it now at home (I am fpeaking yet but of matter of faCty) and I found great diverfity in mens thoughts of it.

1. As to the Reman heightj found that the Church of England ifmce the Reformation till A.BX^'s time took thePope to be the

Anti-

Antichrift; It was in thrir Church-books : Many other Bifhops, as well as Bifhop Downam, have written for it : W-hat Bifhop Morton.and Hall, and Abbot, and abundance fuch have written againft Popery I need not name.

2. I found chat then the ftream began to turn/ and the name of Antichrift was-put out, and our Reconciliation with Rome wjs taken to be a hopeful work, and actually endeavoured (which by theirconverfion all good men defire.)

3. I found thac many among us of greateft reverence and riamejiad laid down fuch tearms as thefe, Ct [That the Catho-" lick Church is one Vifible Society under one humane Govern-" ing Soveraignty: That this Univerfal Soveraign hath power of "Univerfal Legislation and Judgment: That the Colledge of " Bifhops through all the World, are this one Supreme Univer-" fal Soveraign : That they exercife it in GenerafcCouncils when c ' they (it: That every Bifhop is by Office the Reprefentative " of his Diocefan Church } and thefe Bifhops may, or muft have " Metropolitans and Patriarchs 5 and by thefe Patriarchs and u Metropolitans/w liter as format as, and their Nuntii theVm-c< verfal Supreme Colledge may exercife their Power over all the * c World: And what they do thus, the Church or Colledge doth, "in the intervals of General Councils: That the Pope of " Rome is to be acknowledged the Trincipium Vnitatis to this « f Univerfal Church and Colledge of Bifhops, and the Ordinary " Prefident of General Councils ex Officio. That Councils called *t without the Prefident who hath the fole power, are unlawful " AfTemblies, and punifhable Routs. That the approbation of " the Prefident, (if not of the moft of the Patriarchs; is the " note by which an authoriz'd obliging 'Council is to be known c from others. That the Pope "is to be obeyed accordingly as " Prime Patriarch, Vrincipium Vnitatis, Prefident of General "Councils, and Patriarch of the Weft. That all that will not Cf unite with the Church of Rome on thefe teafms, are Schifma* " ticks, and fo to be accounted and ufed. That thofe that thus " unite with the Church of Rome, are no Papifts : But a Papift " is only one that holdeth all to be ;uft and good thac is done ^ by Popes, or at leaft one that is for the Pope's Abfolute f Power of Governing above Canon-Laws and Church-Parlia-t ments or Councils. And that if they will but abate their Jaft c< 4 00 years Inaavations, or at leaft not impofe them on others,

D z "we

(to)

•? we may unite with the Church of Rome, though they claim ■f as Peter's SuccefTors, the Univerfal Supremacy at lea ft to be " exercifed according to the Canons of Councils. And that it ff is not the Chureh of Rome, but the Court of Rome, which at " prefent we may not unite with. That the Church of Rome is c< a true Church, and hath had an uninterrupted SucceiTion, and " its Sacraments true Sacraments :But none of thofe Proteftanc u Churches are true Churches, that have notDiocefan fiifhopsj " nor any of their Paftors true Minifters of Chrift, who have not n Diocefan Epifcopal Ordination ; nor any that have fuch,unfefs " it hath as fuch been conveyed down from the Apoftles by un-* c interrupted SucceiTion by fuch Diocefans. That fuch men have "no true Sacraments, God not owning what is done by any not Cc fo ordained : That therefore they have noCovenant-promife " of 3 or right to Pardon and Salvation, becaufe fuch right is cf given onJy by the Sacrament: That therefore all fuch Pre--" teftants Sacraments are but nullities, and a prophanation of Cc holy things: And that the Holy Ghoft being the Inftituter of u thefe (acred things,it is the fin againft the Holy Ghoft to under-" take and exercife theMiniftry,&: celebrate Sacraments without c ' fuch uninterrupted fuccefllve Ordination. That an Ordained "Minifter, hath no more power than was intended him by his *' Ordainers: That in fuch Presbyterians, or Epifcopal Churches, iC which have their power from theOrdainers,and (o far for want " of Succeflion,are nullities5 it is fafe for men (as e.g. in France) " to be rather of the Roman Church than theirs.

§ 16. And as I found this Doctrine in the afcendent in England^ fo I met with fuch as were for ufing Proteftants accordingly, even for the filencing of them by thoufands, if they would

not fwear^ profeft, promife, and do all that And for ufing the

People accordingly. And abating neither big*nor little, an Oath or a Ceremony to unite or fave them. And I lived in an Age where thefe things were no idle fpeculations.

§ 17. Being thus far fure of the Matter of FacT, I ftudied as tfeil as I was able to kuow which of theie waies was right: And I faw that either Popery that is, the Popes univerfal Headfhip or GoverjHnemr Is of Divine Inftirution, or elfs it is a heinous 11-furpation, and foimeth a fore of Church which is not on any pretence of Concord to be owned. And as to the flrft I hdve faid before and irj many Books what I have to fay againft it 3 which

(2Ij

is all fummed up in Doftor Iz.. Barrow, and Doctor H. Moire, and largely told the world by Cb*mi$r s Stdscl, Wbitakjsf > J9Vfel i Vfber, Morton, Wh'ite % C'nlltngtyirth^CrakenthoYne , and abundance more. And I thought it ftrange if either Papacy, or that Tym-panite of the Clergy which tended to it, were of God 3 that the Eerfons fhould be ordinarily fo bad,, and it fhould introduce fo great mifchief' in doctrine, worfhip and practice over the Chri-ftian world,and bring the Church into fucli a divided and polluted (rate, and that as the Clergy f.velled the Body mould pine away, and the Spirit ofholinefs and Love be turned into the Skeliecon of Ceremony and Formality, and into hatred, cruelty, and tearing and tormenting pains.

§ 18. Upon ail fuch thoughts I concluded in thefe refolurionsj i* That I muft not accufe any Office made by God, for mens abufe of it. 2. Nor mult I accufe the good for the faults of the bad. 3. Nor Confound the Office it felf, with its difeafe, and the accidental Tympanite. 4, Nor aggravate humane infirmities in good men, as if they were the crimes of malignant Enemies. 5fc Much lefs lay any of the blame on Chriftianity cr Piety, when nothing in the world is fo much againft all thefe Evils, nor would they have been fo far limited, reftrained or refilled, had it not been for that Chriftianity arid Piety that was kept up a-gainft it $,nor is there any other cure of it. It is not by Religion*, bat for want of more true and ferious Religion, that all thefe mif-chiefs have fo lamentably prevailed.

§ 19.1 therefore refolving to avoid extreams, concluded thusj 1. That it is moft certain that Chrift is the only Head of the Church.

2. And that as fuch he himfelf did make univerfal Laws, and will be the final univerfal Judge, and there is no other that bath univerfal Legiflative and Judicial Power but he.

3. As fuch he inftituted necefTary Church-Officers ; firfr, extraordinary ones to be his Inftruments in Legitimation, as Mofes was to the Jews, giving them his Spirit extraordinarily for that ufe", to bring all that he taught them to their remembrance, and guide them to deliver and record all his Commands: And ordinary Minifters fas the Priefts and Levites to the Jews) to teach and apply thefe Commands, or univerfal Laws, to the end of the World 3 but not to add, diminifh or alter them.

4. That the formal Eflence of this continued Sacred Mlniftry

confifteth

ccnfiiteth in a derived Fewer and uj ligation lft iubofdination to Chrift as Prophet, Pried and King, to Teach, to Guide the Churches in holy Worfhip, and to Rule them by the Paftoral Power, which maketh them Ministerial Judges ofmens capacity for Church-Communion $ but they have as fuch no forcing power of the 5word.

f. That there are two forts of thefe Min'fters accidentally dUtinguifhed: i. Such as are only ordained to the Miniftry in "general, and not fpecially related to any one particular Church more than other • whofe work is to do their beft to Teach Infidels, and baptize them, and gather Churches, and occafionally to Officiate orderly in fuch Churches where they come as need their help. 2. Thofe that have moreover an additional call to be the ftated Paftors,Overfeers. or Gu'des of particular Churches as fixed Officers ofChrift. All which have the three forefaid EC-fentials of the Office, to Teach, Worfhip and Rule.

6. T*hat the Office of thefe men is to be performed by them-felves, and no Lay-man may do any Effential part of them by their deligation, and therefore ( as in Phyficians, Tutors, &C.) necefTary Perfonal abilities are as effential as the neceffary difpo* fit 10 materia is adreceptionem alicujm■forma. And ex qnovis ligno non fit mercuriw.

7. That it is very much,and great, and moft important work, which thefc Minifters have to do. To Preach God's Word un* xlerftandingly, faithfully, conftantly, fervently 5 torefolvethe doubtful, to reprove the fcandalous* to perfuade the obftinate, to confute gainfayers^ to comfort the fad, and ftrengthenthe weak, particularly as there is occafion. To vifit thefick, Catechize, Baptize, befides all ads of publick Government Therefore one man cannot poffibly do all this for too great a number of fouls, but great Congregations mud have many Minifters : A~d fb they had in the Primitive Church, where the moft able Speakers preacht ufually in publick, and the reft did more of the perfonal and more private work.

8. And whereas it was very early that moft fingle Churches had one that had a preheminence amongft the reft (not as of another Office, but as a Prefident in a Colledge of Philofbphers, Phyficians or Divine Students, to be a Governour over thofe of his own profeftion, by moderate Guidance,) and it is not unmeet, that when one worthy Teacher hath guttered a Church,

and

and brought up younger Chriftians to Minifterial abilities, that they when they are ordained fhould take him for their Father, I will never gainfay fuch an Epifcopacy in Tingle Churches ( that is, focieties of Chriftians combined for perfonal Communion in Doctrine^ Worfhip and Holy living under fuch Paitors as afore-faid.)

9. And becaufe I find that the Apoftles and Evangelifts had a Minifterial care of many Churches to teach, reprove, exhort the Paftors and People; And though the Apoftles extraordinary power and work cea(ed,yet tyarch-Ovcrfight as well as Preaching being an ordinary continued work; and when I find Chrift Inch inftiruted fome Teachers over many Churches, I dare noc fdy that he hath repealed this till I can prove it. And the nature of the thing tells us, that if fome grave holy men have the care of coun felling and warning and reproving the Minifters of many Churches who are below them in parts and worth; It may d > much good and can do no harm .to the Churches, while they have no power of force or tyranny, Therefore I refolved never to fpeak or do any thing againft fuch Biftiops of Bimops, though Diocefan.

§. 20. Thus far I have oft declared my felffor Epifcopacy: But finding in all the aforefaid Hiftory, how the Church came to fhe woful State that it hath been in thefe 1200 years, and what it furlereth by the Bimops and their Cergy in almoft all parts-of the Chriftian World j and that even the Englijh Diocefans can endure no more Parochial Paftoral Difcipline than they do* (I mean fuch as Bticer in Ssripr. Anglic, preft fo vehemently on King Edw. and the B;fhopsj and that they cannot contentedly hold their Lordfhips, Wealth and Honours, without filencing and ruining Twothoufand fuch, as I, or better ; and ufing many thoufands of godly Chriftians as they do 5 and finding that I and-(bch others are accufed as being difobedient to them— and for not fwearing,and covenanting*never to endeavour any alteration of their prefent Ciurch-Governmertr, and ail excommunicate by the Canon that fay there is any thing in it (even from the Archdeacon downward to [the refl in Office ] repugnant to tfo Word ofGody I took it at laft to be my duty to give the* Reafons of my diffent in a full Treatife of Epifcopacy.

And becaufe I perceived young men and ftrangers to former timeSj deceived by the general noife, How Anttint and

"Vnivsrfitl Epifcopacy hath been-, as if all that is called Epifcopacy were but one and rhe fame thing; or as if .ve were againft the Primitive Epifcopacy j therefore I fuddenly (ard too b*?iti!y for want of time,) beftowed a few weeks in fumming up the Heads of the Hiftory of Bifhops ard Councils, out of a tew Hutorians which were moft common, nexr. at hand^ and of molt credit with thofe whole faults I opened :That it might be truly known Hurv much the tumifisd degenerate fort of Prelacy had canfed the Divifions and Calamities of the Church,

§ 21. For this Mr. M^rrice fasiame faith) and many more are lb greatly offended with me, and fay of me herein what they do. And on pretence of Vindicating the Primitive Church which untruly implyeth that I who vindicated it againft corrupters did oppofe it,! hedefendeth the corruptions and finful mifcarriages and difeafesof the Prelates : And this he doth, i. By ftriving to make me contemptible as unlearned^ as if that would excufe the fins which I rehearfe and lament:He findeth in one place through myihafte and heedIe(hefs,a word ofTheodorer mifplaced, and the word [Calami"] tranflated JguMs, which he thinks (hould be Reeds $ and one or two more fachj as if he prevaricated, and had a defign to extol the Book,which he Mi ds no more and greater fault in, than he really hath done. And he proveth it Iikelj that I never faw the Hiftories that ftood by me near twenty years, becaufe the Printer put a Comma between \Marquarduf] and [Freherw] (I think there are a dozen Comma's mifplaced in my whole Book ->) when he himfelf faith of his own Book {The faults that have efcaped are almofi infinite.] But of thefe things more anon*

2. He loudly and frequently chatgeth me with malicious fal-fifying Hiftory 5 and when he comcth to the proof, I have {hewed you who the falfifier i?.

3. The grrat thing I amaccufed of, is making the Bifhops more the c ufes of Herefie^Schlfm and Violence,than they were : And of th t 1 havefaid nothing, bur what 1 chi rrk I have fully proved. And let the Reauer ;u gebv this followingCatalogue.

Domineering Pride hath been <hc chief caufe of Herefies and Schilm?, dpecially working in theClergy to tumid Prelacy and Tyranny.

I. I before noted how the Anoftles began roftrive who mould be greateft, till the effufion of the Spirit after Chrifts rebukes

had

(*5>

had cured them. And what tiranny Diotrephes ufed through love of Preheminence.

U. If the doubtful ftories otSimon Magus be true., his tumor was more than Papal ; And Epiphanim makes Mcnander, Satur-mlw, Baftlides, to be but his Off-fpring. The Original of the 2Vt-colaitans and Gnoftickj (who Epiphamus faith, had enfnared him-felfonce ) is utterly uncertain; Carpocras, Cerinthus, Ebion^a-lenunusy Secundtts, Ptolomaus, were all but Birds of the fame Gnoftickj Neft, a crazed fort of men that mingled Chnftianity, Platonifm, and Magical Imaginations 5 and what they were themfelves, is not kno^vn : Such was Marcus, Colarbafus, He-racleo/ty the Oph:ta t the Cainites, the Sethians, Cerdo\ Martion was a Bifhop's Son caft out for vice 5 and Lucim> Apelles and Severn* his Off-fpring, the Heads of their little Sefts 9 whether Bifhops or not, is unknown. What kind of Hereticks Tertullian, Tatianus, and Origen were, and how many faults as foul Lallan-n'/^and many not numbered with Hereticks havens well known: And among all thefe in thofe early daies, till there were Popes and Diocefans (fuch as now) in the world, none fuch could be Hereticks.

III. Many Councils contended about the time of Eafter, and ViEior with one part of Bifhops, excommunicated Polycrates and the Arian Bifhops 5 while, as Socrates and Socmen tell us, the Churches that left it indifferent had peace.

IV. A Council of the belt Bifhops at Carthage decreed Re-baptizing.

V. A Council of the Bifhops of Cappadocia.Ciliciafialatia^c^ \ at Iconittm, for Rebaptizing thofe Baptized by Hereticks : And yf-Stephen Bifhop of Rome excommunicated them all.

VI. A Council at Synadis, and divers others decreed the fame Rebaptiz'ng.

VII. Divers more African Councils of good Bifhops with Cyprian, decree the fame, whom Stephen Bifhop of Rome condemned.

VIII. Divers Bifhops are faid to be Sabellian Hereticks.

IX. Paulus Samofatenus Bifhop of Antioch was a Heretick.!

X. The Council of Bifhops at Cirtain Numidia under Secundum Mr. M. calls worfe than I do.

XI. A Carthage Council of 70 Bifhops An. 306. fet up the Donatifts Schism, ftriving for the preheminence. who fhould be Bifhop of Carthage, E XII. An.

(x6)

XII. An. 308. Another Donatifts Council had 270 Bifhops. Many more Councils they had.

XIII. The firft General Council at Nice wehonour,and affent to its Creed: But thank Confiantine for burning all their Lrbels, and keeping peace by his p-refence and fpeech.

XIV. The Schii'm made by MeUtin* and Peter, Bithops,is well known.

XV. The Here(ieofv4n'//.f (a Presbyter that would have been a Prelate ) quickly infefted Eafebms Nicomed. if not Efffebim Cafarvnjis, and divers other Bifhops.

XVI. Epiphanies faitb 3 that Audius was driven to his Herefie by being Jong abufed, beaten, and at laft excommunicated for reproving the Bifhops and Pfiefts for their Covetoufhefs^ Luxury, and other fins: And fo he became a Bifhop himfelf.

XVII. EvJebiHs Nicom. made Bifhop ofConftantinople fwhom you tell us VaUfins thinks was no Heretick) hired a Whore at ^intiocb, to father her Child on Eufiarhius the Bifhop there, and got more Bifhops to depofe him, and the Emperour to banifh him.

XVIII. A Council of Bifhops at 7y;'eun;uflly condemn and per-fecute Athanapus.

XIX. Three Bifhops (faith Mr. M. overcome with too much Wine and perfuafion) ordained Novatian falfly Bifhop of Rome (before this aforementioned.)

XX. A Council at ^emjakm An. 335. tryed and approved Arim Faith, and reftored him.

XXL A Council at Constantinople condemned Marcellus Ancj-ranus, and Athanafins, and juftified Arius.

XXII. A Council of near 100 Bifhops at Antiocb, 36 being Arians 9 depofed At b ana fins.

XXIII. Another Council ixAntioch make a new Creed with.

OUt [ouaxnQ-,1

XXIV. A Council of 576 Bifhops at Sard.ca^ decree Appeals to Rome, which Anguftin and the African Bifhops were againfr.

XXV. The Semi-Arian Bifhops went to Pbilippopolis^nd condemned fuch as the other at Sardica had abfolved, but call out [ooca^©-] as not fcriptural, and caft dreadful accufationson Atba-nafiw, Paulas C. P. and Marc e Has.

XXVI. An, 3 yo. A Council at Milan received Vrfacius and Valens^ Arians.

XXVII. Stephen

(17)

XXVII. Stephen an Arian Bifhop hired a Whore to go in to Bifhop Euphrates-, and this Enphratas after turned Photinian.

XXVIII. An. 3 5*3. A Council at -^r/n condemn Athanafius.

XXIX. ^w. 35?. A General Council at Mihn of above 3 as Wcftern Bifhops (though the Eaftern that were moft Arian could not come,) where Athanafixs was condemned, and communion with the Arums fublcribed.

XXX. An, 356. A Council at Byterris condemned and bammed HUarv, and condemned them as Separatifts or Schifma-ticks that renounced the Arian Communion.

XXXI. A General Council at Sirmium of 300 Weftern Bifhops befides the Eaftern, made three different Creeds, condemned Athanafws, left out the word [Subftance] made P. Liberitts^nd old Ofius fubfcribe againft Athanajms.

XXXII. The Oriental Bifhops at Aneyra were only for £ opufafftt ] and not [ ofioiaiQ- ] and wilh Macedonia againft the Godhead of the Holy Ghoft.

XXXIII. A General Council 400 Bifhops met at Ariminum } of whom moft at firft were Orthodox; but after when the Em-perour interpofed,fubfcribed to the Arian Party.

XXXIV.The reft fate at Selettcia^nd were moreOrthodox,but divided into Acacians, who were for leaving out [Subftancc] and Semi- Arians, who were for [LikeSubftancei] Sulp, Severus tells ui 3 that many Bifhops quieted their Confidences by [[ubjcribing in their own fenfe'} and fo deceived the Avians that thought they had won them.

XXXV. A Council at C> P. made a Ninth Creed, leaving out ISubftance and Hypoftafis, The Semi-Arians for this banifhed the Authors.

XXXVI. A Council at Antioch caft out Mdetitts, and made a Tenth Creed, worfe than the reft.

XXXVII. fulian Reigning, A'thanafius calls a Council ztAlex* tndria, which had almoft divided Eaft and Weft about the names \_Hypoftafis and Perfona {] but that fbme wife men per-fuaded them that the words were both of the fame fignificationj which yet was hardly entertained afterward.

XXXVIII. A Council at Antioch of Semi-Arians Petitioned ?o-vianus to caft out the Acacians 5 till they knew his mind,and then the Arian Bifhops turned Orthodox.

XXXIX. At a Synod mTyana Euftath.Sebafl. denied [^i«©-] and the Godhead of the Holy Ghoft* E a XL, An

XL. An Arian Council of Bifhops in Carta under Valens: And another at Singeduni in Mifia %

XLI. Damafus in a Roman Council condemneth Sifinnius for Conventicles: For at the Election in the Church they fought for thefe two: And Damafus his Party one day left 137 dead bodies behind them, and got the better.

XLII. Falensby cruelty fet up Arian Bifhops in a great part * oftheEafr.

XLIII. The firft General Council at C. P. is commonly called the Second General, when yet that at SardUa , Ar'tminum , Sirmium , Milan, were General alfo.: They were many good men, and did good : But how they ufed Nauan^en to the great grief of the Church of C. P. and how Naz.ianz.en defcrib-eth them, I defire the Reader to take from his own words., and not from mine, or Mr. M.

XLIV. The Council at Cafar jiugufla did that which made Martin feparate from them and all their Councils after to M\% death.

XLV. A Council at C. P. fet up Flavian at Antioch y and a Council at Rome were for Paulinas : The former advance C. P. and ferufalem.

XLVI. Many Schifmatical Councils of Donatifl Bifhops followed.

XLVII. For Theophslus cafe I refer you to Socrates and Svxjir mene.

XLVIII. Epiphanim his Schifmatical ufage ofChryfoftomis un-excufable.

XLIX. Andfo xsTheophilus profecution of him, and a Synod of Bifhops caftinghim our, and Cyril*s refitting the reftoring of his name when dead, and reviling the foannites that kept fepa-rated Meetings for his fake.

L. The Diofpolitan Council abfolved Pelagius. Divers Carthage Councils condemned him. P. Innocent condemned him* Zofimus once abfolved him,, and condemned his accufers.

The Bifhops caft out for Simony, I will not number here.

LI. The Contentions between Boniface jand Eulalius, and o«

thers after them to get the Bifhoprick of Rome, are fo many as

I will not number them. And the ftriving of three Bifhops fuc-

ceffively againft the African Fathers for the Roman fuper-emi-

v nence and Appeals to Rome, are commonly known,

C*5»

LIL (Jnc of Bifhop Boniface's Decrees is, That £A r a Btjfbop /ball be brought before any fudge, Civil or Military either for anj Civil or Criminal Cauje.~\

Llir.Whac the firft General Council at Ephefw did intheOufe ofNefiorias I have fully opened: Derodons Evidence is undeniable, that Neftorius was Orthodox as to the Matter, though he mif-took as to words, in thinking that Mary fhould no't be called Tb: Mother of God, but ofChrift who is God, ( which Luther alfo fhews.) Yet fince that Councils anathematizing him, a great body of Chnftians in many Eaftern Kingdoms, to this day are a party hereticated by the reft. Is not fuch an effect of 1200 years con-r tinuance, a witnefs of the failing of that Council?

LIV. TheBiftiops of C. P. and Alexandria ft riving which fhould be greateft, a Council at C P. decided it forC. P. where Thsodoret was for Alexandria, and fell under difpleafare.

LV, Leo M. Bifnop of Rome, claims the title of Head of the Catholick^C hutch.

LVI. Two Councils at C. P. one againft Emyches and the other for him.

LVII. The fecond Gouncil at Ephefm is fo heavily accufed by Mr. M. and fuch others, that I need not accufe it more. FU-iiianus of C. P..was there hurt to death. Yet Bellarmin confef-feth it wanted nothing of a true General Council but the Popes approbation.

LVIII. A Council at Alexandria under Diofcorns excommn-cateth Leo.

LIX. What the Council of Calcedon hath done I have ihewed: Inftead of reconciling the > Neftorian and £/#/^V2« Controverfics / by a skillful explication of their ambiguous unfit words, they^yL Anathematized both and banimedDi^TV^.And ever fince to this day, the Eutjcbians and Neftorians are feparated DhTenters.

LX. Ac Alex and. the Bifaops party that the Council was for (ProteriM6)ax\& Timothy whom Diofcorm party werefor,fb raged, that they murdered Proteriw, and.dragg'd his carkafs'inthe ftreets,and bit his ftefh : Avd each party ftill accufed the other. .

LXf. Pulcheria(Theodojiw's Sifter and Martian's Wife ) being for the Council, and Eudocia Theodofuii's Widdow for Diofcc-r/^, they animated the feveral Parties of Bifhops and Monks: Ani in Palefiine fuvenalB'iihop of ferufalem was expelled, Severianu* Bifhop of Schnhopolis killed, &c.

l}0)

LXII. Leo the Emperour commanding obedience tp the Cat-cedm Council, at Alexandr ;<*and Am loch the Armies of contending Bifhops were in continual war, calling each other Neftorians and Eutjcmnns 5 one Bifhop banifhed by the Emperour, the contrary Bifhop murdered by the people, and cart into the River % the next getting the better again, ehr.

LXIIF. In Martiarh and Leo's daies mcft Bifhops fubfcribed to the Council. When Bafilifcm ufurped, and was againft the Council, faith Nicepb. three Patriarchs, and Hvc hundred Bifhops renounced it, molt before having damned its adverfaries. Btfi-lifius recanteth his Commands, and commandeth all to be for the Council, and the Bifhops obey him, fave thofe of A fa, Zcno recovereth the Empire, and is for the Council, and the Afian Bifhops turn for it, and fay they fubfcribed to 5^///r«/atfirft for fear. Zeno feeing it impoflible otherwife to make Peace, leaveth all indifferent whether they will fubferibe the Council or nor. Then the War grew hotter between the Bifhops and their Armies againft each other, fpecially the Patriarchs 5 all being in Confufion , at Alexand. Antioch and C. P. and no Em-perour wife enough to quiet them.

LXlV. Anaftafipts a peaceable man, made Emperour, leaveth all te th'nk of the Council as they will : Then the B (hops fall into three Parties 5 fome for every word in the Council 5 fome anathematizing it, and fome for the indifferency : The Eaft one way, the Weft another, and LybU another; yea each Country divided among themfelves : Saith Niccph. So great confufion And blindnefs of mind befell the whole World. The Emperour falls upon the impeaceable of both fides : At his own place C. P. the Sedition of the People overcame him, for their Council Bifhop, which tarred the Emperour more againft the Council, and that Bifhop and the reft.

LXV. At Amioch the Armies of two Bifhops fought it out, and theCouncil Party getting the better, killed fo many Monks, as to fave the labour of burying thtm, they caft their bodies into the River: And after another Party of them made as great a (laughter. For this blood the Emperour banifh'd FUvianus the CouncilBifhop:This was called Perfecution./Vf.^tf.beingdead, tie Bifhops of Alex, Egypt and Lybia, fell all into pieces among themfelves,and had feparate Meetings: The reft of theEaftfepa-rated from the Weft, becaufe the Weft refufed Communion with

them,

f?0

them unJefs they would anathematize Neftcrius, Eutjch-s, Di-cfcorus, Moggus, and Acacius : And yec faith NUeph. J$*iger-mani Diofcori & Ewy>cbstit feBat ores jnere, ad maximam pauatlitem redattifstnt .Note ihziFlavian theCouncilBifhop for fear with his Fello v Bifhops frhreatned by Bifhop Xenaits) fubferibed an Anathema againft Theodore^ Theodorite, Ibas, as Neftorians: The IfdHrian Bifhops yield to anathematize the Council. Sevsrm a fierce Enemy of the Neftorians made Patriirch at Antioch, forced many Bifhops to renounce the Council 5 and many ro fly. The Ifamriz* Biih)ps repent and condemn Severm : Tne Empe-rour commanded out two Bifhops for condemning their Patriarch : The People defend them, and force the Emperour to defift, becaufe he would fhed no blood for Bifhops. HeLas Bifhop of Jerufalcm 9 Qvi all the Bifhops in f'uch confufion, that he would communicate with none of them, but the Bifhop of C. P. The Monks at Jerttfalem proclaim Anathema to all that equal not the jour Councils to the four Evavgelifts, and write to the Emperour that they vconld make good the conflicl to blood, and went about to engage men to the Council : The Emperour commanded the Bifhop to reform this: He refufeth. The Emperour fendeth Souldiers to compel them, and the Bifhops and Monks forcibly caft theTn out of the Church. He fent Olympic with a ftronger band, who cifl out the Bifhop: The next Bifhops and more Souldiers had yet more conflicts after this, and the SouIJiers driven away by force.

LXVI. Fdix of Rome, with 77 Bifhops, excommunicate Aca* ciftsof C. P. f with a \^Nanquam Anaihematis vincutis exnendui) and their own two Bilhops that obeyed the Emperour in communicating. The Schifm between Laurent ins and Symmachvs, came to blood-fhed, when five or fix Councils laboured to heal it. Symmachns excemmunicatetb the Emperour and Bifhop of C. P. as communicating with Heretick* 5 but not an Arian King then at Rome.

LXVII. A Council of 80 Bifhops at Sidon anathematize the Council of CtlcedoHj.

The ft riving Parties keep upftill in great Bodies, and the Metrites (as they call thofe that obeyed Kings and the Council) have one Patriarch at Damafius, the Emychian Jacobites one at Mefopotamia, the Maronites one at M. Libanus, all called Patriarchs ofAntioch) (and the Remans make a fourth of the fame

tide)

(30

title) and the NeftoYians have their Patriarch at Muz.nl.

Of the many Herefies or Seels that rofe up from the intemperate opposition to Nefforias, and the woful ruines they made in the Eaft after the Calcedon Councils, and all caufed by Pride and Profperity, and wantonnefs of Wit, and ftopt only by the Conqueft of the Saracens and Arabians, and how orthodox now in their Captivity and Poverty they all are, even the Jacobites, the Neftorians, the Armenians, the Cophti, the Abeffmes^ the Indians, and the Maronites, fee the notable words of Brurwrod Enquir.p. i8o, i8i 3 182, 183. As alfo how the Verfim King was a great caufe of the fpreading of the Nefiorians through his Dominions,

LXVIIL The Eaft and Weft were divided in fufi'irh Reign 5 on the Qjeftion, whether the names of two Orthodox dead Bifhops fhould be reftored into the Dypticks, even Euphemius and Ma-cedonius, whom the Pope had damned as communicating with Hereticks 5 the Bifhops of the Eaft being for k 9 and the Weft a-gainftit.

LXIX. fuftin turning theftreamfor the Calced. Council, the Bifhops in a Council at ferufalem, and another at Tyre are for it, and condemn Sevems. And a Roman Council condemneth the three dead Bifhops of C. P. Acacius, Euphemius and Macedo*

Yiius.

LXX. So far were the Bifhops yet from Peace, that Jufliniatt being Emperour, headed the Council Party, and his Wife thead-verfe Party.

About 30000 they fay were then killed inCsP; at an Infur-rection.

LXXI. A mifchievous Schifm for the Bifhoprick at Rome, between Boniface 2. and Diofcorus and Agapetus after Boniface*

LXXII. In fuftinians time a Controverfie arofe, whether we may fay [One of the Trinity was crucified? ] Hormifda Bifhop of Rome CM No. The Nefiorians took hold of this and faid, \Jhsn we may not fay Mary was Mother to one of the Trinity."] Jujtinian fent for a Council about it to Pope fobm He and his Bifhops concluded contrary to Hormifda, that we may fay [One of the Trinity was crucified."] And fay Baronius and Binius [_Ita mutatis hoftibus arma mutari neceffe fuitT] Faith changeth as occafions change. Reader, if chou feeft not here how Bifhops have broken the Church in pieces, Irauftnottell thee, left Mr. M. be angry. I in.

I Intreat the Reader to fee what I faid, Hift. p. i J 2. of the Conference of Hypatius and.the Eutychians.

LXXIII. A Council at C. P. calls their Bifhop Patriarch* Oecumenicus, and condemn divers Bifhops, as doth a Council ac ftfufalem,

LXXIV. At Rojne the Arian King made Silverius Bifhop,' and others chofe VigUius that murdered him. VigUius excommunicated Mcnna or C. P. which fuflim'an revenged.

LXXV. A new Controverfie is ltaced whether thrifts body was corruptible: The denyers had Gainas A. Bifhop 5 The affir-mers had Thecdofius; The firft were called Phantafiafta, the o-ther Corrupt icol#. Moft were for Gainas, but the Soldiers for Theodofmr. They fought many daies, and the Soldiers killed many, and many of them were kiHed, and the Women withftones from the top of the houfes, and the Soldiers with fire, continued the war: And thedivifion continued in Liberatus's daies: fufti-nian was fo zealous for the Council ofCalcedon, that he murdered thoufands (as they fay ) in Egypt, and yet dyed a reputed Heretick himfeif, being for the CorruptUoU, and Evagrius faith, when he had fet the whole world in tumult, he was damned himfeif. But God beft knoweth that.

LXXVf. A Council at Barcelona Decree that Priefts muft cut their beards, but not fhave them.

LXXVII. By the Cheat of an Eatycbian Bifhop fuftinian was perfuaded that the condemning of fome Writings of Theodora Afopfueft, Theodorite and Ikas 9 would reconcile the Bifhops: He calls a General Council at C. P. to that end (ufually called the jth)His Letters are read opening the doleful divifions, that the Churches had no Communion with one another, &c. The three Bifhops writings are read : Theodorite charged by this General Council with that fait Epiftle againftdead Cyril,and a like Speech at Antioch, and none vindicated him : Binitts and Mr. Morice and others fay the Letter is forged : I know not 5 But the Tria Capitula are condemned. And now this General Council hath made a new dividing fnare. Many that were for the Calce-don Council feared this was a condemning of what they did in receiving Theodorite^ &c. The Adverfaries were never the more fatisfyed j but faith Bmitts himfeif [ The end-was not obtained, but a moft grievous mifchiefadded to the Church— The whole Catholic^ Church was torn by Schifm, and worJe,the Emperourftir^dup Per-

F jecution,

'[edition, depofed or banijhed P,V\g\\\US: But left the Eaft Jhould allforfakethe Weft, he recanted and conferred to the Council. Doth cither the work, or the effect commend this General Council?

LXXVIII. A Council of ferujalem fave one Bifhop, prefently received this Decree.

LXXIX. A Weftern Council at AquiUia condemn this fth General Council atC. P.and (faith Binim)feparatedfrom the whole CatholickChurch(even from Rome) for an hundred years tz'l Sergius reconciled them. J^Were the Weitern Bifhops or the Pope then the Weftern Church ? -So many feparated, that Vigiiins being dead, there could but two Bifhops (and a Presbyter ) be got to or Jain Pelagius his SuccefTor. But the Emperour and his Pope perfecute the Bifhops, and the Schifm feemed defperate.

LXXX. Another Council at C. P. An. 5:87. decree that John Bifhop of C. P. be called The Vniverfal Bi/Jjop 5 which greatly in-creafed the Churches divifions.

LXXXI. King Gumhram called a Council at Mafcon An. 589. finding all things grow worfe and worfe, & all long of the Bifhops ©nly, faith Binivu,

LXXXII. Even Great Gregory called a Synod againft the dif. fenting Bifhops,and they not obeying hisfummons,the Bifhop ofAquileia was ruined ( the Weftern Head) Sabinian that fuc-ceeded Gregory would have had his Books burnt. Boniface the third got Phocas the Murderer to declare Rome the Chief Bifhops Seat (He to whom Greg, had fung L&tentur coe'i, & ex-tiket terra^Scc.)

LXXXIII. Next rofe up the Monothelite Controverfie. Cyrus. Bifhop of Alexand. to end the Controverfies aforementioned., was told that to ufe the word [Dei virilis operatio & voluntas} would unite them alJ,which paft as fattsfatlion in a Council at A-lexand. 1\ Honorius perfuaded them to filence [One~\ and [Tir*?.]

But this Counfel was rejected., and now whether Chrift had [One or Two Wills and Operations^ became as defide^ the new-War of the Bifhops through the world. Some were for [One] and fome for [Twoj as if [Will and Operation, and One or Tw~]-were words that had but one fignification; When every Novice in Philofophy muft grant that Chrift's Will and Operation in fome /enfe, was bur One, and in other fenfes Tiv<? 5 as I have proved. But Sergius Bifhop of Conh 1 . fet it on foot, TIeraclius being'for ir 3 and Pjrrhus his SuccefTor followed it oa. And Sergius by a

Council

Council of Biftiops at C. P. decreed for [One Will-]

The Opinion and the Emperour Conjtans his fifencing both, are condemned at Rome, The Pope, Emperours and Bifhops, are all condemned, and perfecting each other about ir.

LXXXIV. Cottft. Pogonat. called a General Council at C* P. called the 6tb, which condemned Macarius Bifhop of Ant % and the pacificatory Epiftles of P. Honorius and Sergius as Heretical, and all that were for One Will^ and Que Operation of Chrift $ I. As denominated anaturis & earum principiis feu facpiltatibus^ the Divine and Humane Will and Operations were and are Two : i. As denominated ab unit ate perfona j they are the Will avid Operations of Oneperfon, and (b far may be called One. 3. As denominated ab unit ate okjetliva they are One : The Divine and Humane Nature will the fame thing, fo far as the Humane willeth s and do fo far the fame work : But if any will make a new He-refieby difputing whether the Divine Nature alone do not will and acl fomewhat without the volition and aUion of the Humane (fince the Incarnation^ they (hall have no company of mine in it. 4. In the fenfe as the Operation of the principal and inftrumentalCaufeare One^ producing One Efetly foChrift's Divine and Humane Operations are One. $\ As Confent deno-* minateth Vnity^nd the Old Chriftians are faid to be of One heart and foul, One mmd and mouth $ and Chrift prayeth that we may be One in him,fo his Will and Operation are One % 6. Yea if there be a fort oiVnion between Chrift & his Members, and between the Bleffed in Heaven, which is quite beyond ourprefent com-prebenfion, it is much much more fo between drift's Divinz and Humane Will and Operations.

And now Reader, whether it was well done topafs over thefe and many other needful diftin&ions^ and to put men barely to fay that Chrift's Will and Operations were not One^but Two^vhttl really they were both One and Two 5 :nd to make the Pope him-feif a Heretick, for one of the wifeft Epiftles that ever Pope wrote (lam no fuch enemy to a Pope as to be partial -J and to divide t&e very Weftera Church from Rome, and make AquileU its Head for an hundred years, and to. fet all the Roman Empire in a fl3me, anuthemariz-ngand fcparating from one another, tie-ask each'other , ste wifely and to blame for F z blaming

blaming it, then good and evil is but what every difeafed foul will make it. Mr. Mortice and his Matters, that honour their Leviathan for fuch works asthefe, do tell us/bat they would da it themfelves were it to be done again. And let it be their work, and the reward be theirs: For my part I abhor and renounce ir.

LXXXV. Faith and Salvationnow depended fo much on Arith-metick, that % the Bifhops of Spain raifed another Arithmetical ControverUe , afTerting Three Subftances in Chrifi, bis Divinity^ his Soul^ and his Body y and fay 5 [ A Will begat a Will, that L% the Divine, the Humanc.~\ Thefe things are true. But the wife Pope was fo affrighted with Arithmetical Cuntr over fits by experience of the mifchievous Effects, that Ifc cautioned them much about ir, and for that fome judged him errone

LXXXVI. The Council at Trull was one of the heft that ever they had, yet (hewed the Core of the Churches Plague,, by de-creeingj That whatever alteration the Imperial Tower mtketh on any City^ the Ecclefiaftical Order Jhall follow it. This Clergy ambition nurft up Anti-Chrift.

LXXXVIL A Council at Aquileia condemned the 5th General Council for condemning the Tria capitula.

JLXXXVIII. Pope Sergius condemning the Trullans Council, the Emperour commanded him to be a Prifoner, and the Soulditrs*. bribed refcued him.

LXXXIX, Bardanes Thilippicus being made Emperor, he cal-ieth a General Council at C.P. where, faith Bwius, out of the £aft there were.innumerable Bifhops, (which is notfaidof any o-ther Council) who all condemned the 6th General Council, and their Decrees of Two Wills and Operations.

Here (not I, but) Bar oni us and Bmius fay [Thus at the Beck of An Emperour, andthe Will of a Monothelite Patriarchy the holy 6th > Synod is condemned\and what they faid of Two Wills with Chrifi y and two Operations, and all retraced by the Decree and Subfcription efvery many Oriental Bifhops, that were in one moment turned from being Catholick to be Monothehtes\ But do they forget the 100 Year, that even the Weft made a head againft-the ? th Council and the Pope.

XC. Next all the World is fet together by the Ears about Images, for which the Pope rebelled againft and rejected the Emperour for Charles Maxteloi France.

Ajid FopeZachary bid Boniface call a Council to eject the Af-(kllQizti Antipodes* XCI. It

CXI. Ffl a General Council at C.T. 338 Bifhops condemned the worfhipping of Images^ and fwear men not to adore therm, and derrroyed reliques, &c. and decreed, that Chrift's Body is not flefh in Heaven: Bat the Pope and Weftern B (hops of his Party, condemn this Council. XCll. The C7r^Bifhops condemn the RomanB\(hov$ for add-U wg [F///^] to the Creed, and fo another occafion ofSchifmis 1 raifed>

XCIII. The Schifms in Italy zvARcme itfeif now grew fo great and the Effect's in Blood and Confufions fo difmal, that I mult not number them one by one.

XCIV. Conjiamine and Let Ijkkri Emperours, being dead, a

(Woman Irene, and her Infant Son are for Images, and call a ue-ncral Council for them at Nice, where Tharafws Bifhop of C P. got the B.fhopsto carry it for Images and Reliques, and the Chief Bifhops that had condemned them before, nowcryed/w-cavimus, and condemned thefe that were againft adoration of Images, &c. If Mr. Morrice call me an Enemy to Repentance for reciting this, I cannot help ir.

XCV. Yet more Schifm : Two Bifhops, F'celix and EV.pandus, fay, Tluti Chrift as the eternal Word was Gods natural Son l but as Man he was but his adopted Son : (thinking that duo fundaments. y viz. Generati* tterna, & temporalis, duas faciunt Relations, fili-ationis in uiaperfona. ] But Councils condemned them as makv ing two Sons. And the great Council at Franhjord condemning the fecond Council of Nice, and Image-worfhip, condemn alio thefe two Bifhops, 1, For faying Chrifi was God's AdcptedSon j 2. And that bj Grace j 3. And that he was a Servant. Is any of. this falfe 5 not excluding a higher title ?

The Council concludeth that Cbrifl was not a Servant fubjetl--ed to God bj penal fervitude: Sure it was part of his fuffering for our fins, to be in the form of a Servant, Phil. 2.7.

XCVI. Binius faith the FUioqt was added to the Creed by the Spanijh and French Bifhops without the Pope.

XCVII. One Council at C. P. reftored him that married the Emperour adulteroufly to another wife: And another condemned Theod. Studita and Plato, for being againft it.

XCVIIL The moft excellentEmperour Ludov. Piuswu fo> zealous to reform the Bifhops, that they hated him, and in a Council at Compendium (Compeigne) moft perfidioufly depofed

hid*

Dim, ana aicer oaieiy aouieci mm, even witnout me rope.

XCIX. As to pleafe his Son Lothariw, they depofed the Father 5 fo when he was beaten by his Brethren, they after in a Council at Aquifgrane {Aken) depofed Lotharias t accufing him as they did his Father*

C. At c. P. a Council was called by the power of another Woman Theodora and the Bifhops that had under divers Empe-rours condemned Image- worfhip, now turn to it again, and anathematize on a fudden the oppofers.

CI. The Bifhops own Lotharios Adulterous marriage with Waldtada.

CII. The Councils that fet up and pull'd down Ignatius and Tintim at C. P. and the woful ftir that they made as Emperours changed, were lamentable.

GUI. Many contrary Councils were between the French Bifhops that were for Lotharius divorce and the Pope.

CIV. Bafd the Emperour writes to the Pope to pardon all his Bifhops, or e!fe they fhould be without, becaufe all had mifcar-ried, and turned with the times.

CV. A General Council at Conft. called by the Paplfts, Ujs Eighth General Come //, condemned Photitts again, and-fetup/g- . natiuS) and the Changers crytd, peccavimus^ and make extreme Decrees for Images (But they well condemn Subscribing to be true to their Patriarchs and Bifhops-,) but decree that all Princes and Subjects worfhip the Bifhops, who mult not fall down to them. Other horrid Elevations of Prelates above Princes they decreed—faying, A Bifhop, though it be mamfefi that he is defti-, tute of all Firtue of Religion, jet ts aPafior $ and the Sheep muft not refift the Shepherd.

CVI. A dangerous Rent between Rome andC. P. what Bifhop fhould have the Bulgarians.

CVIL A Council at JVLtz. called Prtdatorium, gave the King-. dom : to Car. Calv. unjuftly.

CVIIL A Council at Pavia falfly make Charles Emperour.

CIX. Another (Pontigonsnfe) confirmed it5 (the Pope: chiming the Power.)

CX. A Roman Council unjnftly made Lndov. 3. Emperour.

CXI. A General Council at C. P. again fet Mp-Pbotius, and call out IFUiofa]

CXII. The*Roman adlions for and againft P. Formofus, are odious to allfober Chriftians Ears, CXIII. A

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CXIII. A Council at Sojfons confirm the A. Bifhoprick of" Rhemss to a Child of five years old, Son to the E. of Aqmtane, Divers other Councils do and undo about the fame Caufe.

CXIV. TheHiilory of the Bifhops of Rome and their Councils from hence forward is fo lamentable that even the mofl: flattering Papift Hiftorians mention them with deteftation. So that I limit not fray to name many particulars.

CXV. An. 1049. A Roman Council wis fain topardoo Simo-niacal Bifhops and Pried?, became the Cy was, that elfe none would be left to officiate.

CXVI. Beirg come into rhe Rowan fmfe, I will pafs above an hundred more of the Councils of this woful fort of B mops, left Mr. Mrrrice think that I fuppofe him to vindicate them, or not to abhor them. Only remembering my Reader ofafew General or notable things : vfc.

I. The multitude of Schifm% and long vacancies at Rone $ and the horrid incapacity of very many Popes, which prove an interrupted fucce.Tion.

II.The horrid wars that long infefted Italy by the Popes means..

III. The difmal wars with many Emperours, and the Bifhops and Councils half on one fide and half on the other.

IV. TheC^uncil that called the Emperours and others Princes power of inverting Bifhops, the Henri ci a nHercfie,. and ; judg'd the Bifhops that had been for it to-be dig'd out of their graves and burnt.

V. The Subjecting and debating of all Chriftian Princes, making them but as the Body, and the Moon, and the Bifhops, to be as the foul and the fun. Efpecially the General Lateran Council which decreed Tranfubftantiation, and all to be Hereticks that denied it; And oblige all temporal Lords to exterminate all fucU Hereticks on pain of Excommunication, depofition & damnation.

VI. The Councils ofConflance and Bafils that were for Reformation how falQyand cruelly they dealt with ///wand Jerome and rejected the four great requefts of the Bohemians, and fixed their pollutions.

VII. The Councils of Florence, and that of "Trent, ,which had more Learned men, who yet more obftinately managed the Enmity to Reformation.

VIII. The p re fen r State of the Univerfal Church throughout;-the World as it is divided into Papifts, Prweft[ants, Greek*, Mof-

covitesy

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-covites, Georgians, with the Circajfians and Mengrelians, Ame~ nlans 9 Neftorians, Jacobites, Copbtts, Abafinet, Maronites, Aiel-chites\ And what thoughts thefe have of one another.

And I would deiire Mr. Momce to tell us,

i. Whether he believes not verily that all thefe Inftances prove that the Bifhops have been the chief caufe 3 and that by Ambition, Pride and Worldlinefs ?

2. Whether it be not the Bifhops that in the Roman and other Parties now, are the greateft hinderers of Reformation, and of Concord ? and it would not be foon done were it not through them ?

*. Where it is that he will (top in his Vindication of the Bifhops and their Councils, and go no further ? and by what cogent reafon?

4. Whether he thought he had well defended the Church-Tyranny which I accufed ? i. By vindicating the firft Ages, and others whom I praifed,and accufed nCt^i, And by letting fall his Vindication (favea few confequent quibbles) at the fourth General Council; which was in 451. Andfo feems to vindicate the Bifhops and Councils but for the fpace of iyo years of the time that I mentioned their degeneration?

5. Whether if the Bifhops had been willing when they had the King's Commiffion to make neceflary alteration,or were but to this day willing to prefer things neceflary before things hurtful or indifferent, we might not live in happy and holy Love and Peace in England ?

6. Whether he can blame a man that believes in Chrift, for lamenting the doleful corruption and divifion of the Chriftian world, and for enquiring of, and lamenting the finful caufes..

7. If that Church Prelacy which they juftly call the beft in all the world can endure no more Parifh Difcipline than we have* nor can endure fuch a Miniftry as are filenced by hundreds or thoufands ("than whom no Nation on Earth abroad that I can hear of hath better) can you blame us for fufpecYmg that fome-what is amifs with them, and more with others r

8. I hope ycu w4il.y<et remember that I did not appear as an accufer of Prelacy or Conformity, but as importuned by your fdvcsto give the reafons why I dare not take your Covenant and Oath never to endeavour any alteration of your Church Government: and that after feventeen yeers filence. My prayers

to

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to God fhall be my endeavour for thefe following Alterations.

i. That the Primitive Difcipline may be exercifed intbePa-rifh Churches,as Bucer importuned the King and Bifhops de Regno

2. That to that end we may either have fo many Bifhops under the Diocefan as be capable to do it, or the Presbyters enabled, allowed and oWjged to do ir.

3. Ancfthatwemaynot inftead of it have only adiftantCourt of men that know not the Parifhioners., where a Lay Chancellour decreeth Excommunication, and Abfolution, which the Paridi Prieft mult publifli, though his confcience be againft it.

4. And that Diocefans may not filence faithful Minifters without fuch caufe asChrift will allow, nor fet up ignorant bad ones and bind the Parishioners to hear and communicate with no other. I am fo far from precife expectations from Diocefans, or from reviling them, that I do conftantly praife them as very good Bifhops who do no harm, or but a little,and if they fhould never preach themfe!ves,fo they will not hinder others.

9. And as for my calling Things and Perfons as they are, I hope you will not fay that it was out of Malice thtt'Anaftajius Plat in a, Majfonius, Stella, Sigibert, Baronius, Genebrard, Bin-nius, &c. have recorded fuch horrid crimes of Popes, and others alfo of Prelates. And is it malice in me to tranfcribe their Hi-ftory?

I am of Dr. Henry Mcore's mind, who faith, \Myfiery ofIniq* p. 388. " Hence it is plain that they are the true ft friends to " Chriftendom, even to Rome it felfo that do not footh them up in u their fins, by mitigating and hiding their foul mifcarriagcs i but €< deal apzrtly and plainly with them for their ownfafety 5 that nei-" thcr admit; nor invent fubt erfuges to countenance or palliate their ef Idolatrous andfoperftitious pratlices, but tell them plainly how Cf much they are apoftatiz,edfrom the trueWorJhip ofGodandChrifi tc into Paganifm and Idolatry. Better are the rebukes of a faithful fi friend ', than the hired flatteries of a globing mercenary.'} I pray mark this well

10. I take two things to be the degenerating and corruption of Epifcopacy,

1. When they became fo bad that they were not willing to do good according to their undertaken Office. Bad men will do ill in any place.

G 2. When

2. When they had put themfelves into a ftate of incapacity'^ that they could not do the Good undertaken, were they never fo willing.

i. Since great Baits of Wealth and Domination have tempted the worft men to be the Seekers,Bifnops have rarely been good, except under a Saint-like Prince or People ihat had the Choice 5 nor are ever like to be. And what work mk Enemies of Holi-nefs will make by abufing Gbrift's Name againft himfelf, is eafie to know 5 *fuch will take the beft men for the word, and call them all thai's naught, tlut they may quiet their Consciences in deftroying them.

2. And fmce a Diocefs of many hundred or fcore Parifhes-hath had but one Bifhop for Discipline, the work is become ■impofltble to the belt* But when a few Bad men will rnercinarily undertake Impolfibilities,and fo.Badvefs and J&poflibility go together, alas, what hope, but of a better world above ?

Saith Lptthzr ds Concil. & Ecckf.p. 300. Ssdquam fttnt intent* hanc craffktn & afininam fatttitafem f(WnU$Epifcopxs nownnqnam babet ires Epifcopatus vel Diocefes > & tamen vocalur Vnitts Vxo-ris mar it us, & cam habet tantum unum Epifcopatvm s tamen inter-dnm habet centum^ due cat as, qningentas Varcchias, ant etiam flares, & vocatur tamen Sponfus unim Ecclejia —Hi .non font digami-—Tarn infwlfas & inept ifjimas n&<>iasrecipit mens humana\. it a permittente Deo cum a vet bo difccHimxs, & omnia limatius & fxbtilitis fcrtitamar.qitam ipfe vnlt nos fi*AN&k] Whether you reverence Lifar any more than Calvin I .know not.

11* To conclude this matter, two things I defire you, or at leaft the Reader to confider,

1. Whether it be not a dreadful thing for a man to make the Church corrupting, dividifrg and confounding fin?, to be all his own by defending or exculing them, on a falfe pretence of Vindicating the Primitive Church Government, which was contrary to them ?

2. Whether you rruft to Truth and Evidence, or to Intereft and depraved Judgments, if you ttiink men fhall believe that you have confuted all this undoubted Hiftory, and the prefent experience of ail the woful Chriftian World, by a general Cry thitX write falily and malicioufly, or by faying that I. am unlearned, or that I trufted to a Tranflation, or Binnius, or that Mmifis miftook the year, (things that I.will not turn over my

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Books to try,) or that I mifplaced or mifunderftood a word of Iheodorite, or miftranflated CaUmi, or fuch like. Such Believers of you are guilty of their own deceit.

§ 22. There is lately publifhed by a namefcfs Prelatifr, to fhew the World what Spirit he.is of, a Book pretending by the defcription of my Life from J640. till 1681. to prove me one of the worft men alive. To that I will now fay but thefe few words.

1. That let them take me to be as bad as they will, fo they would have fo me mercy on their own and others Souls,and the Church of God.

2. That it's no wonder that we differ about Antient Times and Hiftory, and prefent Impofitions, when the main difference in our Times is, who are godly, yea tolerable Chriftians, and who are intolerable Rogues 5 and thofe that fas before God) by long and intimate acquaintance^ judge to be the moft ferious, confcionable, humble, holy MinifterS and People that were ever known to me, are the Perfons that the Prelatifts profecute, fi~ lence,and cry out againft as the moft intolerable wicked Enemies of Piety,Truth and Peace. What is it that is the root of this ?

3. That this forefaid Book is one continued Calumny,unworthy of an Anfwer, partly-making my duty my fin fas that I di£ liked the many drunken Readers that were the Teachers of my Youth, &c.) and partly perverting fcraps of fentences 5 and partly reciting one revoked Book,, and a few retraced fentences of another, when Augttftin is commended for retracing far more, and filling it with a multitude of moft grofs untruths,of his own fiftion.

• 4. That as to his and Mr. Mortice and others talk of the Wars I fay."

1. That I never thought the Parliament blameleft.

2. That yet on Bilfo>f$ grounds I was in my Judgment, and Speech, and A&ion, comparatively for them while they made their CommilTi ons to Effex for King and Parliament.

3. That from N^sby Fight I wholly laboured to have drawn off their Souldiers from Errour, and Rebellion, and Ufurpationj in which I did and fuffered more than multitudes of my Ac* cufers.

4* That I never went fo far againft the Power of the King as

G z R. Hooker

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R. Hooker whom I have long ago confuted.

5. That I never (truck or hurt man in the, wars.

6. That I will confent to be filenced and imprifoned if they will but give tkofe Minifters leave to preach Chrifts Gofpel that never had to do with wars (unlefs for the King.)

7. That when our beginning Concord had reftored the King, the 5<7<tf j,though unfuccefsfully fought for him,Mow^& his Army, that had blood ilyf at D//«£W,&c.)fought againfthim,had with the Concurrence of Sir Tho. Allen, the Londoners and Presbyterians reftored him, when the King by them came in Triumph, Honoured Monk and others of them, confeft them the Caufe of his Reftoration, paft an Aft of Oblivion that we might all live in future Peace, I fay, If after all this it be Prelacy and C'ergy In-tereft and Spirit, that will rub over all the healed wounds, and itrive again what ever it coft us to ulcerate the peoples mind3 3 and refolve that the Land and Church (hal! have no Peace, but by the deftruttion of fuch as reftored the King ; I (hall think never the better of Prelacy for this. But ask them, why did you not Speak it out in 1660 to M<?«^and his Army, or till now.

§ 23. And whereas that Advocate (defcribed ?«h,8.) and you are (till deceiving the ignorant by facing men down with Confidence that Hie in faying that [ Two Epifcopd Parties began the War in England and the Papifls and Frefbyterians came in but a*s Auxiliaries^ I again fay,

1, Allow me but reafonable leave, and I will prove it to the fhameofyou if you deny it.

2. At prefent I will but recite one claufe in Whitlockj Memorials, pag. 45:. even after they thought themfelves under a ne-ceffuy to pleafe the Scots as far as they could. [" Anno 1640. u The Commons had debate about a new Form of Ecclcfiaftical Gc-u vernment, and fuly 17. agreed, That every Shire Jloall be a fevt-cc ral Diocefs ; a Presbytery of Twelve Divines in each Shire, and cc a Prefident as a Bijhop over them 5 and he with the ajfiftance of <c fome of the Presbytery to ordain, fufpcnd, deprive, degrade and <c excommunicate. To hzve a Diocefan Synod once a year, and iC every third year a National Synod, and they to make Canons, but <c none to be binding till confirmed by Parliament,

C( The Primate of Armagh offered an expedient for conjunBio* u in point of Difcipline % that Epifcopal and Presbyterian Govern-^ mcut might not be at 4 far dlfiavge^ but reducing Epifcopacy to

cc th*

n ths Form of SynodicalGovernment in the Primitive Ciurch

Were not thefe men Epifcopal ? It's much like Mr. Tho/n-dik/s own motions faving his Opinion for Forein JurifdicYion.

§ 24. As to your fir ft and laft Chapters, and about the Antient Extent of Churches, while my Treatife of Epifcopacy, which fully confuteth you, is unanfwered j if I repeat it again, it will not be read by weary men. And another hath anfwered thofe parts of your Book, which is ready for the Prefc.

I after tell you where Chrjfoftcm even in his time numbers the Chriftians in that great Imperial City to be an hundred thoufand,that is as many as in Martins and Stepney Pa-rimes, and perhaps in Giles Cripplegate too.

§ 2f. To conclude, Whereas Mr. M. in general chargeth me as falfifying H ftory, I frill call myftlfa HATER of FALSE HISTORY, and loath W[r.Morrict 9 $ Hiftory, becaifc it is falfe: Bat if he will inftead of falsifying and trifling, (hew me any falfe H.ftory that I have owned, I will thank him unfeignedly, and re-tracl: it. Bat factious reproaching of good men, and painting the deformed face of Vice, go not with me for convincing proof. If Iam not nearof kin to Eftfrnxs, I am a ftranger to my feif, even as Memla, and M. Adamus defcribe him, \_Ingeni* erat (implex ; adeo abhorrent a mendacio, tit pxellus etiam odijfet pwes- menttentes ; & fenex ad illorum adfpeftum etiam cor pots commoveretur. Dignitatem 0 1 magnarum divitiarum contumax contemptor ; neqae quicqaam pritis itio babttit ac li-jeitate.'} And I think, as it isfaid otCtifpinian, [_Ratus fe fattsfaclnrt<m mgenuo Ldhri, fiqua vcrijftma ejfe comperijj'et ftmpLc'ffima oratione man* daret pofteritati : fatis enim eft h'ftorico (jit pr&cUre dixit apfid Cicsronem Catullus), non ejfe Mendacem."]

And as to my ends and expectation?, I am not Co vain as to write with any great hope of perfuading many, if any who are pofleft of large Diocefs, Wealth and Power, to for fake them, muchlefs to cure the common Thirft that corrupted Nature is pofleft with, and to be the means of a Publick Reformation: if I may fatisfie my Confcience, and fave fome from being deceived by falfe Hiftory about the Caufes of the Antient Schifms, it's all that I can hope for: Hid I lived in Alb. Crantzius daies, I might perhaps have faid as he of Luther [Frater, Frater 9 abi in cetlam tuaP^% & die Mtferere m:i Deus ;] Et de Canonic it «pt (£ylty&nv diftis, Nwquam pojfe cos redHti ad meliortm frngem*

ttfi

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nijlprius a vlrU dottis expu^utta arcs (*. e. Vap.tttt.)

' And for my felf, none of the Intercfted mens reproaches are unexpected to me : Anger will fpeak. I know what tbePapifts fay of the Reformers, and all the Proteftants : And yet I expert that all at laft will* turn to thedifgrace offalfhood,-by putting men to fearch Church-Hiftory for the Truth.

The cafe oi Capnio is worth a brief recital. A covetous Jew pretending Converfion, contrived with the Fryers and Inquifi-tors, to get a great deal of money from the Jews, by procuring an Edift from the Emperour to burn sll the Jews Books, that fo they might purchafe them of the Fryers. The Emperour will firft hear what Capnio a great Hebrician faith : Capnio ad-vifeth to fpare all that only promoted the Hebrew Literature, and burn only thofe that were written againft Chrift. Hock? ftrate and the Fryers were vext thus to lofe the prey, and accu-fed Capnio of Herefie: The caufc is oft tryed,efpecially at Rome : All the Learned Hebricians were for Capnio : The Fryers raged the more: This awakened many Learned men to fearch into the Caufe, and armed them againft the Fryers. Galatinm, Hmten^ Erafmus, cVc. are for Capmo. The Fryers accufe them alfo of Herefie : But by this they ftirred np fuch a Party of the moft Learned men againft them, that when Tez,elitts came to vend his Indigencies, Luther hud fo many ready to /oyn againft the Inquifitors and Mercenary cheating Fryers, as greatly furthered the Reformation. And two or three ingenuous Conformifts who have lately written againft the violent battering Canoneers, do tell us that fome are like to be excited by the Overdoing of the Accufing filencing Party, to fearch better into the matter of Fact and Right, till they can diftinguifh between an Eucrafic and a Tympanite.

Or if this world be incurable, they cannot keep us out of the heavenly femfalem, where there is no Errour, Schifm, nor Perfection, becaufe no Ignorance, Malignity or Pride, but the General Aftembly of perfect Spirits, are united in one perfect Head^ in perfect Life, and Light, and Love.

The

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The particular Defence of the HiPcory of Councils and Scliifms.

Art Account to Mr. Morrice why my mentioning the Chu>xh» diflratling fins cj the Clergy ', when worldly grandeur cor* ruptedthem, is not a TJijhoymr/hig, but a Honouring of the Primitive Church. And to vindicate thofe fins is no Vindicat ion of the Primitive Church.

§

CHAP, I, The Reafon and Dcfign of my Hifiory of Bifoops and Councils..

i.TH E Y that know the men with whom I have to do, and A the Caufe which 1 have in Controverfie with them,will eafily underftand my purpofe.. The Perfons with whom I am to deal, are fuch as bold,

i. That a General Council of Bifhops or the Col ledge of Bifho'ps Governing per Litems format as out of Council, are the Supreme Governing Power over the Univerfal Church o % n Earth, having the Power of Univerfal Legiflation an*d Judgment-..

2. That among thefe the Pope is juftly the Patriarch of the Weft, and the Principitimunitatis to the whole, and the ordinary Prefident in fuch Councils. And fay fome, It belongs only to the Prefident'to call them, and they are but rebellious Routs thataf-(emble without a ;uli call.

3. That there is no concord to be had but in the Obedience to< this Univerfal Governing Church. But all Perfons and all National Churches are Schifmaticks who live not in fuch Subjection and obedience.

4. that fuch as the Diocefah Epifcopacy which is over one loweft Church containing hundreds or multitudes of Parifhes and Altars without any other Bifhop but the faid Diocefan is that Epifcopacy which all muft be fub/ett to 3 while it is fubkclr. to the Univerfal fupreme.

5. That every Chriftian muft hold fubjecYive Communion with the Bifhop of the place where he liveth: And fay fome^

(4«)

Draft not praftife contrary to his Commands, nor appeal for fuch practice to Scripture or to God.

6. That if this fupreme Power filence theDiccefans, or thefe Diocetens filence all the Minilters in City or Country, they muft Ceafe their Miniftry andforftke the Flock*.

7. And fay divers of them, They are no true Churche*, or Minilters, that have not ordination from fuch Diocefans, yea by an uninterrupted fuccdfion from the Apoftles : And for want of this the Forein reformed Churches are no true Churches, but the Church of Rome is.

Much more of this Nature I have already tranfcribedf and confuted ) out of A. Biftiop BrombaII,Dr. Heylins Life of A. Bi-fhop Laud, Mr Tb$mdiki t Mr Dod-well and divers others.

§ 2. The firft thing then in my intention is to (hew that the Reman Grandeur which is thought to be the Glory of the Church on Earth, and the*neceflary means of its Unity, fafety and true profperity,hath proved dean contrary, even the means ofCburch corruption in Doftrine, Worfhip, Discipline <Sc Convention, the Soil of the moft odious crimes, the means of tyranny, fuppref-fion of true piety, and perkcution of Gods faithful Servants, and of rebellious, War and cruel blocdfhcd,

§ 3. To this end I defcribed the fteps by which the Clergy afcended'to the Papal height: For as all Proteftants juftly maintain that their Corruption of Doftrine & Worfhip came not in at once but by flow degrees, fo do they alfo of the Papal Government and difcipline. And they con>monly (hew the vanity off he Papifts demand,who ask us who was the man,and which was the year, as if the world had gone to bed in fimple Chriftianity, and awaked Papiftsthenext morr.'rg.Whercas it is moft evident in all Church hiftory that theCIergy^eaving the Chriftian Purity,Sim-p)icity and Love, did climb the Ldder ftepby ftep till they amended to the Papal height. And it's a meer dream of them that think it was the Bp- of Rome alone that thus afcended,and not the Army that made him their General: As'the boat nfeth with the waters, fo did the Pope with the attending Clergy : Others ftrove for fuperiority as he ftrove for Supremacy :The ftrife began an.org Chrii'ts Apoftles who fhouldbe greateft, and who fhould, fir next him in his Kingdom } And though Chrift then fupprcit it by his Word and Spirit, and the fufrerings of the Church took down thofe afpiring thoughts, as foon as Cwftwtine had fet tbem the

Ladder

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Ladder, what fcrambling was there who fiiould climb higheft. Yea Conflantinople ftrove for the Supremacy h(c]f.

§ 3. And I rhe rather mentioned this becaufe I found fome late learned Expofitors of the Revelations, taking this* inordinrte af-cenr, for the promifed glory and felicitvof the Church on Earths and taking it for the fulfilling of many ofthofe prophecies and promifes which fome applyed to the Millennium, and fome to the heavenly (rate. And doubrlefs H.lddrand and his adherents had (ucli thought*, and did believe that their rule over Emper-ours 3 Kings and Kingdoms, by the Power of the Keyset the Kingdom of heaven, was the true Glory of the Church, and rhe Reign of Chrift, and that all the honour W2s indeed given to Chrift as King of the Church, which was thus given to the Pope and the Church-Parliaments of Bifhcps. C-.itnpa,:. Del

doth but fpeak the thoughts of greater Clergy men when he ?p-plyeth the forefaid Texts to prove that the Popes Univcrfal Monarchy is the true Ivn-dcm of Chrift on Earth, to v.hicli all Monarcbs and Men muft ftoop.

And Nature is fo apt to entertain fuch thoughts, efpecially in the Clergy, who think of it as their own profperky and glory, that it is no wonder, if as J^w;***, and his Fifth Monarchy men, did itch to be getting up under the name of the Reign of Chrift, and Co did John of Lejdcn and his Company at Mu*jjkr\ fo the Fifth Monarchy C'ergy men, who can afpire more [ lauflbly, do long to be climbing,' and are very reconcilable to Papal Great-nefs; and where* Popery is become a diftafied name 3 they nev thelefs defire their fh:re in the Power, Honour and Wealth, and under pretence of Peace and Concord among all Chriftians, and reftcrirg the Church to its Unity and Strength, they ftrive for much of the famethinf, and think it enough ro avoid the n?.me : And the Pope mail be but I itis, and the Prefi-

cknt of the Clergy or Councils, Get but the poor trick of calling nothing Popery but the Pope's Arbitrary abfolute Power, and do but tiebim to Ru'e by the Content and L Parliament?, tfm fe, let up the French Cluirch-Governnoit, and then they arc no Paptfis. Do net the French Proteftants de'erve all their fufferings then for calling the CHorefi or Bifhops there Papifts, and (eparating from I vernment ?

§ 9. And it was not the L-aft of my Motives to try, were it polfible to cure their Lcve-kill; lit, who think that all

H are

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are Enemies to Unity and Peace, who are not for Obedience to this Univerfal or Superlative Prelacy,and to fave us all from that confufion and calamity, which this Opinion is carrying on, while the Patrons of it think that all arc to be profecuted, filenced, ruined as Rebellious Enemies to the Ruling Church, who do not fub)e& themfelves to fuch a Prelacy $ and that we muft or can have no Chriftian Church-Concord, but by Obedience to the Univerfal Church, as Bifhop Gunning hath over and over told me, that is, to the Univerfal Colledge of their fort of Bimops : Yea not only the Papifts, but thele Bifhops among us, to this purpofe repeat and apply P/W.72.1 i. Yea all Kings fhall fall down before hrm : All Nations (hall ferve him. Or Ifa. <~o. 12. For the Nation and Kingdom that will not fcrve thee Jhalipenjh: Tea thofe Nations JJoail be utterly vcafted } '] which Bifhop Gunning applyeth to the Epifcopal Univerfal-Govern-ing Colledge.

Thefe are terrible threatnings, as they fhew the principles and purpofes of men, however they miftake the mind of God. Few parts of Europe have had more long and cruel Wars, than Italy it felf, where thefe Principles have obtained : But the blood ofthoufands of fincere Chriftians hath been a Sacrifice to thefe Principles in the Clergy. When we read in Jefuires,Fryers and Prelates, found Chriftians called Hereticks, and all fuch He-reticks called, mortal, odious, wicked, pernicious, intollerable Enemies to the Church, whom all good men are bound to endeavour to root out and deftroy ; when we hear our neighbour Papifts fay, It is no more (in to kill an Hcretick^tban a Dog : And when we hear and read our Clergy calling out to Magi-ftrates for yet more Execution upon m^ for not obeying them sgainft that which we undoubtedly take for the Law of God 5 and the nearer any man is to the Papifts, ufually the more he is for our deftrucYion, and for their way of cruelty, I thought it time to try if it were poflible. if not to fave the Land from this confuting fire, yet at leaft to fave fome Souls who elfe were like to be tempted to malignant Enmity to the beft and trueft Chriftians, and to perifh-for ever by this deceit.

How many honeft paffages are in Mr. Thomdikt which mew rhat it was not any worldly j'ntereft of his own that moved himj but yet the Power of this Errour [ Of a, Church that xvasVm-verfillj One hj One Ruling Colledge or Council of Vrelates^ of

which

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which the Tope was the rightful Prejidcntfoc."] which muft be acknowledged by all Nations and Perfons, that will have Chriftian Communion and not be condemned Schifmaticks, prevailed with him to theexclufion of all DifTenters, and confining his Communion to thofe only who owned and obeyed This Vniverfal Governing Church.

§ 6. And as long as this Opinion prevaileth,efpecially in men of Power and Reverence who take other mens belief and obedience for their unqueftionable right, where can we think hatred and Perfecution will ftop. Will not they (till think that they that kill or filenceor imprifon or banifh us,, do God fetvice, and that the Magiftrate that doth not punifh us deferveth puniQV ment from God, if not alfo from the Church. And they that are moil: for Seldom preaching, and can difpenfe with our Minifte-rial labour therein, will not be indifferent as to the filencing, im-prifoningor deftroying us.

§ 7. Whether we have any reafon to refufefwearing orfub-fcribing to them, and never to endeavour any alteration of their Government as it is in England, I have fincerely endeavoured to (hew in my Treatife of Epifcopacy. And if Chriftian Conco.rd and Communion be fo hard and narrow a thing, as that no men are Capable of it who are not of a higher form than I, as to un-derftanding, impartiality and wiliingnefs to know theTruth, the Church andChriftianity are things beyond my capacity and reach: But I doubt not but ic is humane errour that would dwindle it into fo fmall a SeeX

§ 8. Alas what Perfons for Knowledge and Life can they bear with in their Communion, who cjunotbear with fuch as they fi'er.ce and ruinein this Land ! And the Papilte can receive even thofe that know notChrift if they do but profefs o&edience to the Clergy-Chr-c*\ Lathers words are harm, but I will recite xhtm a; Co-idh:: P**t 3. Pag 2QI. Si monZr-ivsrint mihi unum aliqttem ex 4 mzhttudine q;ti pejjit aqxare umm 4/-

pha'vitarium in all qua erudita Schola, ant in fuwma dotlrlu<z Cbrifiiana, vel in Scriptura Sacratantum prof cerint, quantum una aliq'id paella feptem annorum \ tunc illis concedam palam— nip quod plus callent traditionum httmanarum, & S)<!cphantiarum : Jgjtcd valde credo, & firmius quam in Deurn credn^ cum me con-vacant fatlo ipfo ut credam.To this pafs did the Clergies afpiring then bring the Church, when worthy men were filenced and per-

H 2 fecuted .

(*0

fecuted.And we are unwilling of any thing that looketh towards a differencing men ib contrary to that which Chrift will maks at laft.

CHAP. II.

Whether we have any reafon to repwt the Faults of fome Bijhops and Councils, from the beginning of their Depravation till the Lijl ?

§ i.'irHat I had great reafon for it^ I think what is before A fdid will evince 5 when we fee men deitroying Chrift ian Love, themfdves, and us, and the Land, could they prevail, by their erroneous endeavour to grant no Concord, Communion nor Peace, to no Chriftians how ccnfcionabJe otherwife foever 3 who cannot unite in a fpecies of Prelacy which they believe (by fuch evidence as I have given) to be contrary to the Law of Chrift". To the fdving men from Herelie and Schifrn now, our oppofers ( and we) do judge it ufeful, to know how Hereticks and Dividers mifcarried heretofore, that others may beware. And is it not as true if Bifh ps be the Dividers i And alfo when the Clergies Ambition ind Uiu'pation have brought that upon the Chriltian World which it languifheth and groan-eth under in Esft and Weit , is irnot needful to open the beginning and progrefs of the difeafe, by fuch as had rather ic were cured, than the Church deftroyed by it ?

§ i. Among the mult, ude of Pruteltant Church-Hiftorians anu Ctt«)no!bger$ 3 how few are there that do not do the fame, though in various degrees ? He that will read the Msgdcbur-gtnfcf, or Lucas O/iandcr, Iliytiei Tcft. Vtrit, Mc'antlhon hi'mfelf, and Car ion FuKccivs^yta. peaceable holy Bncholtz~er^ Alicrelim, Nenr.der, Phil, Parens, Hen. Gather let h^fke. yea or f alius or fof. Scaliger, St>lm*fius, Hot toman, Hottinger^ Morney^ (hall lee the faults of Bifhops opened before this day.

§ 3. The pious and moderate* Papiftt themfdves report and lament them : Such as Clemangis, Vdagius Alvarus, MtranduU, Feru>, fof.^cofla, Lud, Vives, Gcrjon, Ersfmus, an J many other fuch.

§ 4. The antient Godly Bifhops are they who for the moft

pare

part have been freeft in reprehending the vices of the reft* e ^cially Greg. Naz.ianz.en, and Chryfoftom, and many antient godly Presbyters have been as free_, as Gildas, Ifidore-Petufiota, Sal-vian, Snip. Severn*, Bernard.

§ f. And if I have wronged the Bifhops or Popes in this Abridgment, their ownHiftorians,yea their chief flatterers have wronged them. One Pope angered Platir.aby imprifoning him: Yet if he be partial it is for the Clergy, and not agairift them. But who will believe that Binning Baronius 9 Crab, Gencbra d 0 Bellarmine^ Petavtas, and fuch others have fpoken too hardly of them. There is no one man that I took fo much from as BinniUs: And what mould move him to name fo many of the mifcarriages of the Councils, but the neceflity of reciting the A els ofthe Councils hiftorically as he found them ?

§ 6. The Sacred Scriptures record the Crimes of the befi: men in all the Ages of which they write, even Adams ^ Noes, Lots, Aarons, Davids, Solomons, Heztk^ahs, fofiabs, Peters, all the ApoftJe* 3 dv. And it was not done out of fpite or malice y but as a nectffary warning to us all.

§ 7. The fa 1 (hood of Hiftory is an intolerable abufe of mankind : To know nothing done before our times 3 : s to {hut up mankind in a-dungeon $ and falfe Hiftory is worfe than none. And it may be falfe and deceitful in defeft as well as excefs. He that fhould record all that was good in the Popes, and omit all the reft, would be a dangerous deceiver of the world, and do more than hath been done to make all Chriftians Papifts. Yen tell us your felves, that he that fhould write the Hiftory of Crcmivell, e. g. or of any Setft that you are againft, and mould' leave out all their faults, would be taken for a falfe Hiftorian.

§ 8. They that write the Hiftory of mens Lives, do ufe to record their Parentage, Birth and Education :' And fomuft he that will truly write the HiHory of Gburch-Tyranny, Perfection and Schifrn. Thcf end is not well underftood without the beginning. Who is it that heareth how many Ages the Chri-ftian world hath been divided into Papifts, Greek?? facobius,Ne-fiorians, A'hlcbites,&c, and that feeth what work the Papacy msde, but will ask how all this came to pals f Did the man thntdied of Gluttony, fwallow all at onemcrfel ? or rather one bit after another f And when the Clergy have ventured on one merry Cup, or one pleafant mcrfel in excefs, it's

eaf:e:

eafie to make them believe that one,and one 5 and one Cup mores one 3 and one, and one bit more, is no more unlawful than the firft. Tvinvipii) ubfta % is the Rule of Safety.

If Papifts intending the recovery of England to the Pope fhould fay [ rc La us but firft get them under the Oaths^Covenants u wd Practices which we will callConformity^ and fo caft out mo ft c that daft not fn^ and by th s engage them as two Armies in con-*? trarj Inter eft to fight agairft each other , and it will be an eafie " waiter to bring \'hefivallow. \g Tarty to go further by degrees 3 and <c to believe that as a Farifh Church mujt not be tno 1 -pendent as to u the Diocefan y nor the Diocefan to the Metropolitkal or National, " fo neither muft a National be independent as to the Vniverfal : (i And that the Vniverfal therefore muft have its known flated Go-" vernment as well as the National, J Were it not neceflary here for him that would fave the Land from Popery to (hew the danger of the firft degrees.

The ufual Method is not to ufe Boccalines Roman Engine, which will help a man to fwallow a Pompion that he may get down a Pill, but to fwallow alelfer Pill firft and a bigger next, till the Pompion will go down. Infancy is before manhood.

§ 9. But the great neceffity wasasaforefaid, from the revived or rather Continued attempts, of imitating the fatal ambitions and Contentious malady. If Prifcillians, or Gnofticks fhould rife row among us, were it not our duty to fet before them the hiftoryofthe mifcarriage of their predeceffours. And when men are fo much fet on reftoring an Univerfal Supremacy, is it not meet to (hew them where, and when,and with what fuccef* the afpiring humour did begin. If we have fmall vifible probability ofefcaping, we muft yet before we come to Smithfield,tmz-fy aur Confidences that we betrayed not the Church.

CHAP. III. Of Mr. M's notice that I am Vnlearned.

§i.AyTR. AP% Preface Contradeth the Chief things which iVX he hath to fay a gain ft me in his book, that the Reader may find them there all together. And of thele [that I urn unlearned ] is not the leaft. And ifthat be any of his queftion I affure him it (hall be none of mine. I am not yet Co vain as

to

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to plead for my Learning : Yea, I will gratify him (though heaccufe me of being againft repentance ) with an unfeigned confefllon that my ignorance is far greater than his accufatiort of mharnednefs doth import. Alas I want the knowledge of far more excellent things than languages. I do but imperfeftly know my felf,my own foul, my own thoughts and underftanding: Ifcarce well know what knowing is. Verily if no knowledge be properly true that is not adequate to the object I know nothing : And fubferibe to Z anchez.^uod nihil Scaur, (by fuch as I.) Alas Sir I groan in darknefs from day to day,Sr I know nor how to be delivered ! How little do I k«iow of ihat God whom the whole Creation preacheth,and of that Society which I hope to be joyn-ed with fur ever, and that world which muft be my hope and portion, or I am undone.Many whom IamConftrained to difient from upbraid me with my ignorance,andI fuppofe it is that for which they filence me, reproach, hate and profecute me 3 even becaufelbave not knowledge enough to difcern that all their impofuions are lawful ( or elfe I know not what it is for ) Bjt none of them all can ( and* will ) tell me, how I mould be delivered from this ignorance: If they fay, [/* muft be by bardftudf] I can ftudy no harder than I have done.If they fay [[muft be willing to k*ow the truth j I take my felffor fure that I am fo : If in thac alfo lam ignorant, in thinking that I know my own mind when I do not, what elfe then can I hope to know ? If they fay [ Ton mnft be impart id ] I think I am fo, faving that I muft not deny or a ft away the truths already received. If they fay [ Ton Jloouldr-ad the ftme boot's which have convinced us~] I read far more of the P^piftsand PreUtifts and other fells that write againft me, than of thofe that are for me. And the more I read the more I am confirmed. And when thefe men preach and write againft the Cdvimfts, they render them odious as holding thae menars mccjfitated to fin and to be damned, and that it is long of Gods Decree which cannot be refifted: Therefore I fuppofe they will not lay the Caufe on God. I do then eonfefs my Ignorance., of matters a tboufandfold greater and more needful than thofe which they mention in their accufations. I eonfefs my fel fun-learned : But I intreat them that tell me of my difeafe f which I know to my daily grief much better than they ) to tell me alfo how I may be cured.If they fay that it muft be by Fines aid Im-frifonment it hath been tryed & I am yet uncured 1 I hope they

will

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^riil not pronounce me remedi!ef3 and not te!! me why 5 who ufe themfelves to fpeak againft thofe that preach men into de-fperationjwould they but tell me the fecret how fb many thou-fands of them came to be Co much wifer than I, in farlhorter time.and with far lefs ftudy., it would be (if true) an acceptable deed of Charity ; rather than to tell me of the Ignorance which I cannot help. Could I but know needful truth in Engtifh, I would joyfully allow them to glory of being more skilful in all the Oriental Tongues 3 and alfo in French, Irif >, Spamjh and Italia?: ,than I am.

CHAP. IV.

■ Of his Accufation, that I vainly name Hiflorians which I never faw or re.id.

§ i.T Muftprofefs that it never was my purpofe to tell the X world how many Hiftorians I have read $ nor to abridge all that I have read i And thofe that I have moft read I have there made no mention of* as not being for my intended end : .And multitudes that ftood by me, I never opened to the writing of this hiftory, my defign being chiefly againft the Papifts and thofe Proteftants who moft efteem their writings, and had rather unite with the French Papift Church, than with us Nonconforming : Therefore when I was part the firft 400 or 5*00 years, it was the greateft and moft flattering Popifh hiftorians that I abriged, as ad hominem being Jikeft not to be denyed.

I toM the reader that I made not ufe of Lutfar the Magde-6tirgenfes, nor the Collections ofGoldaftw, Marquardns Frehertts, Reaberus, Fifloriiu^fkc. ] And the Printer having put a Comma between Marquardu* and Frehcrm^ he Conje&ures that I took him for two men 3 becaufe I added not the Chriftian names cfths reft : And he concludes that Twhoever this mifia^e belongs to, it's ■plain that M'.R. had but little acquaintance, with thofe CoUetlions.'} For I nam? fome of the Authors therein.

Anf Seeing thefe things are thought juft matter for our ac-cufers turn,- I will crave the Readers patience with fuch little tilings while I tell him the truth. It is about 25: years fince I read the German Hiftory in the Colleftions of Freherns, Renbe-rm wAP/forim, and about 30 years firxe I read the Golleftions

4>f Goldaftm : The Magdelwgenfes ^Ofunder ^Sleidav^ or any fuch Proteftants I thought vain to alledge to Papifts. About feven or eight years ago as I remember, I was accufed for Preaching, and Fined by Sir Thomas Davis ; and the Warrant was fent by him to Sir Edm. Bury Godfrey ro levy it on me by Diftrefs : I had no way to avoid it but bona fide , to make away all that I had : Among the reft I made away my Library, only borrowing part of it for my ufe. I purpofed to have given it almoft all to Cambridge in New-England : But Mr. Knowles f yet living) wliD knew their Library,tc!d me that Sir Kenclme D'gby had already given them the Fathers 5 Ccuncils and Schoolmen,but it was Hi-itory and Commentators which they wanted. Whereupon I fent themfome of my Commentator?, and fome Hif.orians among which were Frcberus, Reuberus and Tiflorins Collections, and Nauclevus^ Sibellicus, Thuanus^ Jof. Sczhger de Emendat, Temp. &c j B : t Gddafrtis I kept by me ( as borrowed ) and many more which I could not fpare * ard the Fathers and Councils and Schoolmen I was ftopt from fending. Now whether I was unacquainted with thole that partly ftand yet army Elbow, and which I had read fo long 2go, muft depend on the Credit of my Memory • snd I confefs my Memory \% of late grown weak, but not fo weak as to think that Marquardfts Fsefcrtts was roc one man, ard a Palatinate Councillor,though it be names that I moft forger ; why I gave not the Cbriften names of Rcubtrtu and PtftvriKs, whether becaufe I for gat them, or becaufe I minded not fo fmall a thing, rot dreaming what would be inferred from ir, [remember nor. But when I wrote that abridgment, I made ufe of none that I thought the Papifts would except a-gainft; For the firft apes I pothered what I remembredout of the Fathers, and out of Evftbiu*, Socrates, Soz^omen^ Evagriw, Theodoret, the Tripa? ttre^N',c?fhorw, Lihcrat w , Brev. l r i€zor Vtic. Beda,and fuch others as are by them received: Be fides which I principally followed and E< i orfrzed Binning and Qrab, and partly Baron Hi , wish Fia;i;.^ i Oxughrizs Bantir.ius^ Stella, Vet alius > and others of their own. And i'rtfolvrd I would not ib much as open Goldjiftiss, Or any Proteftant Collector, that thev might not e.xcrpt againit their Credit, aud reje<ft them as m&liciet'Scurf.d Jhrttick** as Ltl-be do:h M Ichlor G>l<J»ft*s and alrnoft ajl fjch others as he mention? ; *nd as Gretfer i Sanders, snd other Papiils tomihenly do. Therefore even thofe Hiftoncs which

J be

be in Goldajlm.l would not take as out of him, but fome of them from the books published by others, and fbme as cited by BinniiU) Petavittsfx other fuch. And this is now the proof of my Vanity.

§ 2. It is a miftake if he think that I intended fas he fpeaks^) to be a Compiler of General Church Hi ft orj ; When I profe (Ted but to acquaint theEnglifh Reader with the true matter of fa&out of the Papifts themfelves, whac the ambitious part of Blfliops and Councils have done, and by what degrees the Papacy fprang up, and whether fubjection to the afcendent exort Prelacy be ab-folutely neceffary to Concord and Salvation.

§ 3. As to his faying [ / am the fir ft that ever reckoned Na-zianzen among Hifterians , ] I take the writings of tbe Fathers, efpecially fftjtifi^ Clemens Alex. Tertttllian, Cyprian, Eufebius, Ba~ Jilj Na7~ianz.cn, Hierom, Chryfoftom, Auguftrn, to be the beft part ofChurchHiftory, efpecially their Epiities. And of this opinion I am not the firfr.

CHAP. V.

Of his Accufation of my citing Hanmer and ether Irar.fl-ttors^ and being deceived by Binnius andfuch others.

§ 1. I.TTE accufeth me for not uling Valeftus his Edition of X"l Eufebius and thofe Editions of the Councils which-he accounteth the beft : To which I fay,

1. I am not Rich Enough to buy them, nor can keep them if. I had them. Muft none write but Rich men f The French Councils would coft more than many of us are worth : We have had no Ecclefiaftical maintenance thefe 19 years 5 and we cannot keep the books we have. Luther wrote his book de Conciliis when it feems he had never read many of the Councils Acts, but as related by Eufebius Socrates, So&omcn, and the Tripartite Hifto-ry.

2. Dr.Jamcshtth long ago warned all Scholars to make much of Crab and other old ones, ( and the Fathers as Printed zt>Ba~ Itf by Erafmus, Amcrbachius % &c.) and not to trull much to new Editions, as coming through untrufty hands.

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3. l&Valefius a man of fo much credit with you ? Do you believe what he faith oiGrotim as being in judgment for the Papa! Church, and only in prudence delaying his yifible Communion with them, that be might draw in many with him ? ( rale fin Orat.de Petavio: ) If he lye in this, and the fuccefs otPetaviws on GrotwS) why fhould he be more trufted than others ?If not, I need not tell you what to think of thofe Bifhops and Drs.who profefs to be of the fame mind and Church as Grotius j nor again to tell you who they be.

4. My defign led me not to make ufe of Criticks, but only to tell the world 3 what the Papifts themfelves confefs, fuchas I have throughout cited.

§ 2. As for my ufing Hanmers Tranfiation of Eufeb'ius and Socrates, my cafe was as before described: Vakft'us I had not: Grineus I made ufe of heretofore. But fince I was by conftraint deprived both of my books and money to buy more, when I wrote that Abridgment I bad only Hanmers Tranfiation left me. And if that fort of men that forced me to give away my book?, to keep them from heing diftreinedon 3 will make ufe of this to prove me ignorant of them, the matter is very final! to me.

If you fay, I fhould not then have written, I anfwer, could they fohave filenced us in the Pulpir, they had more anfwercd theirown judgment than mine. I had no ufe for Criticks, nor for any thing in Eufebius and Socrates that depends on the credit of the Tranflator.

§ 3. As to his oft noting that in Tranflations., and fometime in Chronology I err by following Binmus^ I anfwer, had I written a full Church Hiftory, I fhould better have examined him and others. But I lay no ftrefs of my caufe of any oiEinnius hisTran-flations, nor will I undertake for any Hiftorian that I cite: My bufineVs was but to tell thofe that believe Binn'mszx\<\ BaroniHs % and fuch other, what they fay. Nor do I yet intend to beftow any time., in examining whether he wrong Binmus or not, it being nothing to my caufe nor me, whether he miftook a year, or the meaning of a word of the Authors-whom heciteth.

§ 4. He faith I ufe an old uncorreYt Edition of Binmus 1 606.

< An[. It is thar which is in mod common ufe, entituled, Rtagru-

ta^ AucIa^ notis l/tufirata, dedicated to the Pope, and to C^Ba-

ronius, ejus monim fcripta, qtiivetercm itUm i m€ndofam > mutilim

& confufan ccmpilAt^j-.em mlUe locis iil*ftravit,<kQ. commonly

{CO)

Preferred'befjre Crab, Sarins, Niaolinus, Sec. But any quarrel fcrveth fome men.

G H A P. VI.

Oj his Acc^tions of my-own M$ rat fiat ions and Mifiakfs.

§ i /^\P tnc fe there are two real Overilghts which he \J nameth, committed by too much haft and heedlef-nefs: The one is, that I mifplaced {} r ere~\ in the TrunlLtion of a Speech of Theodoras -, a grofs overfight I confefs : The other, that I put [Epifcoptyas if it had been the Genhive cafe, when it was the Nominative plural } which alfo was a heedlefc ever fight. And about the death of Sttphanw, he noteth my miftrarfLting Calami 3 and I imagine yet he is fcarce certain what it fignitied himfelf. As for his note of my ufe of [Scripture"] about the Epbcfine Council, I purpofely kept to the literal Tranflation, that none might fay I did miftranflate it -, but I never faid that by the Scriptures was meant the Bible.

§ 2. This \Accufer puts too great an honour on flicha Hiftory 2$ mine, which goerh through fo many ^ges and A<fb,i n noting To few ? and fuch iictle things. Lnever pretended to be as good an FMorian as he is 3 yet I do not think that it v\as any thing but a flip of memory that made him put BujiaihiM ir.ftead of Flavian, as kickt to death at Eph>fw. And me;hinks he thit thus begins his Errata of his own Book [H><? faults that t>ave efcapedare almjft infinite :] mould not for one fd}fc Com,na of the Printers, have paffld the forefaid cenfure of me.

But doth not this Learned Hiftorian know,, how ordinarily the greateft of them do charge one another with manifold Errcursi *nd of far greater moment than thefe fore mentioned. How few Hiftorians do not this ? Yea what bitter cenfures doth he pafs hkn r elf on no lower Hiftorians than Socxates and Sozomen f h would be tedious to give you the Inftances that every fuch Book afTordetb. I fee he valueth Lalbe the Jefuite. How oft doth he accufe Hiftorians of Errour, Ignorance, Malice, &c. e.g. de sfnaftajio Biblioth. fo eminent a Writer of the Popes Lives, yet £ Err at Pofiim & fiqni alii enm Anaflafio Vresbjtero, & c. ] And

even

even of that famous Hiftory of the Popes,, [_Onnphrius Punm-nifif, Gerb. Pojfias, & plenque alii nitimam cenfent effe *b An#-ftapo fcriptam y Nicoiai I. Papa Vttam 3 & a Gululmo S.R.E, Bib* liotbecario additas fttiffe Hadr. 2. & Stepb. 6. P. Pitas : Verum Cafdinalis Barouifts its fefrdgatftr eidemque auclo r i omnes til At afcnbit $ fum qaoqac qui a Damafo Papa t &c.^ Here the greatcft Hiftoruns differ about one of the molt noted Hittories.

Of Augttftiti 's- Works (To. 1, p. 129.) he rells you that BclUr-mine tells us not what Edition he ufed : But it's certain he ufed not the AntwerpyOT VUminian Edition, which was the belt., and the Original of all the reft.]

T 7 . 132. Rivet and Ptrkjns are derided for difowning lone' Epiftfcf.

P. 13 f . Erafmi, Riveti fimiliumqwe ridctxr a doclis cenfxra (viz.. de lib. Cfinrinetj.) Antf I profefs my (elf Jefs skilful in fuch matters than Efafmus,

Et ibid. Erafmus & He fins Juliana opus' illtid tr-buer evident ur % Pamtluts tanq^im incerti Author is aliegat : Nos cum Livanien*-ftbus BcllarmiKo, alufqne Catbohcis siugufiim effe cenjemus, nee trie a Rivet 1 dftcrrent,

V. 136. Qiaft. Vet % & Novi Te/t. non- fitnt Auguflini tit facile tmncsconfentixbt ; Jj)jdamv+s jub ejus nomine citato reperiantar ab £pi[caput Ltttetia Par if An. 824. Con$regat is & quibufdxm alas.

Of Aufomus the Poet, p. 171. he faith, [_£>*am falfa fmt qua de eo fc'ipfic Jo. Tritbtmms qu'ivts vel ex tpfa lellione innlliget.

Of AiAMHAB* p. 173. \J^x Trithemit encomia h&c dnbio proad omni oi>litcranda: [J§Jj« metro Virgilium i Cicercnem profa aqttat, ne dicamfhpsrat : J Sunt cnim falfijftma iis qtti gufittm aliquem la>-tinitatis babent.

Of Beda 3 p 184. See what he faith of Will Malmsburj^ Mat,. Wcftminft. f^i'jfixs and Baroniw.

Of B.etbitit, p. 204. Hi.norim Augnftod. — ubt falfo narrat Medio la n 1 intt rft ttttm fuiffi - - -

P. 217. Piura adverfts Lemclavium 3 primnm eorum editor ent' dtcUmavit Jac. Billius (de Cdfario.')

DeCljuAioScote,p.zl8. Tbo. Dempftertis mtilta pro more fm indigefta tffudii—

De Gerfone^p. 565'. E'rat pofl Pcfftvinum Maraccius qui Joan, htinc Monacham or Amis cce!efti—*JJerri~_—Idtm quoqtte ex Patro~ loqo eradendnm, & Sec.

(6i)

'"See what he faith dejulto Africano, that the Annotattones eruditijf. in Eufeb. Ecclef. Hift. — Opinioni nofira in plerifque ad~ vet{antm\] I fuppofe he means that Olefins which I wanted.

And de fuftino MaxttScaligerum erraffe, &c.~] Et p. 8^3. (/«-figne mendttm ex Trithemio 9 Gefnero y Simlero^ Sexte } Fojfevino, Bdlarmino, Mira?o, aliifque propagatum--)

To. 2. p. 361. Smaragdos duos in mum conftidermt, Trithe-mitis, Sixtus Sencnfis, Pojfevinus, Bellarminus^ Mir&ui aliiqut pkjfim —] Abundance fuch charges tell us how much greater Errours are charged on thegreateft Hiftorians, than Mr. Morrice chargeth on me, with the leaft (hew of probability.

How many fcore of Hiftorians doth Blondell cite,who he thinks have falfly told us of a Pope Joan ?

What abundance of faults would Caufabon have found in Barotitis, if he had lived to go through him as he began ? And I pro-ftfs my (elf much more ignorant in Hiftory than Baronius.

It would be tedious to number all the grofc Errours that ■Vojfius citeth de fcriptor. Gr<ecis& Latinis j e.g. in the Later. p. 230. Hos duos confudit Trithemius — vid. qua habet de Flac. AU cuino > p. 290,291,292. De Vfuardo^p. 29 j. com. Gualterium & Baromum, Wicelium^p. 296. & cap. 32. deTwpino contra Trithe-mium & altos. Et cap. $$.de Walafr, Strab. Tritthenius vehemen-ter errat—Et Laur. Surihrn Bellarmin. in Cat ah CT alios non-nullos in err or em induxit.

Vid. & qua de Atmoino, p. 308, 309. habet t & contra Vejfe-< vinum,p. 3 10. & contra alios, 311. Et contra Baronium, Brest-Hum. &c. 512. Et de Haimone cap. 3 5*. contra itritthenitim, & de Rabano Ad aura, p. 215. Et de Landnlph. Sagace contra Ctf.Or-landium. De Anajtaf.c. 3 $'./>. 319. De Hincmaro contra Tritthc-nium^CxiG.p. 320. But I muit not tire the Reader: Multitudes of fuch Inftances this one Author gives us : And how few Historians charge not others wkh Errours (b much greater,and more than Mr. M. with any Truth accufeth me of.

§ 3. As to his notes on my Titles of fbme Councils, it's paft my memory, whether it was my carelefnefs, or (as I think) the Printer's Errour^to put [a Council at Aranfxcan^Toletan Regien[s t for Concilium Aranficar.um t Toletanum i Rhegienfe.~\ If it was my a6r 5 i forgot that I had firft put the Subltantivc in Englifb. But he may oft find the fame names ufed to his mind: And fure it is [io falsification of the.Hiitory.

§ 4 But

J'

§ 4, But he hatha far greater charge againft me, that I'did not apprehend the mind of the Council at Tours ; why f> ? The words are [_Nos veto Jiquos Lex perimi j bet 9 fi cupiunt audire pr&conem, vdumus ut convert ant ur ad v it aw : Nam perimendi font oris gladio & communione privandi fi relitla fibi feniorum deer eta obfervare noluerint, &c. Here he faith the meaning is, [The Ec-cleliaftical Laws do punifh fuch with perpetual Excommunications, yet this Council thought fit to mitigate ir,£h\] The Que-ftion is. Whether [\J§>*/*j Lex perimi jubet, fignifie Dtatb, or Excommunication ?] 1 take it to be Death, and that the Council faith [Though by the Law fuch are to Die, if they will hear the Preacher, we will have them converted to Life i But fb that if they will not be feparated, the Church Sword of Excommunication (hall cut them off inftead of Death. ]My Reafons why [Lex perimi ;«^r]fignifiethDeatb 5 are from the exprefs foregoing words,. \_£hna etiam Lex Romana confiituit, ut autcunqae Jacratam Deo Virginem vel Vidnam fortajfe rapuerit, fi poftea eis de conjuntlione convenerit, capitis fententiaferiantur. ltemfiquis^ non dicam ra-pere } f:d attentare matrimonii conjungendi caufa % Jacram Virgmem aufus fuerir, capitis fententia feriatur. Cum etiam in Chrcnicis babeatur de rirqinibus G ent ilium -tempore y qu<t fe de& Vefla Jacra-verant, poflmijfo propofito & corrupta virgwa/i gratia, Legalifen^ tentia vivas in terra fuijfe defojfas. If none of this fignifie Death: I confefs I underftand not Latine. I thought the Council meant Death by [Lex perimi jubetf] but they would be more merciful 5 which I blamed them not for, but noted here what many other Canons inftance, where they alfo punifh murder but with keeping men from Communion, that this agreeth with/ foinc Sectaries Opinion. I leave Mr. M's. great skill in expounding Councils here to any equal Judge. But if I ignorantly miftake in all this, and neither [Capitis fententia feriaxtur] nor [Vivas in terra defojfas'} fignifie Death, but Excommunication, yet many other Canons after cited fully tell us of the Bifhops Clemency.

chap:

CHAP. VII.

Mr M's.Expofttion of Church Hifiory try eel fy his Expo ft ion of my own words: slnd I. Of his falfe fuppofition that I am orVyfor * •Church of one Congregation meeting in one place.

§ i/lFfo many repetitions of my Opinion cannot fave Mr M. A from Co untrug a fuppofition of my (elf, I mult not too far jruft him, of the fence of thofe that he is as diftant from as I. Yet this fuppofition running through all his book, (hews that he wrote itagainft he knew not whom nor what. His foundation is becaufe I define a (InglcChurch by Perfondprefent Communion,

§ 2. I do Co; And i. Doth he think there is no fuch thing as Chriftians conjoyned for aflembling in Gods ordinary worfhip, •under the Conduct of their Proper Paftors.l will not cenfure him lb hardly as to think he will deny it.' 2. Are thefe Churches or not. I fuppofe he will fay, Yea, 3. But is there no Perjonal Pre' f nt Communion but in publick worfhip. Yes fure Neighbours who vvoTfhipGod in divers places, may yet live in the Knowledge and conversion of each other $ and may meet for Election of Officers,and other Church bufine(Tes,and may frequently exhort, reprovcand admonifli each other,and relieve each other in daily wants j and many meet (bmetimes by turns in the fame place, where they all cannot meet at once: We have great Towns, ( like Ipfvich, Plymouth Sbrewfbury, 6Vc.) which have many Pa-rimes, and yet Neighbourhood maketh them capable of [Perfonal Communion in Prejence ] as diftinct from [ Communion by Letters or Dciegats with thofe that we neither fee nor £tf<nv.]And we have many great Pariihes which have feveral Chappels, where the People ordinarily meet yer per vices fome one time and feme another come to the Parim Churches. Have thefe no Parochial Per-fonal Communion}

To the well-being of a Church, I confefs I would not have a firgfc Church of the lo^vefrfpccies have too manv, nor too few : No more than whofe Pe» f >nal Communion fhould be frequent in Gods publick worfhip. Nor fo few as fhouU not fully employ more Minifters.of Chrift than one. Burto thei>e/>gofa Church,

L^ . Ion, y

l oniy require mat tne una 01 tneir Aiiociaujon De rerjonai Communion as diftincT: from diftant Communion by Letters and delegates. And by [ Communion ] I mean not only the Sacrament.

§ 2. It is in vain therefore to anfwer a book that goeth on fuch falfe fuppofitions, and a man that will facedown the world that I plead for that which I never owned, and fo frequently disclaim.

CHAP. VII L

Of b'<s falfefuppofition that Iamagainft Dioc-efan Bifl:cps % beeaufc I am againjl that fpecies of them which puts down all the BiJJjcps of jingle Churches, and thefe Churches thcmfelves*

§ i.HTHis fuppofition goeth through almoft all the book: In his preface he faith [ The ftperiority of Bifhops over Prc-fbyters is acknowledged by Catholicks^nd Schifmat'ickj & Heretick/^ &c. and yet this Church hiflory would have us believe the Contrary,^ And fo throughout.

§ 2. And yet to.fliew that he knew the Contrary in one place heconfeffeth it, and defcribed part of my judgment, and faith that none will be of my mind in it, but it is lingular to my felf: Yea I had in my Difput. of Church Government, which he taketh on him in part to anfwer, and in my Treat, of Epifcopacy which tic alfo pretends to anfwer in part ? told them of mure forts of Bifhops than one that I oppofenor 5 no not A. Bifhops themfelves: And cne of them hereupon notes it as if I differed but about the name, fubmitting to Diocefansfo they may but be called A. Bifliops. To whom I anfwered that A. Bifhops have Bifhops under them, fo that though I over and over even totedioufnefs tell them it is the depofmg of all the firjfor I owe ft Species of Bijhnps and Churches^znd Corfftquenfiy zWFoffibi-lityofirtie-Di\ip!ine that I oppofe^md (ubmit to any that overfce many fuch Churches without deftroying them and their privileges inftituted by Chrift] I fpeak Kill in vain to them: Thefe true Hiftorians face down the world that I write whole books to the clean contrary.

K CHAP.

CHAP. IX.

Of bis [apportion that I am an Indepe ndcM^ and )et that ~I plead for the catijeoftb$ Prefbyterians.

§ i HpHis is alio a fuppoficion that is part ofthe Stamina of his Book; and how fir he is to be believed herein judge by the evidence following.

i. He knew what I (aid before for three forts of Bifhops, i. Epifccpi Gregi*, Overfeers of fmgle loweft Churches, as of Divine Infticution: 2.For Ep'fcopi Epifcoporttm, or Prefidents. Bifhops ejufdem Ordinis jion ejnfdsm Gradxsjn the fame Churches, as of early Humane Inftitution, which I refift nor. 3. Epifcopi EplfcopoYum, Overfeers of many Churches, which I fhfpectto be SuccefTors of the Apoftles, and of fuch as Timothy 3 Titi&, &c. in the continued ordinary part of their work, (exercifing no other Power than they did :) Infomuch that Dr. Sherlock would be thought Co much lefs Epifcopal than I, as that he faith ; It H Antichriftian to ailert Epijcvpos Epifcoporum.

§ 2. And Dr. Parker hath newly wrircen a Book for Epifco-pacy, which I hear many defpife $ but for my parr I take to be the ftrongeft that I have feen written for ir thefe twenty years ^ but to no purpofe againft me ; fur it is but foi* Epifcopacy in-general, which I oppofe not. It excellent well improved* the Arguments of the K. and Bifhops at the Ifle of Wight 5 even th.it one Argument that a Superiority of fome over others being fettled by Chrift and his Apoftles, that Form muft be fuppofed to continue, unlefs wetoave clear proof of the Repeal or Cdia-tion. I have oft (aid the fame 5 I could never anfwer that Argument : But this will not juftifie the depofing of thousands of Bifhops ar.dthurches, and of their Difcipline, to turn them ali into two or three Diocefans.

§ 3. Affo he knoweth that I have written thefe 35- years aguinit Lay Elders; believing that the Colledge of Elders which of old affiled the Bifhops, were none of them Lay-men, nor un-ordained, but of the fame Order, though not Degree, with the Biihop himfelfi

§ *

§ 4- And I have alfo written that Synods of Bifhops or Pref-tyters tfte but for Concord, and have not as fuch by a major Vote a proper Government of the minor part or abfent: Much lefs that Gaffes, and other Aflemblies, are the flared Church -Government which all moft obey : And are the Presbyterians of any of the three forementioned Opinions ?

§ $\ I ever held a neceffity of manifold dependance of alj Chriitians and Churches. As all depend on Chriir as their Head, fo do all thePeopleon the Paftors, as their authorized Guides, whom they muft not Rule,butbe Pviiled by,r Thef,<$.11,11. H(b. 13. 17, 24. And all tbete Churches depend on each other for Communion and Mutual Help, as many Corporations in one Kingdom. And frequent Synods well ufed, are greatly helpful to thefcends : And the Command of doing as much as we can in Love and Concord, >loth bind all the particular perfbns to concur with the Synods in all things that terd to the Peace and Edification of the Church, or are not againft ir. And more than fo, if the general Vifitors or B'fhops that take care of many Churches, do by God's Word direc\, inftrucl, reprove, ad-monifh the particular Bifhops and Churches they ought with reverence to hear them and obey them. And if Independents really are for all this, why do thefe Accufers reprefent them odioufly, as if it were no fuch matter, but they were meerly for Church-Democracy ? Either you are not to believed in what you fay of them, ©r of me.

§ 6. I know we have men that fay, that on pretence of acknowledging all this Epifcopacy, I pur down all, becaufe I take from them the power of the Sword, and leave all to defpife them if they plcafe. Ar<£ This indeed is the power that under the name of Epifccpacy now too msny mean. Bifhop Biijon knew no Power bqt Magiftrates by the Sword, and Minifters-by the Word. But why name I one man ? It is the common Opinion of Protectants, and moft fober Papifts, that BiOiops as fuch have no power of force en Body or Purfe. But we deny not the forcing Power of the Magiftrate. 3. Ratwc heartily wi(h that they would keep it in their cwn band?, and never ufe it to force unwilling men into the Church, or to Church Communion; high Priviledges which no unwilling perfon hath any right to. This is my Independency,-

K z CHAP.

(6%)

CHAP. X.

Ofhis Accufation, That I make the Bifhops the Authors of all Hertfes and Schifms , as diftintt. from Presbyters 3 Monks and People.

§ i.T^His alfo runs throughout his Book 5 and muft fuch A Books be aniwercd or believed ? I never denyed the guilt and concurrence of others with them. I only fay, That as Bifhops were the Chief, Co they had the chief hand, as far as I can yet learn, in Herefies and.Schifms, fince they came to their height of Power,, and fpecially in thofe grand Herefies and Schifms, which have broken, and keep the Churches in thofe great Se&s and Parties, which in Eaft and Weft it cor.fi fteth of to this day. I never doubted or denyed but that 1. The Herefies that were raifed before the Church had any Patriarchs, or the turgent fort of Bifhops, were certainly raifed without them. 2. And afterward fometime a Presbyter began a He-refie. 3. And the Bifhops were but as the Generals of the Arrny in all theChurch Civil Wars. But I never denyed but the Prelatical Priefts, Monks, and multitude were their obfequious Army.

§ 2. Mr. M. faith, That thofe Bifhops that were Herericks, were moftly fucb, or inclined to it before. Anfvr. 1. Was there then a good Succeffion of Ordination, when the World groaned to find, it felf Arian ? Were all thefe Avians before their Confecration ?

Anfw. 2. Were they not all Prelatical Presbyters that afpi<-red to be Bifhops, and fo as they fay had a Pope or Bifhop in their bellies. I never thought that Prelatical Priefts that flu-died Preferment, and longed to be Bifhops, had no hand in Herefies nor Schifms, no- more than that the Roman Clergy are innocent herein, and the fault is in the Pope alone. What a deal then of this man's Book is loft and worfe, on fuch fuppo-fitions i

CHAP. XI.

CHAP. XL

Of his confident Accufation, that f mention all the faults of t-:f Bifhops, and none of their Goodneft^ or Good Deeds.

§ i.TPHis a! Co is a chief part of the Warp or Stamen of his Book. In bis Preface he frith, ["This Hifiory of " Bifaops is nothing elfe but an Account of all the faults that Bifkupt " have committed m the fev:ral Ages of the Church, without Any. " Mention of their Good Aftions, of their P/ety and Severity of lt their Lives 5 of their Zeal for the Faith t &cf]

Anfiv. 1. Whether this Fundamental Acculation be true or falfe, lee the Reader who loveth Truth fre 1. in the very h:fo Chapt. from § 41. to the end. 2. Through all the Book where I oft praife good Bifhops, good Councels, and g;ood Canons, and good Books and Deed?. 3. In the two laft Chapters of the Book, written purpofely to hinder an ill ufe of the Biftiops faults.

In tbetirlt Chapter [" Very many of the Bfoops themfelveswere-" humble , hoi/, faithful men, that grieved for the mifccarriages of "the rcfl : Though fuch excellent perfons as Gregory of Neoat-<: farea, Greg. NazJanz*. Greg. N/ffcn, Bafil, Chryfjjtom, Augit-" fline, Hillary, Profper, Fulgent iua^fke. were not very common,. u no doubt but there were many that wrote nor Books, nor f* came Co much into the notice of the World, but avoided con--* c tention3 and factious ftirs, that quietly and honeftly conduct-

0 ed the Flocks in the waies of Piety, Love, and Juftice. And u fome of ihem (as Sr. Martin) feparated from the Councils and tr Communion of the prevailing turbulent fort of the Prelates,. *'to figmfie the difwung oj'their fins .]

Of the Ahtients before the world crowded into the Church,

1 never trade qu eft ion ; Such as Clemens^ Folycarp, IgnatiusJre-nxuf,and then ft.

Kow oft I have praifed holy Cyprian, and the African Bifhops and Councils, he fometime confefletb.

1 What I fay cf Atticus, Proclus, and other peaceable Biftiops, you may fee/?. 17. and very oft. Yea of the Bifhops of many Sect?i much oithe Albigenfesp&.p* 17,18» Yea-

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Yea of the good that was done by the very worldly fort p. 18, 19, 20. Yea of the Papifts Bifhops that were pious />. 20. § 46.

And § 47. I vindicate the excellency of the Sacred Office. And § 53,5*3,5-9, 60. I plead for Epifcopacy ic fe!f in the jufti-fiable fpecies of ft:

§ 2. But perhaps he will fay, that at leaftl fay more of their faults than thcir.virtues: I anfvver, of fuch good Bifhops as Cyprian, Baft, Greg. Naz.ianz~en 3 Chryfoftom, Attinfkin, Hillary, Martin^ &c. I fpeak of their virtues and nothing at all ('that I remember) of their faults. Of fuch zsTheophilus, and Cyril Alexandria 2iT\<iEpiphanii44,<&cA fpeak of their virtues and fome of their faults ( as thefcripture doth of many good mens. ) Of the more ambitious, turbulent forr, I fpeak only or moftly of their faults : For I profefs not to write a Hiftory of their Jives, but to inform the ignorant what Spirit it is that brought in Church tyranny and divifions. I denyed none of their virtues^ though it was not my '~ ork to record them.

Whiielam confuting the Errours ofyourbook,do I wrong you unlefs I write a Catalogue of your good works. Monuy, Wyri-cm, and many others have gathered a Catalogue of old witnelTes for Protdtant Verities. And Bifliop Morton hath cited multitudes of Papifts againft their party : Have they wronged them becaufe they have notalfocited all that the fame (aid for the Roman canCel I have mentioned the virtues of fome of thr Popes, even of Greg, 7. but of many others I have only mentioned their vices: This is not to deny any good that is in them: Nor do you accufe vour (elves of any injuftice when y^u tell the w Id how bad mi., the Parliaments have bin, and'how bad Cromwell and the Armies, and how bad the Nonconformiits are, and I in particular, without naming any of their geed deeds or virtues': Becaufe ir is not yo'ur bufincft.

CHAP.

TtTJ

C H A P. X 11.

Of his Accufation that I do all in fpitc and malice againfi Bifoops, and as fifing ill language of them,

§i.4 Nfw. i. Spite and Malice are heartfins : If the fame j^jL etfrcV may come from other Caufes, how know you that thefe are the Caufe ?

Anfi.t. Is it from Spight and Malice that Proteftants commonly defcribe the vices of the Popes, fuch as Greg. ^.Sergi^^AUx-.indr.%. Bomface 8. fob.il. and i 3. &22, 6c 23. 6c Evgcn.^,&c. And alfothat they fb hardly fpeak of the fefoites,Yea afcd Pa-pifts commonK 7 ? Sure it may come from fome other caufe.

Anf. 3. Is it from Spight and Malice that you recite the tumults of theGVrm^ Anabaptifts,the fsults of thofeat^##jrVr,tbe Errours of David Gtoygt^ the many Enthufiaftick Sects defcribed by Bakmm Exercit. (of whom many z$TbattkrHs,Ker/;Pi<^ Behm.n had much very commendable $ andGrotitts praifed fob. Arr.dc.)ls it from Malice that the Families, Seekers, Quakers, Anabaptifts,cyf. a7e ufuaily by your party defcribed by their faults, without any mention of their goodnefs ?

Anf. 4. Is it from Spight and Malice that your Party have written what they have done of the great faulcinefs of theNort-conformifts, both former and latter; and that Cahinifisavefo odioufly reprefented 3 that the Reformation by them isdtfcribed by H:yliri and others as Rebellious? That fuch books are written as Htjlins Aerifts Rcdivivt/s, H. Po'tvUs, the EvangeL Armatntm, The EccUfi Pcliu the Friendly Debate, the Ccunterminer, the Vindicar. of Dr. StMhgfieet, the pretended fecond parr 3 (which is a continued Calumny againft my ftff, fo full of particular hlf-hoods as are not to be without a tedious Volume anfvvered : And a multitude fuch written to render the N',nccnformifts odious and unfufferabJe. If all thefc be not written in MaIice,how knowyoii that mine were . ?

Ar,f. y. And whereas fome pretending moderation accufe me of too bad provoking language, 1. Is there any Comparifon between the language of any of thefe books 5 or yours and Dr,

Sherlock*

Downam his Defence of his Vifir. fermon, his frequent charges [ of fhamdefs, impudent Lying, and much more ] againft a Noin conformift that gave him no fuch language. Read but the ordinary Writings of fuch as Bifhop Bancroft, Dr. Sut cliff, and molt others againft the Old Nonconformifts; and of the Lutherans againft the Calvinifis, even men that I am perfuaded meant ho-neftly, but by Faction were exafperated, as Hunnnu, Brentius, MorUnus, Mir backus, Snepfius, Wigandus, Hejhufius, Andreas, Selnecerus^ Heerbrand, Caloviut, and many fuch. Read but our Grammarians, fuch as you may find in the many Volumes of the Collections of fanus Gruterus, even thofe of Cramer^ and P£/7. Faraus, and others againft himfelfj where Fools, Knaves, Lyars, Sots, and worfe, make up much of the ftyle.

Read but our Old Grammarian Reformers againft the Popifh Priefts, and Schoolmen, I mean Erafmus, Hutten^Faber, and the reft, what Scorns their Writings do abound with.

I will not refer you to the Qjcen of Navarre, and Stephanas his World of Wonders, againft the Prieft?, left you think I approve of theexcefs.

Yea read but the Writings of our famous Learned Criticks, ^«/.and fofeph Scaliger, Heinfms, Sabnafius,&c. from whom the railing Jefuite Labbe took advantage to fay, Tom.i.p.S^o. [ ct Ri-tc veto pr diver at ^o/epbus Scaliger, homo mi que modefiijfimus, "qui Edit of es S. Irandi vocat, clamofos, maledieentijftmos. ^Ccrcopas, Tartar eos, Fyrifhlcgetkontas, virulent id & probrorum " concionatores^ editiohtm eolonienfem, cloac'am Sjccphantiarum, cC latrinam convitiorum, & (tabubim in[atid7\ Through God's great mercy, while Malignity is the Complexion of the Serpent's Seed 3 and Lying is their Breath, and Murder is their Work, the names of all thefe fins are odious in the world, and guile is impatient, and Cannot endure its own name.

Should I but mention the Language of Papifts, how they re-pretent the holieft Proteftants as Lyars,Deceiver*, Devil?,intol-lcrab!e 5 whom-it is as lawful to kill as D:>gs, Foxes or Toad?j h vvoufd concern none but thofe of you that ufe to fay, I had rather be a Papift than a Puritane, or Presbyterian ; -or thofe that renounce Communion with us, and own it with the Church of Rome-, who arc, alas, too many. Such Language as Labbcs, P'oh 1.P.819. is of thefvreeter fort, viz.. <: J^ijqtsis cs [aim is

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u tm 4MMv,s t Omncs illico Calviniftas^ Luther anos^ SUkinianos u u4nabaptiflas y Jimilefyue generis humani peftes, Cacod&mor.um st tnftar e.vecrabere, This is but what we daily hear: But while we hear it in a Language Co very like from the Papifts, and the Pulpits and Prefs, and Roger Le Strange is become the Church's Advocate and Mouth, it will harden them that did ill joyn together Popery and Prelacy in their rejections.

Honeft Thuanus is amiable and honourable for Speaking well of all that deferved ir,without partiality: But GerhVofius is pur. to defend his Father-in-law Junius againit his unjnft cenfure. In-dcedjunius was a man of Eminent peaceablenefs and moderation, (I would Armlnius and he had been the utmoft profecutors of thatControverfie, notwithftanding Dr. Tmjfes undervaluing his skill in School Divinity) And few men were more unlike Thuanus his ill Character than Junius :But Dr Manton hath told me that he hath been fully informed that it was not Junius that Thuanus meant but anetber that dyed that year("which Junius did not} and that by fome ill chance a wrong name was put in Contrary to Thuanus intent.

§ 2. Dr.Bumet is a man whom I much value and honour, and pleadeth much for peace and moderation, and therefore much the more amiable to me: I thank him for his reproof of me to my face jbutbecaufe hegoeth on to vend it as ;uft behind my back,, where I cannot anfwer him, I tnuft do it here. He faith that [ / began and that with unchriftian t prchoking language tgainft the Con-forwifts in my frft Plea for peace, which caufed all the fucceeding t hcats7\

jinf. 1.1 have to him and oft in print appealed to humanity and common fence whether one that was feventeen years filenr,<3: communicated in the Parifh Churches, and under fcorns, and ejecYion,imprifonment & mulcts did peaceably continue Communion with them without reply orfelF defence, and never wrote againft them, till they had long called out to him to give thern an account of the reafons of his Nonconformity, and then durft not provoke them by a difpute, but barely named the matters-which we /udge unlawful, profefllng not to be the Accufer of Gonformifts, but only to anfwer the Call of Parliament- men,, Bifhops, and others that urged us, and threatned us if we would not tell them what we (tuck at 5 and made this the Juftirlcation of their profccution of many hundred men: I fay,whether fuch a

man tffed a Call to fpeak ? When the King Licenfed us, I bad before briefly defended our Preaching as Licenfed : But being thus fummoned by our Profecutors andSuperiours, I told them what we judged unlawful 5 and was this a beginning of the Flame ? Was Seventeen years Poverty,, Prohibkioi and Profe-cution, and all this Importunity,, no provocation or call to fpeak ? Did this begin? If he were in the Houfe of Cor recti on,and were beaten but Seventeen years, or Seven years, to confefs the Caufe for which he fuffere'd, and at laft confeffed it, and one fhould fay, This was the beginning of the ftrife 5 Would he take this for a good Hiftorian ? And it he bad written Hiftory, would this report advance the credit of it ?

§ 3. But the fecond thing accufed,isthe unchriftian Language ofthacBook. Anfo. Doth a genera) Accufation fignifie more ill of the accufcr, or of the accufed, if it be not proved by particular Inftances ? I urged him to name the unchriftian words, and I remember but two Inftances he gave me.

The firft is, that I ufe the word [untruths'] againft my Accu-fers. And 1. I think the Reader will very rarely find that word in that Book. 2. Is this fo harm as the common charge of Lying, ufed even by the moft Learned fuber Conformifts ? 3. J thought it had been a modeft word : What /hall a man fay when fuch Volumes of Slander are published againft him and others, as tends to preach all their Neighbours into hatred and perfecution of them ? Alas! Doth ,it increafe our crime to fay, It is untrue i How (hall we then anfwer for our felves at any Bar ? Is it tollerable voluminoufly to tell the World down-right falmoods of us ? and is it railing for us to fay, [Thej are untrue f] What's this but like him that run a man thorow in wrath with his Sword 3 and indi&ed him for crying,oh ? This is the Church Juftice even of our moderate Hiftorians.

§ 4. But he fairly I fhould not call it[a/rf//£»W 3 or untruth^ but a miftakj. Anjw* This is a {harper word 5 for it fignifieth tne fault of the mittaker ufually j whereas by fpeaking de objetto^ that it is falfe, I leave it to others how far the reporter is to be blamed. But fure moft Logical imputations are Railing?, if the words \jalfxm~] and [fallaci*] be fiich.

§ 5-. About a month or fix weeks ago the Obfervator, the Churches Advocate published, That [" a Captain of Horfe of *' the King**, had the fortune to be diftnountcd, wounded and

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cr ftript, and ai'ChapIain (naming me before) cut from about his cc neck a Medal, which the King had given him, and thcSouJ-Cf diers fpared in the heat of blood] I fent him word how falfc this was: I never faw the man in my life that I know of} much lefs ever medled with him : But was in a Houfe where a Soul-dier brought a fmall filver-guilt Medal,about the bignefs of a big Shilling, and faid, he took it from about the neck of one Captain Jennings, whofe Life he fpared; He offered it to fale 5 and no one offering him more, I gave him eighteen pence for it in 1643. as I remember : And about 16481 hearing where Captain fen* nings was, fuppofing it might be of great ufe to him, I fent ic him as a gift by one Mr. Sommerfield.'] And this flander is all the thanks I had. The Church-Advocate wrote me back, that he had it formally attefted. I craved as a favour of him to tell me if Captain Jennings be living, how I might write to him. Heanfwers me, that one was out of the way that he muft firft fpeak with, and I mould (hortly hear from him. The next I heard was as a fecond part of Dr. StilUngfleet, the forefaid Book full of cruel falmood, taken from my having been for the Parliament, and from many diftorted words of mine : Now when this Book renders me worfe than a Jew, or Heathen, and unfit to live, fome I fear will tell abroad that I am a Traitor, for faying, that [/r isflandtrous or untrue,~\

§ 6. His fecond Inftancewas thefe words of mine [ cc Pardon <c me for faying, I thinkjhtf Mr. Tombs hath faid more Ufa'truth "for Anibaptiftry, the late Hungarian for Polygamy, many for cC Drunfannefs, Stealing, and Lyings in cafes of Neceffity, than ever w I yet read for the Laivfulnefs of all that I have here deferibedf\

Anfiv. 1. Is there any Railing or unchriftian Language in theie words t. which be they ?

Anfw. 2. Do I here fpeak of any but my felf and the Non-conformifts ? Do I not proteft againft accufing others, and only fay, what it would be tome, fhould I conform ? And muft I not, when importuned by Bifhops, Priefts and Rulers, fay what I fear, left others mould think it intimateth their guiltinefs ? Can I help that ?

Anfw. 3. Did that man ever underftandingfy confider the matter, who can doubt of the truth of what Kay ?

I. On the one fide how heinous and many the fins that we fear are,if we mould conforiD,Imuft not again name,fcr that's it that provoketfa, L 2 II. Now

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11. Now as to the Comparison;

i. Fie appeal to Learned Bi (hop Barlow whether Mr. Tombs hath not made the Cafe of Anabaptiftry more difficult? Let them, that deny it confute him better than I have done.

2. And why doth none anfwer the Hungarians book for Polygamy if it be eafier done than the task in queftion.I have known the man that maintained, that if a King had a barren wife,and his Kingdom like to be undone by a deftru&ive fucceflor, he might as lawfully take another wife, as Adams Children might marry inceftuoufly. And indeed themany unreproved inftances of Po-iygamy in Abraham, facob, Mofes, David, Solomon, &c. will allow men more pretence for it, than ever I (aw brought for all ( I fay, but For all) that I hare named in that hook.

3. And many Phyficianshave faid fo much ("though arnifsj for the lawfulness of a Drunken Cup inftead of a Vomit & a Cordial in fome difeafes, as have made it a harder cafe than ours (cems to me : And I fay not what it (eems to others.

4. And de necejfario concubitu legantur qua a medic is dicim-tur de far ore merino.

y.And for ftealing nothing but prefent food tofave life 5 he that Confiders what God allowed a man to take that went through an Orchard, Vineyard or Corn-field, and what the Law of nature is, and whether the Kings Army on whofe ftrength the Safety of King & Kingdom depends,may not violently take food without the owners content rather than perifh, will find it harder to juftifie the denying Chriftendom and Communion to godly Perfons that fcruple our fort of God Fathers^CrofTmg andKneel-\x\g t &c. than to confute the aforefaid ftealing, or that which is meerly tofave life.

6. And as for Lying in cafes ofneceflity,No left men of their own party than Grotim de fpire Belli and Bifhop fer. Tajlor in Dttft. Dnbit. have written for it. And though I be againft it, and many Conformifts for it, yet I will not deny but if the Life of the King might be faved among Enemies by a Lie ; or the Life of a Patient by his Phyficians deceiving him by a Lie,much more may be pretended for it, than for all the heinous fin which I fear.

§ 7. And if thefe words be uncharitable Railing,what means have we left to give them that demand it, the Reafons of our Nonconformity ?

What

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What if we had gone further, and taken it for a crying Church Crime, and called all the Clergy to Repentance ? If that which we judge finful be not fo, let them confute us: If it be fo,and as great as we fear, is it not our duty to bewail it, and mourn for it? Ez.ek. 9.4. Zeph.i. 17, &c. And is not mincing and extenuating great fin, an implicit hardening men againft Repentance ? Should one Preach againft Adultery, Fornication, Perjury, Murder, as about a doubtful Controverfie, or a fmall thing, and fay but \G00d men are on both fides 5 / dare not fay it is a fin, though I dare not do it my feif: Or if it be one, it is but fuch as good men are ordinarily guilty of \ We mufl not judge one another.'] What were this but (worfe than Eli to his Sons) to cherifh Sin, and Preach Impenitence, and ferve Satan againft the Evangelical Preaching of Repentance ?

§ 8, For my Judgment, I profefs it to be the duty of me, and all men, to ufe no Language of Good mens faults, no, though they turn Perfecutors upon fome particular Errour, but what is confident with true Love to the men 3 and to cover their faults that are private, and meerly perfonal, as far as lawfully we may 3 but not to make light of publick, aggravated Crimes, fuch as thofe of Hophni and Phinehas iuor to (hew indif-ferency towards Buyers and Sellers in the Temple 3 nor to ftrengthen the Sin which threatneth a Land. If I thought that hundreds or thoufands of Chrift's faithful Minifters in any Country were unjuftly hunted and forbidden to Preach the Gof-pel to a People that truly need it, and this to the unavoidable -dividing of the People, and the plain making way for a Forreign Jurifdi&ion, I (htuld take my felf as a guilty hinderer of Repentance, and Enemy to the Publick Safety, if I fhould fay only [ This is a doubtfnl Controvsrfie between Good, Wife, and Learned men.]

Labbe ends his To. 1. as justifying his bittereft Reproaches, with the Authority of Chrift, Peter , /W 3 fohn,fude, Ignatius. And if he had only given great and publick fins, the true names neceflary to mens knowledge of them, for Repentance orPre-fervation, thofe Texts, and many more would have juftified him.

CHAR

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CHAP. XIII.

Of his Suppofition that I /peak, againft all Bifhops Come Us.

§ l.'THis Is not fo. i. I write ofc for the great ufefulnefs of A Councils. 2. I juftly praife no fmall number of them, efpecially before the great Riling of the Bifhops, for the firft 300 or 400 years: He once acknowledged it of the African Councils : And he might have feen the like of many Spanifh^nd fome French and Germane Councils : The EngUJh I little medled with. 3. The Firft General Council at Nice I juftly honour $ yea and the Three following, and miny more than three,for the foundnefs of their Faith, and as having many very laudable perfons in them; though I (hew the ill effects of their contention and ambition.

I have heard fome Conformifts confefsthe great Learning and piety of the Weftminifter Synod in 1642. and of the Synod of Dort^ where we had Delegates : and yet (harplier fpeak againft the Acts of both by far,than I have done by any fuch pious Per-fons. Even they that have honoured Bifhop Carlton, Bifhop Hall, Bifhop Davenant, Dr.Ward^&c. that were there, have yet bitterly reproached the Decrees which they fubfcribed. And how many as well as Dr Heylin have written and fpoken ill of A. Bifhop VJherJof A. Bifliop Abbot A. Bifhoo Grindai, A. Bifhop Parker (yea of A. Bifhop Whitguift for x)&&Lambeth- Articles which I juftifie not) who yet have a great honour both for Bifhops and their Councils.

§ 2. But I confefs I am much of Naz.ianz.enh mind, and I think I am no more agawift them in the general than he was. And I am againft our fubjection to the Jurifdiction of Forreign Councils, and the ufe that the Pope and ambitious Clergy have made of them., to become Mafters of Princes and of the world : I am not for Ebbo's French Council which depofed Lu do v. Fins, nor for making them either the Popes Army, or the Army of Pa-triacks againft each other or of fuch Princes as Conftantim^ Valens> Theodofius junior , Anaftafim Fhilifpicus^ fftftinian, Irene, &c. to fulfill their own miftaken wills, how honeft foever the men

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might be.Much lefs am I for fuch work as the Council at Lateran fnbfnnoc. 3 made,no nor that at Florence*

§ 3 And I take it for anj^ft of great Prudence in this my ac-cufer, while he is vindicating BiftiopsCouncils,to go no further than the four firfl: General, when it is many hundred that I have mentioned. And is it not really an intimated accufation of them to vindicate fo few of above 400. And thofe fuch as for their faith we all own.

And yet a man would think by the ftrein of his ftyle and language that it were at leaft the greater part of Conncils that he were pleading for. I fay ftillas Bifhop Bilfon and other Prote-ftants : Well ordered found Councils we owe great refpecl: and honour to, for Counfelj ftrength and Concord, but fu'bjetl1on and Obedience, faith he, if? Owe Taem none, (fave as we are bid, be all fubject one to another, and ferve one another in Love.)

§ 4. And now I leave any impartial man to judge what an-fwer luch a book deferved, which goeth upon all thefe foremen-tioned untrue fuppofitions.

CHAP. XIV.

Some mens Credit about anient Church Htjiorj^ may be conj eft tired at by their Reports of the Hiflory of the twe and place that W2 live in,

§ i.T^Y their Hiftory of late and prefent things we may con-J3 jefture at the Creditof not Mr. Mu but others of the Clergy-accufers and Profecutors of their Brethren. Almoftall that I remember that write againft me, agree in fuch mifreport-ing matters of facl, yea the rnoft publick, of the perfons, place and time, which our fenfes have given us notice of, that we muft believe them with as great difficulty as we muft believe Tranfubftantiation, even in oppofirion to all our fenfes and experience. And whether thoie men be fit Vindicaters of the Bifhops and Councils above a Thoufand years ago ('which are blamed by the Hiftorians of th.e.irown Age, and by their own Confeffions, and by their rnoft fervent Defenders)' who noto-rioufly mifreport the perfons, and acYions of their own Place and Age, I think it is not hard to judge. I will

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I wM ktftence in Twenty particulars of pnblick notice 5 for thofc againft particular perfons, even my feff, are not to be numbred.

I. It is now commonly taken for true, that the prefent Non-conformifts, who gave in their Defires for Concord 1660. are of the fame Judgment as thofe called Nonconformifts heretofore, and whatever can be raked up out of Chrift. Goodman^ Knox^ Kilby, or is reported by Bancroft^ is partly chargeable on them, when as their propofed Defires yet (hew the world that they never made any motion againft many things by thofe aforefaid fcrup!ed 3 in Do&rine, Worihip, and Ceremony.

And it is commonly fuppofed by them, that the prefent Conformity is but the fame as the Old, and the Cafe no harder to us : And this notwithstanding all the ftill vifible Afts and Alterations, and Additions, which atteft the contrary to all the world.

II. In moft of their Inve&ives the prefent Nonconformifts-are argued againft, as if they had been in the Civil War againft the King j or had been guilty of it more than the Conformifts* And that War is made a Reafon of their Silencing 3 whereas fo few of them bad any hand in it, that I have many times told them,that if they will Silence none but thofe that they can prove guilty of any War, or Rebellion, or Sedition ? the reft of us will give rbem a thoofand Thanks, though we fuffer our felvcs. Few of the prefent Nonconfor mifts were then in the Miniftry, and of thofe few that were, few now living meddled with War.

III. They are fo confident that the Parliament and Army that began the War in England, were Nonconformifts, yea Presbyterians, and not of the Church of England^ that Mr Minkleyfc here Mr. Motrice y make a renouncing of their Senfes or Underftand-ings necefTary to the believing of it. And yet they might as well tell us, that they were all Turks or Papifts. Are not a Parliament and an Army things publick enough to be known in the fame Age ? When we name to them the Chief Lords and Commons, and Chief Commanders, yet (and lately) living^ who are known ftill to live in their own Communion 5 and when we challenge them to name Three Presbyterians that were then in the Houfe of Lords, or the Houfe of Commons $ or many thac Were at firft Commanders in the Army* and we name them the Men that then Commanded,, who were commonly knowrv

to

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to be Conformifts of the Church of England. And if they will not believe their prefent practice and profeilion they may yet go to them and be Satisfied from their own mouths what were their former Principles. I have told them of a moft credible Member of that Parliament yet living,who hath oft profeft to me that he knew but one Presbyterian in the Houfe of Commons when the war began,and I have named that one man to thereto try if they can name another. I expert not that they fhould believe me, or fuch other concerning thofe whom we knew: But they may believe the men themfelves yet living 5 & their moft familiar Friends. Yea the Records of many foregoing Parliaments, withL*^'* Life written by Dr. HeylinfuWy Iheweth them that the dinference arofe i. About the tear of Popery, ( and Arminianifmz.% they thought tending towards it ) 2. About Property, Loan-mony 3 Knight-mony and afcer Ship-mony,cVc. 3. About Imprisonment of members and other Gentlemen.And thefe were ftilf the quarrel.

But faith Mr, M, How then Jhall we believe our fenfes. Jtnf See Reader, whether his moft confident Errours about paft things be any wonder. He is not fo fure of what he faith of the old Prelates, or the Ne$orians t Etujohians, &c. as he is that he muft believe his Senfes: And his very fenfes tell him that a Parliament, even Lords, Commons, and an Army, many of whom are yet living^ were of another opinion in Religion than ever they were then acquainted with., and which was known to very few in England till afterward.And this contrary to their Prafeflion and practice and the fenfes of their acquaintance. Lords are Perfbns effo publick notice that they may eafilyyetbe informed of the living and the dead: In the Army the Chief Commanders were the E. otEJfex, the E. of Bedford ( yet living ) Sxtfohn Merrick^ the E.of Peterborough^ Dolbisre, the E.' of Stamford, the Lord Hafiings (E.of Huntington) the Lord Rochford (E, of Dover) the Lord Fielding (Ex»{ Denbigh) ihe Lord Mtndevile (E 9 of Manehefter ) the Lord Roberts ( now Earl of Radnor and Pre-fldent of his Majefties Council ) the Lord St. Johns, (killed at Keinton Fight.,) Only the Lord Saj y and Lord Brooke were known Independents $ and whether the Lord Wharton (yet living) was then for Biftiops or againft them I know notj but all the reft were of the Church of England, And fo were the other Collonels, SlrHenyC'joMej, the bee Lord Hollis,CQlWUl.B*mpficld 9 Col.

Tho.Grantham, Col. 7 ho. Ballard, C. Sir William Pairjax, U>1: Charles Effex, Col. Lord Willoughby of Pa'ham, Co). Sir FTift Wi&r, Col. £<to SW/j, Cap. Lord Grey of Gwty j and I think then Sir Will. Conflableznd Col. Hampden. What mind Sir Will. Balfoore was of i know not: But I know his Country man Col. Brown was too far from a Puritane,

Bl t faith Mr.M.[i.ft's well the Bijhops hadnojhare in it] Anf. Let Heylm tell you what hand the difference between A.Bifhop Abbats Church of Englandmd Laud's then little Party had in the preparations. 2. And was the A. Biihop of Torino Biftiop, who afterward was a Commander for the Parliament.

But faith he, [ / pray where were the Presbyterians when the "Parliament took. #p Arms : Were they not then in being i ] Anf An excellent Hiftorian! that maintaineth Parliament and Army were fuch, as he knows not whether they were then in being. Yes Sir, they were in Holland, and France and Geneva, and Scotland; and in England there was one John Ball^nd one Mr. Langley, and afew more fuch old Nonconforming that never were in Arms 5 and old John Dod y and one Mr. Geree that was againft the war and dyed for grief of the Kings death : But among thofe called Puritans,few knew what Presbytery was,till the Scots afterward brought it in. Much lefsdid Lords, Commons, and Army know it. In your fenfe Sir they were not then in being 3 and therefore could not fight.

It appears by Bancroft and others that there had been once Presbyterians in England : But they were dead, and few even of the few Nonconforming Minifters fucceeded them in the Study of that point.

But faith he, [ Were they none of them in the honfe ] Anf. Yes, one f or did they protefl againfi the prcceedings of the Epifcopal and Erafiians ? Anf. That one went with them. And Non entis non funt accidentia.]

But faith he [ Can Mr % B. believe ( or think^any one elfe fo weal^as to be impofed on in a matter fo notoriopts ) that it was a Par' liamtm of Ep if copals, and Erafiians and not Presbyterians that be-gan the war?]

Anf Thus youngmen that know not whom they talk of can controle the moft publick matter of facl: by their conjettures.Go ask the worthy Matter of the Rolls Sir Harbottle Grimfton, whofe Speeches were then printed:Ask Sir f^.^/wd His Mayflies

jetties Sergeant a t Law who was one of them -, or any other of them yet living. Ask them whether they knewthemfelves and their companions better than you, who it feems knew them not. But faith he [ Were thej Ep if copals that voted down Epifcopacy Root and Branch before the war begun ] Anf. I. Have you proved that they did fo ? 2. Do you think that acontradiftion? 1. They had got a belief that Bifhop Laud had got fuch men into the Seats as were for a Syncretifm with the Papifts ( defcribed by Heylin) and againft the Subjects Property and Liberty. And it was the M:n and not the Office that offended them. 2. But be-caufethey were willing of the favour of the Scots,and thole Londoners who were againft the Biftiops, they pleafed them by voting down the prefent frame, intending to fet up a moderate Epifcopacy in its fteadj Yea long after this when many Learned Divines in the Aflembly declared thcmfelves for Epifcopacy, but nor for Deans, Cbancellors,&c. They altered the Covenant foas to defcribe the prefent frame only: And when the Houfe of Lords took the Covenant, Mr. Coleman fan Erafiian ) gave it them openly, dec!aring,that it was not meer Epifcopacy that this Co* venantrenounced, but only the EngUJh defcribed Complicate form. And could they have had fuch Bifhops a* Abbot and the old Church of England, they had never gone thus far. 3. And they thought not Epifcopacy itfelf fo neceflary, ( though if moderate the beft fort of Governments ) as to hazard all for ir, which they thought had been in danger. Even in 1640 July ij. They Voted a Diocefan in every County, with Twelve Divines to Govern.

But, faith he, [Were they Epifcopals that Petitioned the King at York for - Rejormation in Difapline and Worfoip then ? i. e, for abolifhing Epifcopacy and Common-Prayer f] Anfa. 1. Reforming is not Abolishing. 2. I anfwercd that as to the lafr. When they feared that the Old Houfe wouid fall on their heads, they were for pulling of it down, and building a New one, after fuck a Model as Bifhop Vfier after gave, and the Germane, Swedijh, and Danifh Churches have 5 which they called the Primitive Epifcopacy : But before they could do ir, they needed the Scots help, who brought in the Covenant, which they chofe rather than to fall into the hands of thofe of whom they had fuch thoughts and fears, as I need not now defcribe, Prin's Kiftory of Land's Tryal defcribeth them.

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I would ask this confident Hiftorian (wh^fefenfes tell him what Religion men were of contrary to their daily praftice of communicating in the Varijh-Chftrches conformably) whether the Longeft Parliamentof all, which made the A&s of Uniformity, the Corporation and Veftry Acts, the Two Afti againft Conventicles, the Mdrtia Aft, &C. were Presbyterian or Epifcopa! ? Verily, if thefe were Presbyterians, I am none, nor ever will be : Wc fhall then have a ftrange definition of a Presbyterian, fuch as will take in Bifhop Sheldon^ Bifhop Morley, Bifhop Gunning and fuch others. If not, did not the fear of Poperv make that very Parliament begin to look fo fowrely on the Clergy, as produced that which I need not tell you of? And did not molt of the fame men meet in the next Parliament after, and look yet more fufpiciotifly on the Clergy ? And the next yet more f And doth it follow that they were not Epifcopal but Presbyterian? But fome men are confident againft the Sun-light, and the moft notorious Publick Evidence. But I mcfl: confefs that fuch have {haken my belief of the meer Moral Evidence of moit Hiftory, and left me only certain of that which hath Evidence, which is truly Natural,in the Natural IrnpciTibilky of Confpiracy in a Lie.

There were.men heretofore that would fwear that man was a Puritane, who would not (wear and drink with them, and would pray in their Families, ?.nd read the Scriptures on the Lord's Day, while others were dancing. And the word [Puritane] is now vulgarly changed into [Presbyterian'} (by the Clergies Contludh,) And there are fbme Clergy-men that will fay,a man is a Presbyterian, who reproves them for Drunkennefs and Swearing, and other Crimes, fpccially if he would not have Nonconform;its ruined and laid in Gaol with Rogues. In this fenfe I deny not but Lords, Commons and Army, had many Puritanes or Presbyterians among them, who yet never knew what Presbytery was.

But, frith Mr. M. [Were they Epifcopal who pray the King at-Oxford to abolifh A t Bifiops and Bifhops^ &c> that entred into a Solemn Leagne and Covenant againft Epifcopacy, and for Reforming the Church after the Presbyterian Platform, and fet up Presbytery by fo many Ordinances ?]

Anfw. Diftingue temporais none of this Hiftorians Principles. How long after the War begun was this Petition at Oxford^ this Covenant, and thefe Ordinances ? He proveth them Pref.

V " byterians

byterians at firft when they knew not what it was, becaufe they were for Presbytery a year or two after: NegaturSequela. The Scots taught afterwards the Aflembly,and them that which they never knew before,2.And all thefe Petitions & Ordinances (hewed not what they preferred as beft,but what they preferred before expefted ruine. The I flue proved this, an&Heyl'm confeffeth it, and faith, They, never fct up Presbytery in any one place /which yet is not true, though they did not force it.)

3. Do you not know now living, thofe Epifcopal Conforming whorefufc no part of your Conformity, and are much againft Presbytery, who fince the Difcovery of the Papifts Plot, are fo much afraid of Popery, and Co confident that too many of the Clergy are prepared for ir, that a little more would turn them from you, though they love Presbytery as little as they love your felves.

la a word, The Old Clergy and the Parliament Men agreed. The New Clergy in Bifhop Land's time diftafted them:& the Scots Presbyterians helping them in their ft rait?, partly turned fome of them, and partly impofed on them impleading conditions.

But faith be, {The Eraftians and Independents were at firft in* tonfidsruble, and acted jo) ntly with the Presbyterians^ &C.~]

"Ak[\\\ Thus is Hiftory delivered to the deluded World! Neither Independency nor Presbytery were underftood by many till the War was begun. The Scots- CommifTioners by degrees acquainted them with Presbytery, and Mr. Bur ton's Protection Frotefted, and the live Dilfenters with Independency : Two or three Independents were m the Houfe of Lords^ and fome few in the Houfe of Commons: It was Epifcopal-men that made tp the ma n Body : Thefe were of two forts .-The one fort thought Epifcopacy of Divine Inftituticn, but not Chancellors, Deans and Chapters, Arch- Deacons, Officials^ &c The other fort thought that Epifcopacy, nor rampant, was the belt Government fare humano^ But that the Magiftrate being Chief, might fet it up, or take it down, as he fee molt for the common good* Thefe were called by fome Eraftians : And that thefe at firft were inconfiderable, is Hiftory written in defpight of Evidence. Let any man 1. Read what Parliaments formerly faid 5 2. And what many EngUfo Divines wrote for the Jiu humanum againft the fty Divinnm -, and what Teftfmony Frin hath given of it 5 3.. And YihatDr.StMngfltet hath produced for it in his Irenicon^

Vou;

4. And how commonly it was owned by Conformifts then in Conference 5 ^. And how commonly the Lawyers were for the Humane Right ; 6. Yea and the Civilians themfelvesj and then let him take this Hiftorian's word, if he tell Pofterity that the Parliament and Army, were not Englijlo men.

IV. Thefe Hiftorians candidly tell the world, that the Nonconformifts, who offered their Defires for Concord 166©. were Presbyterians, and fo are molt of the Nonconformifts now. Whereas they never made one motion for Presbytery, for Lay-Elders, for Ruling ClafTes or Afiemblies, nor againfl: Epifcopacy 5 but only offered the Paper called A. Bifhop VJhtr's Reduction of Epifcopacy to the Primitive Form ; wherein neither A. Bi-fliops, nor Bifhops, nor Deans and Chapters, Archdeacons 5 were taken down, or any of their Revenues, Lordfhips,or Parliament-Power. This is Presbytery with thefe Hiftorians.

V. They make the world believe that the main Body of the Conformifts, are fuch as differed for the King, or complied not with the Directory and Times of Ufurpation : Whereas u's pub-Jickly notorious, thatthere are,about 9000 Parifh-Churchesin £#g/W,befides many hundred Cnappels,6Vmany Churches that had more than one Minifter. And almoit all thefe complied with the Times or Directory, as the Nonconformifts did : And of all thefe, it was buta-bout xooo that Conformed not} fo that 7000 or 8000 of them that had kept in, did on a fudden turn Conformifts. And divers that had been in Arms for the Parliament: Yea, fome that had written for the Engagement when I wrote againftit; yea fome that had fpoken or written tantum now Juftification of the Killing of the King. And of thole that ;oyn-ed with us in our Propofals for Concord, Dr. Worthy and Dr. Reignolds were made Bifhops, and divers others d:d Conform.

VI. Thefe Hiftorians would make the world believe that the Prtfl-nt Church, and fuch as they,did more than the Parliamentarian?, and Presbyterians, and Nonconformifts, to reftore the King 5 when it is notorioufly known, how oft their Attempts were defeated, and what the Scots Army under Hamilton underwent, to fay nothing of the next ; and of the Lord Delamo>e's Attempt, and what the Reftored Parliament did: Butfurelam, that the Old Parliament Souldiers, and Presbyterian Commanders andSouldien in General Monkj> Army, with thofe in Er.g-/Wand Ireland that joyned with him, and Sir Thomas AlUn

Lord

Lord Mayor, with the Londoners, at the perfuafion of the Pref byterian Minifters, drawing Genera! Monk to joyn with them, did the main work, which the Council and Parliament after fi-nifhed. When moft of thefe men that will not endure the oblivion of Difcord*, nor the Reconciling and Union of the King's Subjects, do but itart up to revile others, and blow the Goals again, and reap the fruit of other mens labours, that defire but to live in Peace.

VII. That there are able worthy men that Conform, we are far from denying} and we earneftly defire their Concord, and the fucctfs of their Labour, and I hope love them as our felves. Buc whereas the Hiftory of this Parcy doth proclaim how much better and abler Minifters than the Noncon-formifts are generally put into their Places, that are no Novices or Ignorant Youths, no Drunkards, nor fcandalous, but mofe la* borious, skilful Labourers, I will fay nothing, but lee the Countries judge.

VIII. And whether it be true that there is no need of the Nonconformists Miniftry, but the Churches are fufficiently fup-plied without them, both as to the number and quality of their Teachers, I have in my Apology enquired 5 and with godly men it's eafily judged.

IX. And whether it be true, that it was only for the Kings or Bifliops caufe that the Parliament put out-all, or moft of them that were heretofore removed, I leave to the WitnefTes and Articles againft them. I am fure I and my neighbour Minifters petitioned that none that were tolerable pious Minifters, might be put out for being for the King or Bifliops.

X. It is commonly now recorded and reported that the Pref-byterians and thofe that now conform not put down Catechizing, and turned the Creed, Lords prayer and Decalogue out of the Church-Service. Whereas f iffome few Independents did any of this, ic is more than I know, but) in all our Countrey, and where I cam^ I remember no Churches that did not ufe the Creed openly at their baptizing any, and the Decalogue frequently read out of Exod. 20. or Dent. 5. and the Lords prayer frequently; as we did conftantly„ Buc fome thought that we were not bound to ufe it every time they prayed. And the Directory commendeth all thefe to them. And all our Countrey agreed not only to Catechize publickly, but to take larger time

tm tlie week daies to Catechize every family.

X I. Thefe Hiftorians fay that I and fuch others take the things which we conform not to,tobe but inconveniences and not fmsj And that we keep the Nation in Schifme while we confefs the things to be but Indifferent And our writingsarevifible in which we profeft the contrary, and laboured by many arguments to prove it and protefted that we would conform if we took them

ot to be fins. And we gave in a Catalogue of what wejudged to be fins : And this before the New Conformity was impofed : And fincerhefierceft difpleafure is againft us for telling them what we account Sin, and how great : When many years together our Rulers and the People were told that we confeflcd them indifferent and refufed them but to avoid offending our followers.

XII. We frequently hear from them that we oppofe Epifco-pacy becaufe we cannot be Bifhops our felves: When its known that nothing could more put men out of all fuch hopes than the Presbyterians Endeavours that both their power and wealth

fhould be taken down: And he that hath any defires of a Bifhop-rick fhould fure be for the keeping of them up. And the fame men reprove us for refufing Bifhopricks and Deanries, and fay we did it to pleafe the People.

XIV. The new Hiftorians would make us believe that the Reformed Church of England before Bi(hop Lauds time, were of their mind that now call themfelves Bifhops and Doctors of the Church of England, in holding as they do, that there is an Uni-verfal humane Soveraignty with Legiflative and Judicial power over all the Churches on earth : and that this is in Councilor an Univerfal Colledge of Bifhops 5 of which the Pope may beal-Jovved to be president, and Principium V nit at is ^ &c. and that he muft be obeyed as Patriarch of the Weft 5 and fo we muft be under a forreign JurifdicYion. Whereas it is notorioufly known that before Bifhop Lauds time the doctrine of this Church was quite Contrary, as may be feenat large in the Apology, the Articles of Religion, the writings of the Bifhops and Doctors j Yea they writ copioufly to prove that the Pope is Antichrift, and put it into their Liturgy. And Dr.Hey tin tells us that theReafon why Bifhop Laud got it out was, ( that it might not offend the Papifts and hinder our reconciliation with them} And the Oath of Supremacy fweareth us againft all forreign JurifdicYion.

XV. The fame Hiftorians would make us believe that thefe

mens

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mens doctrine is now the doctrine of the Churcb of EngUki or agreeable to it. Whereas the Oath of Allegiance is ft ill in force, and foare the Homilies, and the Articles of Religion and the Laws and Canons for the Kings Supremacy againftall forreign JurifJiction.And there is no change made whichalloweth of their doctrine: And the Church doctrine muft be known by its pub-lick writings, and not by the opinions cf new rifenmen.

X V I. The new Hiftdrians make the Nonconforming Mini-Iters to be men grofly ignoranr,preach;ngfa!fe doctrine,of wicked principles and lives, and not fit to be futfered out of Gaols. And yet thefe 19. or 20. years how few of them have been convict ofanyfalfe doctrine ? And I have not heard of four in England that have ever been convict fmce they were caft our, of being once drunk, or fornicating, cheating, (wearing, or any' immorality, unleft preaching and net fwearing. Subscribing, &C be fuch, nor for falfe doctrine.

XVII. The new H'ftorians have made thoufands believe that the doctrine or opinions cfthe Nonconforming is for fedition and rebellion ^ Arra that it is for this that they refufe to renounce tt.e obligation of the Covenant as to all men befides themfelves and that they refufe to fubferibe that it is not lawful on any pretence wbatfoever to rakeArmsagainft any CommifTioned by the King. Whereas we have at large in a fecond Plea for peace opened our judgments about Loyalty and obedience, ana none of them will tell us what they would have more, nor where oar profeftion is too fhort or fruity. Nor have they convict any of my acquaintance of preaching any 'difloya! doctrine.

X V 11 i. Yea they have by writing, preaching and talking made multitudes believe that the Non conform ilts or Presbyterians have been long hatch ; i:g a rebellion againft the King, and have a Plot to take down Monarchy under pretence of oppofir.g Popery. And how far thefe Hiftorians are to be belseved 3 true Froteftanrs by this time partly underftand.

X I X. Yea thefe Hiftoria^s have made multitudes believe thit the Parliaments that have been difblved here of lare years have been defigning tcr change the Government of Church ami (late, under pretence of? . As if that Parliament

that did that for them and a gain ft us which- is done, and made all the Acts which are foT the Renunciation of the Covenant, and for all the Dedaratioms/Subfcriptions and Practices Impofcd, and {'or Fining us 20/. and 40 /. a Sermon, and laying us in Ga^ c ,

N h«d

bad been for Nonconformifts, and againft Epifcopacy* and they that made the Militia Act, and fuch other had been againft the Kingjor his Prerogative: Or the other following had not been of the lame Religion.

X X. But theboldeft part of their Hiftory ,is their defcription of the two forts of the People in England, thofe that are for the prefent Nonconformifts, and thofe that a,re againft them. Thofe that are againft them, they account the molt Religious, Temperate, Cbaft, Loyal, Credible, and in a word, the beft people through the Land (Tor of our Rulers I am not fpeaking.) And thofe that are for the Nonconforming Minifters, they defame as the moft proud 5 hypocritical, treacherous, difloyal, covetous > falfe, and in a word, the worft people in the Land ; or as Fovclis faith, the worft of all mankind, and unfit to live in humane Society. How Jong will it be ere the fober people of this Land believe this Character ? One would think that the quality of the common Inhabitants of the Land mould not be aControverfie > or unknown thing. All that I will fay to this Hiftory, js, to tell the Reader the utmoft of my obfervation and experience from my Youth up, concerning thefe two forts of men.

Where I was bred before 1640. (which was in divers places) I knew not one Presbyterian Clergy-man,nor Lay 3 and but three or four Nonconforming Minifters. Nay till Mr. Ball wrote for the Liturgy and againft Can, and Allen^ &e. and till Mr. Burton Publifhed his Proteftation protefted, I never thought what Presbytery or Independency were, nor ever fpake with a man that feemed to know it: And that was in 1641. when the War was brewing. In the place where rfirft lived, and the Country about, the People were of two forts: The generality feemed to mind nothing ferioufly but the body and the world: They went to Church and would anfwer the Parfon in Refponds and thence go to dinner, and then to play : They never prayed in their families,but fome of them going to bed,would fay over the Creed, and the Lord's Prayer, & fome of them the Hail Mary : All the year long,.not a ferious word of holy things, or the Life to come, that I could hear of, proceeded from them. They read not the Scripture 5 norany good Book orCatcchifm.Few of them could read, or had a Biblc:They were of two ranks$ the greater part were good Husbands as they called them, and favoured of nothing but their bufinefs or Intereft in the World $ the reft were Drunkards: Jvloft were Swearers, but not equally: Both

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forts feemed utter ftrangers to any mote of Religion than I have named ; and loved not to hear any ferious talk of God, or Duty, or Sin, or the Gofpel., or Judgment, or the Life to come : But fome more hated it than others: The other fort were fuch as had their Conferences awakened to fome regard of God and their Everlafting State 5 and according to the various meafures of their underftanding, did fpeak and live as ferious in the Chriftian Faith, and would much enquire what was Duty,'and what was Sin, and how to pleafe God> and to make fure of Salvation 5 and made this their Bufinefs and Intereft, as the reft did the world. They read the Scripture, and fuch Books as The Pratlice of Piety ; and Deut'j Plain Man's Path Way ; and Dod on the Commandment s y d>cc. They ufed to pray in their Families, and alone -, fome on the Book, and fome without: They would not Swear, nor Cur fe, nor take God's Name lightly: They feared all known fin : They would go to the next Parifh-Church to hear a Sermon when they had none at their own j would read the Scripture on the Lord's Day, when others were playing ::Thefe were^where I lived, about the number of two or three Families in twentyjand thefe by the reft were called Puri-tanes, and derided as Hypocrites and Precifians,that would take on them to be Holy : And efpecially if they told any one of his Swearing, Drunkennef?, or Ungodlinefs., they were made the common fcorn. Yet not one of many of them ever fcrupled Conformity to Bifhops Liturgy or Ceremonies, and it was godly Conformable Minifters that they went from home to hear : And thefe M ; nifters being the ableft Preachers, and of more ferious Piety, were alfo the Objeds of the Vulgar Obloquy as Puritanes and Precifians themfelves j and accordingly fpoke a-gainft by many of their Tribe, and envyed for being preferred by godly men.

This being the Condition of the Vulgar where I was, when I came into the acquaintance of many Perfons of Honour and Power, and reputed Learning, I found the fame ferioufnefs in Religion in fome few before defcribed, and the fame daily fcorn of that fort of men in others, but differently cloathed : For thefe would ta'k more bitterly, but yet with a greater fhew of rea-fon agair.il: the other, than the ignorant Country People did: And they would fometime t:uk of fome Opinions in Religion, and fome of them would ufe fome of the Common-Prayer in

N z their

their Houfes, and fame of them would fwear, but feldom, and fmall Oaths, and lived foberly and civilly $ but ferious talk of God or Godlinefs, or that which tended to fearth and reform the Heart and Life, and ferioufly prepare for the Life to come,. or to awaken Souls to a care of their State and Salvation, they would at leaft be very weary to hear, if not deride as Puritanical. Mr. Robert: Bolton a Conforming hath fully opened all this Of both (brts in his Difeourfe of Trite Happincfs, and Dirrftions for walking mth God: And how the-name Puritan? wis then if fed.

This being the Fundamental Divifion where I came, fomeof thefc that were called Puritanes and Hypocrites, for not being Hypocrites, but ferious in the Religion they proftffed, would fometimesget together, and_as Drunkards and Sporters would meet to drink and play, they would (in fbme very-few places, where there were many of them)meet afterSermonon tbeLord's Daies to Repeat the Conforming Mlniiiers Sermon, and fing a Pfilm,and Pray. For this, and forgoing from their own Pa-riih-Churches, they were firft envied by the Readers, and dry Teachers, whom they fometime went from, and next profeoraf-te<Jby Apparitors, Officials, Archdeacons, Commiffaries, Chancellors, and other Epifcopal Miruments: For in former times there bad been divers Presbyterian Nonconforming, who ear-neilly pleaded for Parifh-Difcipline (as Buccr aifo did in Opcr. Anglic.) And tofubdue thefe, divers Canons were made j which ferved the turn againft thefe Meetings of the Conformable Pu-riranes, and going from their ownParifh-Churches $ though, the Old Presbyterians were dc&d 9 and very few fucceeded them. About as many Nonconformists as Counties were" left; and thofe few molt fiuck at Subfcriprionand Ceremonies, which were the hinderance of their M niftry 5 and but few of them ftudiedor un-..derftood the Presbyterian or Independent Difeiplinary Caufes. Bat when thefc Conformable Puritanes were thus profecu ted,, it bred in them hard thoughts of the Bifhops and their Courts,as Enemies to ferious Piety, and Perfecutors of that which thty ihould promote: Suffering bred this Opinion and Averfation, And the ungodly Rabble rejoyced at their troubles, and applauded the Bifhops for ir, and were every where ready to fee the Apparitors-on them, or to ask them, Are you holier or cr thin : Aid their Accufations were readily en-

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rertained : This much inclined them to hearken to thtm i were averte to Conformity, when fuch rote dp, and to firch as were more againft the Bifhops, than there was cauftj 10 i by this time, the Puritanes took the Bifhops to be Captains and the Chancellors, Archdeacons,Commill^rie?, Officials and P their Officers, and the Enemies offeriousG >dHnefr, and the vicious Rabble to be as their Army, to fupprefs trueconfciencious Obedience to God, and care of mens Silvatjjn. And the cer.-fured Clergy and Officers took erj< crs to be Suhifin-

ticks 3 and Enemies to the Ciurch, unfit to be endured, and fit-to be protecuted with reproach and pi rt 5 lb that

Puritanes took it to be bur the com .hat ilnee C\i/Vs

daies hath been in the world, between the S Woman's Seed: And when the ceflors,

Official-', Apparitors, &:. 'Jer fuch a repute, it

was eafie to believe what fh .u' i be fti'J agamft their Office. And the more the Bidiops thought to cure this bypuniftrmenr, the more they increafed th'e Opinion; ttiat they were perfecn-ting Enemies or Godiinefs, and theCaptiti \t Pfopharie.

And when fuch fmful Beginnings had prepared men, the C Contentions arifing, thofe called Puritanes, moiily were againlt that fide which they faw the Bifhops and their Neighbour Enemies for: And they were for the Parliament the rather, becatife they teemed defirous to Reform the Bifhops, and Pveftore the Liberty of thofewhom they profecuted for the manner of their terving God. Yet they defired, where-ever I was, to have lived peaceably at home: But the Drunk irds and Rabble that formerly hated them, when they Caw the War beginning,grew inraged;. and if a man did but Pray, and Sing a Pfalm in his houte, they would cry [Dow* with tkt Roundheads'] (a word then new made for them,) and put them in fear of linden violence, and afterwards brought the King's Souldiers to plunder them of their goods, and they were fain to run into holes to hide their persons {Martin Crufixt in his Turco-Gr&cia defcribeth much the like Cite of his Father. ) And when their Goods were gone, and their Lives in continual danger ^ they were forced to fly for Food and Shelter: To go among thole til at hated them, they durlt nor, when they could nordwell among fuch at home. And thus thoufandj rod into the Parliaments Garrifons, and having-bo thing there to livr-upon, became Souldfer?;

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We had an honeft-very Old ^rminian (Mr. Nayler) in Coven* f// 5 that was againft the Parliaments Caufe 5 and he would fay f {The King hath the befi Caufe, and the Parliament the befi Men."} And that he wondred how ic came to pafs, that the generality of fober Religious men, (hould be all in the wrong, and the molt Irreligious and Prophane, and Debauched be in the right.] But he knew but the Vulgar, and not the Grandees, who no doubt were many of them men of very laudable accomplifhments.

And as the feud of the Bifhops and their Officers and Curates againft the aforefaid exercifes of Religion occafioned this fad Di-vifion 3 fo did the fenfe of this in the minds of thofe called Pu-ritanes continue too long. Many a time have Ifeen abundance in great Perplexity, faying [We believed them that profefled that they took not Arms againft the King, but to execute the Law on Delinquents and defend themfelves and the Kingdom from them : We abhor the Regicides and Ufurpers : We would reftore the King, if we were ftronger than the Army. And yet we are in doubt how far we (hould actively contribute to our own calamity: For though the King deferve more than we can do, we doubt not but the Bifhops will increafe our Burdens and make greater havock in the Church than heretofore] And many fate ft ill on this account, and as far as ever I could diP cern, next the Power of the Army, the fear of the Bifhops was the chief delay of the Kings return.

I knew not all England; but according to the Extent of my acquaintance, I have truly told you the quality of thofe then called Puritans and of their Common adverfaries.

And on which fide now proportionably are moll of the moft undemanding, fober, charitable, confcionable^ and ferioufly religious Perfons, and on which moft of the contrary fnot fpeak-ing of any Magiftrates ) I think it neither my work, nor our New Hiftorians to tell :For people that live among their neighbours, will believe their fenfes and experience, what ever either he or I ftiall fay. And I am well afifured that this argument ( which I think was not found ) [ We cannot believe that God witt fuffer the Generality of the Religions to be deceived in Jo great a cafe t and the ?nofi of the debauched ignorant haters of feriom GedLnefs to be in theright^"] did prevail with very many that could not try the Caufe by the Laws and conftitution of the Kingdom. § 2. lfl fhould recite the particular unjufi reports of multitudes

titudes of thefe Writers it would be tirefome and Joathicme : Yea all the miftakes of this Eminent Hiftorian are too many ro be named : But I will here name one which feems at once to fmite and fmiJe.

Pag. 217. ["There is a temper which Mr. B. it acquainted " with that^ is not to be prevailed on, either by threats or promifes Qt from ths Magtfirate 3 and feems to hate nothmgfo much as compii-Cc ance with Superiors : Thtre are fame that fcorn to preach by the * c Licence of the Government^ and place the Kingdom ofChrifi purely " in oppofnon to Law and Magiftrrtes. 2

Anfw, Note the credibility of this Hiftorian. 1. Doth their accufation of my flattering the Ufurpers (whom I more openly difowned thanmoit of his Fraternity) agree with this?

2. Did my Jong and earned Petitioning to be accepted but in a poor Curates place, though I Preachc for nothing, yea if it were but in fome ignorant obfcure Village, and only to preach over the Catechifm^gree with this?

3. Doth my large profeflion of Subje&ion in my Second Plea for Peace not yet blamed by them herein agree with this ?

4. I willingly took the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and an Oath to be true to the King as his Chaplain in ordinary, and had this any fuchfignification f

5. Did my begging in vain a Licenfe from Bifhop Morley y and craving and obtaining one of Bifhop Sheldon fign\dc this ?

6. .But th e fmile is that one would think by thefe words, I might have preached by the Governours Licenfe and would not. And is that true? Did I not preach by the Kings Licenfe, and the C'ergy blame me for it? And as for the Bifhops Licenfe I do profefs that it's yet in force, and I do preach by it. If I mistake it is not my refufing it. If he intimate as he feems, that by the Bifhops Licenfe I might have had leave to preach in the Parifh Churches,it's now too late:But I would I had known how to get it. I confefs one Summer in the Countrey about z$ miles off, I did venture upon the Credit of my Licenfe fac u4merfham, Chejham 3 Rickmerfworthj&c.) But it was too pleafing work to me to becontinued:One Church mSouthwarl^l was once Jet into, but no more in or near London. I once craved leave of the moderate Bifhop that now is, that without putting down the meeting where I was in that great Parifh of Sr. Martin's, I might preach fometime there and once a day at the Chappcl

which! builr 5 which the Parifh Incumbent ufeth, and that he would quiet the Juitices to that end, and thought I hid had his confenr: But the Conftables and other Officers it-' - fi om that day about a quarter of a year together every Loro'i Day at the door of the former place of Affemblv, to have apprehended me by the Juftices warrant if I had gone. And never could I hear of a man in London that was willing I fhould come into his Pulpit j but the be ft have refufed it. Nor did I much defire it here : For it is not to preach to them that have no need that is my requeft j but to fuch as cannot come into the Parifh Church or otherwlfe truely need our help. Once I did try to have got leave two miles out of the City to have preachta Kinfwomans Funerall Sermon on the right of my Licenfe : But the Minifter faid, He muft firft ask the Bifhcp, and then denyed me.

Reader, thefe ave the Hiftorians that Charge me with mif-report of ancient Hiftory, vifible in the mo ft partial Authors on "the other fide: Judge of them by their Report of the Hiftory of our Place and Age.

CHAP. XV.

\Mr<W£s. way of getting beliefs by a AJtgifteriatcondemning the mofl credible Hiftorians^ and authorising whom hepleafe.

§ i. T-F we had not Eufi&fa, Socrates and Soz.cmcn, how naked JL flioijfd we be left, and much unacquainted with the cafe of the Church from the Apoftles 5 ( Befides 7&eodoretsR\-fbory) tiil 440 And whata fliake is given to the Credit of all thrfeby Mr. M and others of greater name?

Though Enfebtus bimfelf be by Petaviw and many other Pa-pifts accounted an Arian,yea. and (eemingly proved fuch, and by Bellarmine de Script. Eccltf. its faid that Aibanafiw fo calls him, znd-fcrcw calls him the ^r/^wSignifer and Prince, and the 7th •General Council fo judgeth him, yet Sccrates vindicateth him, and thinks he is wronged : And indeed though his own Epiftle written to his Flock be not juftifyable, incautelousand unjuftify-?ble words were too Common before his daies ( as Petavius hath too fully proved ) with thofe that we muft not yet call Arianu But while BclUrmin: and Mr. M, charge Socrates and

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Socmen zs Novations that is Hereticks themfelves,they deprive Enfebim of much of their defence, and render his Hiftory the

more fufpicious.

§ 2. And though I know Mr. ^/.hath more partners herein, I

never faw yet any credible proof that either of them were Novations: Good Chriftiansarenot afhamed nor afraid to make pro-feffionof theirReligion.Andthey arefo far from profefTing ir ? that they oft fpeak of the Novations in difowning words. But they praifed them for the good that is in them ! And would not any impartial Hutorian do the like/ Muft a man rail at any party J or hide their Virtues or elfe be taken to be one of them ? I cenfefs thatfuch as Mr.Af.do fully acquit themfelves from the fufpicion of being Presbyterians or Nonconform it! s. But fo did not A. B\(hop GrindaU, Bifhop fewel, A. Bifhop-^w A. Bifhop VJher, and many more fuch. Sure Candor and Impartiality is Laudable in Hiltorians $ And Tbuanstsh moft honoured for that. And not-withftjnding Mr. M*% aflercions of the contrary, I profefs my felf a lover & honourer of the worth of many of theafpirirg Bi-fhops that corrupted theChurcb^and of many Popes A andofmany that continue Church corruptions in the heightjeven many of the Papifts Cardinals, Schoolmen and Jefuites. Who will not love and praife the excellent Learning of fuch as Syanz.^Vafqu?^ Victoria, Ve.tavim and abundance fuch ? Who will not pra.fe the piety of fuch as Gerfon , Bcrrcmtus, Sales, and many others , though we neverthelefsdifown their Popery? For my part I highly value the C!earenefs,of multitudes of the School men,and t^at they have not in whole loads of their volumes fj much malicious railing as thejefuits ard many of our late Conformifts have in a few. meets. Doth it follow that I am a Papilt becaufe I praife them^r that Socrates or Socmen were Novations becaufe they fpeak well of their faith and pjety.

There are abundance of Malignanrs, thsc acknowledge the Good Lives of rhofe they call Puritanes fand if he had not had the late Wars between King and Parliament to fill aii Mouths and Books agarnft them, the Devi! by this time might have been at a lofs with what Accufatior.s to reproich them. For he was put to ufc the Voices ( no names ) of [Roundheads^ Whigs, &c, when their Revilers were called Drunkards Swearers, Dam-me'$, &c.~\ But they that confefi the Good/eproach them as Hypocrites that do but counterfeit it. Doth this ao

knowledgment prove them Puritane3. I fuppofeMr. M, know-cth that no (mall number of Hiftorians and Fathers confefs the frri&nefs of the Novatians Lives, and yet were no Novat tans. And Cunftantine's words to Acefnu imply that he thought him Angularly ftrkft. Andlvlr. M. faith Pref. [The Novatians.,/*;>£ the Author, did not fvffer muck by this Editl^ being befriended by ths Emperour, who had an efteem for their Bifhop of Q. P. upon the account of his Hohmfs7\ And may not an Orthodox man confefs the Piety of others ?

§ 3. But Mr. M. \i Co Migifterial as to fay, Fag, 312. The ftory tf/Theophilus, and the Monks 0/Nitria, no reafonable man can believe^ as it is related by Socrates and Sozomen, without loving a malicious Lie.'] So that Socra*es and Sozomen either believed not themfelves 3 or cKc Loved a malicious Lie,

And Page 319 he faith^ [Theftory of TheophiJus his charging lfidore with double Letters, th it whoever was Conqutrour^ he might apply himfelfto him in his name , is of the fame pierce with the reft of Socrates his flo-y concerning that Bijhop; and in all probability an invention of one of the Monies o/Nitria,]

It feems this Hift'orian believeih Old H;ftorians,as the matters feem probable or improbable to himfelf. And Co we may take him for the Univerfai Expofitor of Hiftory: It is not the Old Hiftorians that we muft believe, but his Conjectures. And thus he deals withdivers others.

§ 4, For my part I profefs, that before I had any Engagement in thete Controverfies, fince I firft read them, I took Socrates and Socmen to be two of the moft credible Hiftorians that the Church had till their Times 3 and of many an A^e after them. I (aid of them, as I ufe to do of Thttantts, A man may trace the footfteps of Knowledge, and impartial honefty, and foof Veracity in their very ftyJe. And there are few of the judicious Cenfurers of Hiftorians, but def tell us of far more uncertainties in£;i/f£/'^,and after in Nicephorvs^nd moft that followed,(as far as I am acquainted with fuch Cenfurers) than in thefe two. And if their Hiftory be (haken, our lofs will not be fmall. And I doubt not but the Anathematizing and Condemning Spirit bath done hurt, which hath made Eufebius an undoubted Arian, and Theo-doret s firft a Neftorian, and after at the fifth General Council condemned fome of his Writings, and impofed it on the whole Chriftian World to condemn them, though many never heard of

them

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them, and that made Rttffintts (and Chryfoftom) Origimfts, and Origen a Heretick, condemned alfo by a General Council, and Socrates, and Soz»omen, Novatians, Eplphanim an ignorant credulous Fabler, SnlpitiusSevcrus^znd Beda, two pious credulous Reporters of many feigned Miracles^ and one a Millenary, Ni-cephorus a Fabler, Anaftafius BMfall of Falfhoods, PbH*jfri#j an ignorant Erroneous Hereticator,C^///^«^j a Semi-Pelagian, Cajfics dor I Chronic, eft farrago temnlentia in quit 0;:upbrius Pan. Per] nunqaam cum Eiffebio convenit intuit Vofftys, &c. I fay, Though it be no wrong to the Church to take.them for fallible, and fuch as have miftakesf which the Englijh Articles fay even of General Council*)yetit wrongfully fhaketh al] our belief of ChurchHifto-ry to call their Credit in matters of faft into queftion for their Erroursor opinions fake_,w i thou t good Evidence that either they were ignorant, mif-informed or wilfully lied.Buc ifthe Natrntians were more ftrift & precife than others, it's rather.like that they were more and not lefs credible than others, and made more or notleft confeience of a lye* Certainly that which the reft named are charged with is fomewhat more as toHiftorical Credit than to be Novatians : So that if thefe men had been Nova'Sans, I mould yet fay by the Complexion of their Hiftory that I hey are two of our moil ufeful and credible Church- Hiftorians.

§ 5. Bat when it ferveth his turn he can gather out of Sozo-imn that even in Conftamines time, Conftantinople was [Altogether a Cbriftian City'] Becaufe he mentioned! the great Enlargement of it -, and great encreafe of Chriftianity : When as no man that lived could be a fitter judge of the number of Chrifti-ans in bis time than Chyfftom: And he that confidered that there and every where Conftantine left all the Jews and Heathens nneompelled to be Chriftians, yea and ufed them commonly in places of dignity and Government in City, Provinces and Armies, and that they continued in fuch power under many Emperours after him, will hastily believe that in Conftamine 9 s time C. P. had half or a quarter fo many Chriftians as were in the time of^r-aadim and Chryfoftom-, And yet then Chryfoftom corjeftureth the Chriftians to be an hundred thoufand, and all the City poor half as many, but the Jews and Heathens not to be numbrcd. Sec him one All 4. Horn, it; When he is making the moil of their eftate and numbers., faith he [ I pray yon tell me : How great a number of all fats ofmsnhath ojir C'ty ? How many Chriftians '

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will you that there be (That is will you grant, or do you think there be ?) Will you that there be Si^^veU^, an hundred thoufand ? But bow great is the Number offews and Ethnickj . ? How many pounds of Gold have been gathered ? for Myriads . ? ) And how great is the Number of the Poor f (that is,of the whole City ?) I do not think, they are above fifty thoufand (C&mmelbi. hath put an hundred thoufand, as Erafmus Tranflation, Huppofe by the Errour of the Prefs.) Now if there was in Chryfofloms daies but an hundred thoufand (which many fay is not near fo many as there be in two Parilhes here, Martins and Stepney) it is not like that in Cox/lam ine*$ Time they were half fo many at moft. And yet I am far from thinking that there was then no more than ufually met in an Atfembly, or could fo meet.

§ 6. The Jefuites, Valtfius and Sirmondus^ I am no fit per-fon to cenfure, But lam notfatisfied why their Credit mould go as far with me as it doth with him: I have before fpoke of Valefiush Recording Grotius as one that defigned to bring many with him into the Roman Church. And Grotius himfelf faith, That many of the EngUJh Bifhops were of his mind, as Bifliop Bromhall, and many Doctors by defending him (eem to be: And yet when I wrote my Chrtfiian Concord^nd Tve Grotian Religion, how many cenfiired me as a Slanderer, for faying le(s than Valefius doth* Yet I am falfe with this Hiftorian, and Valefius is a credible Jefuite.

And he vouchfafethto tell us the Judgment of Valefius , that Eufebius Nicomed. was no Arian % pag. 3 32. where, he faith [Eu-febius of Nicomedia was no Heretic^in the judgment of Valefius: But if be were, be was not an Heretic^, becaufe he did not begin the Arch-Herefie^ but followed Arius.]

What the meaning is of the latter words I know not [ If he were (an Heretick^) he was not anHeretickJ] I conjecture it is one of the almofl Infinite Errata's of the Printer: (But he fuppofeth iny Printer's to be mine own :) But that Eufebius Niccmed. ihould be no Heretick, whom all the ftream of credible Hifto-rians make to be that Arch-Heretick (I fay not the firft) who corrupted Conftar.tme his Court and Son, which introduced the prevalency of Ananifm to the almoft Ruine of the Orthodox Church, is a thing which he that believeth Valtfius in, muft prefer the Credit of one Jefuite that lived above a thoufand years after, before the whole current of the beft Hiftorians of the

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fame, and many following Ages. And did I ever fo difcredic the whole ftream of Church-Hiftorians, as on the word of one Jefuite, to bring them under the fufpicion of fuch a Lie ? But I confefs I am more inclined to believe a Jefuite, and a Prela-tift, when they excufe any man of Herefie, than when they accuse him.

§ 7. In the Preface he tells us that[ c< Had 1 consulted SirmondV> " Edition of the French Councils I mufi have wanted fveral Alle-" gat ions for theCongregationalway t which are nothing elfe hut Corrupt * readings of the ancient Canons of the Gallican Church, Nor can we Q 'fufpett Sirmond as too great a favourer ofDiocefan B flops «fince it " is wellkfoxn how he is charged by the Abbjt of S.Qyrzn under the " name of Petrus Aurelius.^cr having falfifizda Canon in the Cou-iclt te of Orange to the prejudice of ths Epifcopal Order] fefuites care tQ as little for Bijhups as our P rotefl ant Dijfenters can do.~] Anfw. I doubt not but Sirmond was a very Learned nian,and had not the Conform ids diverted me or all Church-maintenance, I had been like to have bought bis French Councils. In the mean time, that notice which others before him gave of the A&sand Canons of Councils, fufficed to my furniture, fully to prove the Caufe I maintained: But I confefs his pretended reafon no whit in-duceth me to give more credit to a Jefuite than to another man. Though Albafpineus was a Bifhop, there is fo much Judgment and Honefty appears in his Observations, that I would fooner believe him about Epifcopacyi than a Jefuite that you fay is againft it.

But it's as \ncrediWe to me, a* the reft ofhis fpurious Hlfto-ry, that the fefcites care as In tie for Bijhops as our Trot eft ant Dif /enters can do, Sure many of thofe called Presbyterians and Independents, would havenoneatalK If this be true, then i.The Jefuites would have no Bifhops of Rome> though they be his fworn Servants. 2. Then they would have no Bifhops to be fubject co the Pope. 5. Then they would have all particular Churches to be without Bifhops,, or to be unchurcht. 4. Then they would have Ordination without Bifhops. c.Then they think not that an uninterrupted Succeflion of Epifcopal O dination is neceflary to Church or Mfoiftry. 6. Then they think that Bifhops (hotrld not confirm, 7. Then they are againft the Councils of Bifhops, General or Provincial. 8. And againft Diocefans Government of the Parifli Priefts. And yet is a Jefuite a Papift ?

Wonderful!

Wonderful ! that they will venture their Lives in endeavours for the Church of Ai i»* , ard that they write fo much of and for Bifcops Councils, and yet are quite againft them.

But if really this be fo, you that take me for incredible, who am againft but the Corruption of Epifcopyey, do allow me to take S. ; rmondus and Valefius^ and the reft of the Jefuites for incredible, who areas much againft the very Office as our Dif-fenters can be ? But what will not fome Hiftorians confidently fay?

CHAP. XVI.

Mr. M'-f. Obfer vat ions on my Notes of credible and incredible Hiftory, Examined,

§ i. I."p> Ecaufe I fuppofe that common found Senfes are to be Xj trufted : He i. Infers that I was afleep^ & thought that I faw all that I relate 5 that is, He that faith he muft believe fenfe, implies that he feeth all that he reporteth : I am one of the unlearned, and this Logick is too hard for me: Let it be his own.

^. He concludes, That we mufl not believe our fenfes, if they were not Presbyterians but Epifcopal that begm the lats War ('in England:) As if he had feen not only the Parliament (Lords and Commons) then, and the Army then (forty years ago al-moft) but had feen their Religion, or heard or read them then fo prcfefs it: Whereas I cannot learn yet whether he was then born, or of capable underftanding, and hath neither fente nor reafon for what be faith. The Cafe that we are in is very fad, when both fides fay they have the Evidence of Senfe it felfa-gainft each other ; what hope then of Reconciliation ? They that are yet living, that were Lords, Commons, ana 1 Commander?, fay their internal Senfe and Self-knowledge told them, that they were no Presbyterians, butEpifcopal $ and their daily convert told them, that their Companions were moftly of the fame Religion and Mind. But Young Men that never converged with them, know them all better, and that infallibly by

ftcfe icfclf.

§ 2.

§ 2. II. Becaufe I fay,the Hiftory of the Gofpel i* certainly credible 5 it is ground enough to fay, That All is not. Gcfpel that J write ; as if I had faid it i?.

§ 3. III. Becaufe I h\\P>ophcts were fure of their Revelation fit faith. It may be AJr.B. beat da Bene fcnpffii : As if 1 had pretended to be a Prophet.

§ 4. IV. I faid that Hiftory is certain even by Natural Evidence, when it is the common Agreement of all men of moft contrary Interefts, &c. in a matter of fact and fenfe to all that knew it. To which he fairh {The Superiority cf Etfivps ov: r / r.sbyters is acknowledged by C -it holiest, and Schifinaticks and Hcretickj> * :en °f very contrary minds, difpi fit ions and inter efts; and jet this ChurcL-Htflory would have us believe the contrary a

Anfw. This is our'credible H llorL n.

1. He doth not tell us in what Ages it W3sfo acknowledged j when thofe who doubt*of the matter of fad, doubt but fome of 100, fome of 150, or 200 years: Doth any doubt whether it be fo now ?

2 He tells us not either what Species of B ; (hops the qneftion is of,\nor what Species of Presbyters, nor wh. t the Superiority was.

3. H:* fpeaks without dHtinction or Exception^ and fo muft be underftood to fay that this Church hiftory would have us to believe that even Prefdent Bifoops Ejufiem Ordinis had defacto no Superiority at all over Presbyters in the fame Churches and of the fame order with r^w^which is an untruth fo g'rofsas is no Credit to our Hsftorian. I have named both morethan one ranckofBi-(hops whofe Superiority de fure I deny nor: & Popes, Patriarchs^ Primates 5 Diocefans who depofed the Biftiops offingle Churches, whofe Superiority de fatto I fully enough affirm, in the ages and degrees in which they did afcend.

It he fry that he meant it \_Even frcm the Apofles time^nd that offuchDiocefans as have [cores or hundreds of true Churches andAl-ta s without their particular Bifhops, or any Presbyters that were # Ejufdem Ordinis with the Bifkops, and were Epifcopi Gregis, and that hadfuch Power of the Keys over their flocks, as curs have not : or that had fo many fetch Affcmblies thai were no true Churches; j if he will be proved a Hiftorian worthy Credit., Let him give us any proof that all men defcribed by him agreed defalto that there was fo long, fuch a fuperioriry of fuch Bifliops. But thefe

men

u°4;

men deride diftinguifhing, and banifh Loglck, that is Reafon, from their Hiftory.

§ 5*. V The next Evidence, of certainty which I mentioned, was from [continued Exiftent vifible Effects which prove their Cattfes.^ And here th»s undiltinguifhing Hiitorian is at it again. The Superiority vf B.'fhops over presbyters is proved by the Laws andCufloms of'allChm<;ties. This hath the fame anfwer, which I will not re-pear. Either it falfly reporteth my denyal, or it falfl v affirmeth that all Churches in all ages have left us vifible Etfectsof the forefaid fpecie*. And I would he would help us that are ignorant therein with (i>ch Hutory and Evidence from the beginmg of-the Churches in Scotland, and in the Southern and EalternCoun-treis that were without the Empire.

§ 6. VI. I fard, that Hiftory is credible which fpeaketh confemingly againft the known intereft of the authors:and therefore I named few teftimonies of the fins ftf Popes and Councils but of thofe that are their moit Zealous Friends.To this he faith that my Characters of ancient Bifhopsare taken from their pro-feffed Enemies, [^a& my account of Athanafiuf^ ThcophyUs, Cyril, and divers others.]

Jtnfii. Myaccountof^^^^isalmoftal^ifnotall in his pralfe 3 and is not an enemies teitimonv therevalid. If I mention the difpleafure of Conftantine againft frm it is no»- any Chara-tfler of him, but ofCenftantwe the Agent : Nor dd I think Con-fiantitiepr Ettfebitu C&far: meet to be numbred wrltb his Enemies; why did he not inftance in fome words of mine ?

As to Theophylm and Cyril, I do not believe that he can prove that Socrates and Socmen, and the Hiftorians that Concur with them, were their Enemies. And if in reciting the Acts of the Councils I recite their Enemies words, fo doth SuripL^Nicho-linw, Binnius, B&roniw and all juft writers of thofe ads. And I do not find that Chryfeftom himfr If, or I fid re Telufiot a hed any Enmity to them, nor Pope Innocent neither. Ot the reft before.

§ 7. VII. The next degree of credibility that I mentioned is that whrb dependeth on the Veracity and fitnefs of the reporter. Of ' hi:h I named nine things requifite.

Here he fuppofethme one that is unfit; and particluarly faith [Whether any hath railed vpnh greater in temperance ,and lejs provo^ cation ] An[. 1. I am not the Author of the Hiftory of the mentioned Councils or Popes or Biflhops, but the Tranfcriber. Lee

me

me be as bad asyou 5 or any of your tribe have made me, that proveth not that Socrates. So^omen, The odor it e, Nicepborus, &€. or Bmnim, Baronius,&c. have mifreported what they write. If I have mifreported thefc authors in any material point, prove ic and I will foon retraft it.

As for my railing, I expecl: that title from all fuch whofe faults I name, and call them to repentance : He that calls men to Repent, calleth themfinners,and that is Railing be it never fo grear. His tirit inltanced railing is Pag, 19. [ Ajew turbulent Prelates Terfecutegood 0^0 ] He faith thus I call the prefenr Bifhops of the Church of England i Doth he mean All or fome ? If All he is an untrue Hiitorian : He may fee many named before my Apology whom I except: And if I have named two I have annexed the proof.

The next is Pag. 46, [ filencingdeftroying Prelates J Anf. Are there none fuch? Were not about 2000 here filenced ? Do we not continue fo and impoverifhed almoft 20 years? Have none perifhed in prifons or with want ? Do men call out for the execution of the Law 3 and plead for our Silencing as a good work, and take it for railing to have it named ? Doth not Confcicnce recoil inthefe men when in Pulpits, prels and Conference they maintain it to be a good work, and tell the world how finful a thing it is for rulers to fuffer us out of Gaols ? What, are you now afhamed of your meritorious works ? Sure they are fcant good if it be railing to name them. You will not fay I rail, if I call you Preachers. And why do you fay fo r if I call you Silencers, if that be as good ?

The next railing is Pag. 73 [// all the proud, Contentious, ambitious, hereticating part ofth' B flops, had been of this Chriftiatt mind (to endure each other in frnal! to!lerableDifferences) What, fins) Scandal andJhame, what Crimes, confufion and mifenes had the Chnftian world efcapsd?] And is this railing ? Hath the Cari-ftian world had no fuch Bifhops thefe 1000 years ? Have not whole Kingdoms been forbidden all Gods Publick worfhip by ,fuch, even France and England among the reft? Is it railing to teil for what litcle things they not only Silenced men^ but burned and murdered many thoufands ? Were they not proud ambitious Prelates that depofed and abufed Lud. Pim^ and thofe that in Council decreed the digging all the dead Bifhops out of their graves to be bunt as Herccicks, who were for the Etn-

P perours

perourspower oflnveititures? Do I rail it I lay thatureg.j. was Proud and ambitious when he threatened the Prince ofCaUris with the lofsofhis dominions, unlefs he made his Bifhop fhave his beard ? Do not Jew el^ and all Proteftant writers fay worfe than this of Papift Bifhops? Is there any fuch thing as pride filen-cing, burning, 6cc. If yea, muft it never be known, reproved, repented of and (b forgiven to the penitent? And if \ea, than how fha.ll it be known without proper names? By what name fhould I have called Silencing but its own and fo of the reit? Gods power over Conference is marvellous that fin cannot endure its own name.

• The next railing is the word [ Heretic Ming. J And how could I have known if he had not told me that this word is railing ? Did not the Bifhops take it for a great fervice of God., and is ic railing to name it ? It's true I ufed one word inltead of a Sentence for brevity,to fignifie the Bifhops culpable overdoing in proclaiming men Hereticks. He that doth not believe that they did not well, nor do not to this day in Cutting off from the Church of Chriit all thofe whole Countreys of Chriftians called Neforians i Jacobites, Mekhites and the McnotkeliteswA many fuch I cannot fave him from himfelf who will own all fuch fin and contract the guilt of it. Hath /iot Bifhop Epiphanies made us more Hereticks than he needed. ? Hath not BifhopP^/^W^,made many more than the Devil himfelf made?Left this pafs for railing once more I will name fbme of them.

I. His lit h fort of Hereticks are thofe that k e pt Eafter-dayrf* a wrong time ( as oar Brittains and Scots did.

^. The Millenaries are the nth (fuch as many of the ant tent fa* thers, and our Mr. Mede, Dr. Twifs, &c.)

3. The ijih Offered Bread andCheefe at the oblation.

4. The 28; hp'fit Nc» Wine in New Veffels in the Church.

5. The 29th Put their fingers on their months for Silence.

6. Th? loihThought that all Prophets ended not with Chrifi.

7. The 3 ^d went without f:ooes.

8. The Novatians are the ^^th.

9. Tve ^\th thought the Ep ifile to the Hebrews was not writ' tcn'oy ?m\,butby Barnabas or Clemens ? and the Epiftle to Laodi-cea by Luke.

10. The ^zth are the Orthodox Miletians t hat Communicated With the Orthodox andfome Arians too.

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11. The 46th doubted of the diverfny of Heavens.

12. The ^"jth being ignorant that there is another Common Earth invifible, which is the Matrix of all things, do tkin\ to at there is no

■ Earth but this one.

13. The 48/i/j thought that wat.r was the common matter, and Was alwaies, and not made with the Earth.

14. The 49-6 Hercfie denyed that the foul was made before the body, and 1he body after joyned to it : and believed that Godi making them Male and Female ftrft was to be underfiood of the bodily Stxes: Whereat (faith he) it was the Soul that was made Mai: and Female, jind the Soul was made the Sixth day and the body the Jth.

15. The ^oth Hercfie thought that not only Grace, but alfo the Soul itfelf was by God breathed into man,

6. The 5' \ft is Or\gcn$(that thought our Souls were firfi celefiial Intellecls, before incorporate (as Mr, Glanvile and many now.)

17. The ^id thought that brutes had fome reafon ( as Mr, ChambreJ

18. The <e^th thought that Earthquakes have a natural Caufe.

19. The 5 j th Henfie learned of Trifmegiftus to call the Stars by the names of Living Creatures (as all Afironcrmers do.)

20. The <$6th thought that there were not many languages before the confufion 0/BabeJ.

21. The $Jth Here fie thought that the n^r/ie cfa [Tongue] proceeded firfi of the Jews or of the Pagans.

22. The fith Here fie doubted oj the years and time of Cbrift.

23. The ^J f h thought ( as many Fathers ) that Angels begat Giants of women before the flood.

24. The 61 ft was that Chriftians were after Jews and Pagan*.

25. The 6id Hen fie faith that Pagans ale born naturally, but

• not Cbriftians 3 that is y that the Soul and body of men are not daily, -Created by Ch'ifi, but by Nature,

26. The 6%,4'faith that the number of years from the Creation was uncertain aid unk$o vn,

27. The 64 thought that the names oj the dates of the wcel^ ("Sunday, Monday, &"c.) were made by God firfi and not by Pagans, and were nanvd from the Planets.

28. The 66'h was that Adam andEve were blind tHI Godopened their Eyes to feethnr n.tkednefs.

29. Thi 6-jtb Henfie wfttteth the Sins of Parents to their Chif-dun.

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30. The 68 Herefie was of fome troubled about the Bool^ called Deuteronomy.

31. 7be 69 thought that thofe fanclified in the Womb were jet conceived in Jin.

3*. The 70th Here fie thought that the World had been fir ft divided by the Greeks, Egyptian?, and Perfians.

33. The 71 thought there was a former Flood under Deucalion and Pyrrha.

34. The 72 faith that men are according to (or under} the 12 figns of the Zodiack^ not Rowing* hat thofe izfigns are divers Cli-matcs, and habitable Regions of the Earth.

3 5* - The 74 Her (fie is that Chrift defended into Hell to offer - Repentance there to firmer s.

36. The 7 5 doubted of the nature of the So&l, thinking it was wade of Fire, cVc. (as many G;tek Fathers did.}

37. The 77 is of Gods hardening Pharaoh., (f£v. where he defers-btih the Dominicans.)

38. The 79 is that the Tfalms were not (all} made by David : and it denieth the equality of the Tfilms, as if they were not all written and placed in the order that the things were done.

39. The 80 Herefie thought that Gods words to Cain [Thou (bale rule over him] were properly to be under flood, whereas the meaning was [Thou fhalc rule over thy own evil Thoughts that are in thy own free Will.]

40. The 81 Herefie did not well under ft and the reafon of Gods Wards to Cain, giving him Life.

41. The 8i Herefie thought that the Stars had their fixed place

I in Heaven, and th:ir courfe, not underfianding that the Stars arer every night brought cut of feme fee, et place, and fet up for ufe^ and at morning return to their fecret place tgain, Angtls beingVt cfi-\ dems and D fpofers of thsm^) (thai is y as Jervants bring Candles into the room at night and take them out again.}

42. The 83 doubted (as feme Epfcpd Commentators) of the Z^^tf/Can rides, lefl it had 'a carnal Senfe.

43. The 83 Herefie thought, that the Soul of man was naturally Geds (mage cefore Grace.

44. Tm 87 Herefie thought , that really four living Creatures mentioned in the Prophetspraifed God.

4 j. The 8:> Herefie thought that the Levitical Feafls were laterally to be underftood> not knowing that it was the 8 Feafls of the Church that were meant. 46. The

a6. The 90 Here fie preferred Aquila'j Tr an flat ion before the Septuagint.

47. The 91 preferred a Iran/tat ion of thirty men Before the Sep-ta.ig>nt.

48. The 92 preferred another Tradition of fix men before it.

49. Another Herefic preferred the Trahflation 0/Iheodotion and Symmachus before it.

50. Tbt 94 Here/is preferred the Scriptures found in a Vlffel after the Captivity before it.

j I. Tht^G^J ou^jt that Melchizedeck had to Father or Mother, not looping that it's/po^n of him as Uarningthat which his Father and Mother never taught him.

j2. The 97 hold that the Prophet Zachariah of Fafts, is to be properly under flood 5 when as it is but tor the fur Fajis of the Church, viz. for Chr iftmas, Eafter, Epiphany, and Pentccoft.

53. 7*^98 H-rcfte holdeth, that SJomon's great number of Wives and Concubines^ is literally to be underflood $ whireas it is meant but of diverfi'.y of Gifts in the Chare b.

54. The 10'©. Her cfie thm+ht that the Me offering Cord in Zj-charv, was to be under ft oodojmeafuring Jerufalcm literally wh^re-as it meant the choice of Believer j.

$$. The 10 r Her cfie not underfiandi^g the Myfiical Senfe of the Cherubim and Seraphim, in Ifaiab, are tfoubUd about 1 ., and m doubt (And here he Myftically teRsyouthc MyfticalSe.-fe.)

56 The la ft Here fie thought that one of the Cherubims came to Ifaidh, and with a Coaltouaoed his Lips, and that it was an Argil or Ammal with Fire-, whereas it is the Two Tefiaments, and the Fire of God's Grace, y To thefe you may add if you pleafe the Here fie of holding Afttb-; podes, dttermmed by Pope Zachary 3 by the Mediation of the holy Bifioop Boniface, / thinly an Englifh man. And of what peril it is for Christians to eat Jaye-s^ and Rookj t and Badgers, a.d Hares y i ana Wood horfes: And La*d mull not be eaten before it is dryed \ in the Smoa^ or boded on the Fire: Or if it be eaten unboiled, it \fnuft not be till af er Eafter : And there ma ft be three great Lamps ft m a fecret place ufthe Church, after the fimditude of the Tabernacle ^ which m;ijt be kept burning 3 and at Baptifm others lighted by them.

Reader, remember 1. That Philafirius as well as Epipbanitu, wasaBifliopj 2. Yea and a Saint 5 whereas very few Bifhops

of

of all the Councils had the honour to be Sainted,

The-.eiore if you fay that all trefe were noi Anathematized bv Cotf^ci'ss I anfvver, i. All rhefe are Regiiiicd as Heieticks, 2. nd they held (as Mr. Dodwtlf and his Compary here do) that he that comaiunicatedi with Hereticks, is to be judged a '. Here-rick. 3. And that Hereticks are no pars of the Church. Aid forget not above all the Henrician Horefie, which deter-mineth noc only our King, but many Papift Princes to be Hereticks, for claiming Invcftiture*.

And now Reader, I unfeignedly hate uncharitablenefs, and therefore deny no good that wasin fuch Bifhops: Buf I muft no more be indifferent between Good ar.d Evil, than between Heaven and Hdl $ nor may I judge Chrift a Railer, for faying to hi? prime Apoflle, [Get thee behind me Satan, thou art an offence unto mejkcj] It the name oi[Hereticators~] that i?,too rafh pronouncing men Hereticks be railing,I will give thee no Character, . cenfureor name of the aforefaid pra&ice/or lean devife no name which may not be called Railing. But judge of it and call it what you fee caufe.

And again, if you fay, Thefeare not the Decrees of Councils, Ianfwer, Thefe are but Flea-bitings to the wounds that the Church bath received from Councils, by Anathematizing.

The next Inftance of Railing in thefe words, which he half repeateth [Either credible Socrates and others were grefs Lyars 9 or this Patriarch and St. was a downright Knave. ] An[ t He him-felt is [q far from denying this, that he makes Socrates and £0-tLomen not only Lyars, but Lovers of a Lie j for what tl ey fay of Sr. Theofbilns: And who is it then that is the Railer ? Read theSiorv.

The next Inftance i?,/>.9f. that I call Bifhops the [Firebrands of the World^] slnf. The words are thefe [/ take them to be the Firebrands of the World, and unworthy the regard ofjober men, who fretendto kpow mens Judgments better than them[dves y and allow not tuens own deliberate prcfejfions to be the not tee of their Faith.2 Fthey will fay, that you are Hereticks in heart, though your Tongue and Life profefs found Dodrine, what means hath arry man to clear himfelf againft fuch, and keep from their Inqui-fition Puicks or Flames? Is this Railing?

1 The next Inftance is the Word [Self-conceited Bifoops~] P. 98. Hiving mentioned the many Logical Niceties neceflary to decide

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cide the Queftion between the Neftoriant, Epttychians % and the Orthodox, I faid \_Is it not p;tj 'hit fuci^ife^ionsJhenlA be raided about the Perfon of CM{v i by felf conceited Bijhops, ani m«de neceff^ry to Salvation, and the World fet on fire a: d divided by tbemf\ Reader, remember the Divltioti mid'- by ic cdntrnuefh ro this day, to the Separation and Condemn,^*. >n of a great part of the Chriftian World! And is the name [ft If-conceit eg] in deferring thecaufe of this a railing? Ho v much worie ra-lers arc they that will call a Drunkard a Drunkard, or a Fur iicator a Fornicator ? Read the fidder words of Ludviphns.

The WC&if4tlin£\% [mercilefs, furies B'fbops, pag 196.] Anf. There is no fuch word: When I find wbe-e it is I (h*ll fee the occafion of it. Italy, Piedmont^ Ireland^ &c. have tried thac there have been fuch.

The laft is pag. 183. [ The Qonfoundcrs of Church; s. ] Anf. f thought I hid merited of them by my impartiality and lenity : As after I commend the Wifdom cV peaceablenefs of Pope Hono-nus, ( though a Genera' Council even for that made him an H?re-tick,)f» i here jultly commend the Wifdom and Peaceablenefs of Pope Vigilipts^ who advifed the Council to leave dead men to God (Theod. Mpf. Thtodoftte jn J lbis~] and not damn them when God hath judged them already,and jet not to admit any of their wrong opinions'] I Uy [This was the *igb% way : If they vad all dealt as wifely and Coriflianhke , Councils had not been the Confound"?* of the 0\u-ch:r.~\ Is this railing? At Ui\ they forced Pope Vigdius to fubferibe to chem, and it Co confounded the Churches, that a great part of Italy itfelf forfook the Church of Rome for ir, and fet up another head agiinft the Pope an ioo Year*. Was not this confufiofi? And muft it not be known?

Reader, as far as I understand them, the Paraphrafe of thefe mens words, is [If we kindle a fire in the Church, name it nor 3 much lefs call any to quench it: or elfe wc'H fav it's you thac kindle it: fay not you are excommunicate or filenced when you are, though it be by Tboufands :• elfe we will prove that von are railers: If we lay you in Gaols and take all vou have-, do not fay, yon hurt us, much lefs you wrong us: take not on vou to know or feel when you are hurt: elfe we will have an Adion of railing a?,ainir you.

§ 8 That which followeth I anfwered before : But afrer he finds a notable piece of my ignorance. The Pope inviting the

King

King of Denmark^ to conquer a Province of Heretick^ I know not who they were unlefs they were the-Waldenfes: Well gueft % faith Mr. M. Waldo was in ii6d, 80 Years after. Anf, This will ferve for men willing to be deceived. It wa,s the Perfons and Religion, and not the name that I fpoke of. Dorh not he know that Rainenus himfelf faith, that thofe Perfons (called Al-bigenfes, Watdenfes, and other fuch names) profelled that their way of Religion was Apoftolical, and they derived it down from SUvefters, hat is Confiantmes time ? If I did not guefs well I wrong no Bt(hops by it: and i confeffed my Ignorance that I knew not whom the Pope meant: And why did not this callent Hiftorian tell us who they were ?

§ 9. Next he hath met with my Ignorance for faving Vienna near France^ which is in the Borders of France, A / 1. Is that any (lander of Bifhops or Councils ? 2 Truly I had many a time read in Councils, that Vienna was in France, and had not forgot it ; if Ferrarius and Cbenu had not alfo told it me ; And whether it was the fault of the Printer, or of my Hand, or my Ad.mory, that put near for in, 1 leave it freely to his Judgment, fori ie-member it not.

And if the manner of Binnius naming it made me call Ordo Prophet arum in Gelafms a Book, it's no wrong to Epifcopacy.

CHAP. XVII.

His Ccnfhrc of my Dsjign > and Church-Principles^ confidered.

§ 1. AS to this his firft Chapter I have before fliewed bow jfjL falfly he reporctth mv defign. He faith he never jaw any thing which more nfletleth on Religion : Lucian and Julian have left nothing halffo fcandalous tn all their Libels againft Chri-ftiavs, as this Chare> -Hiftory has r*ked up : Here is nothing to he feenm his Bjo^ km the Ava?ic", Ignorance, Mifiakes and furious Contentions of the Gov emu fits of the Qhurcb.

Anf How faife that is rhe Rradcr mav fee in aU the beginning, the two Chapters in.the end, and much in the midit, which are written contrarily to obviate fuch fahe thoughts 2 Is the afcendent fort of Prelates that were growing up tomaturiry till

Gregory

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Gregory the Seventh's daies, the whole Church of God t Are there no other Chriftians ? Is all that is written againft ihe Pope andfuch Afcendents, written againft Chriftianity ? Did Cbiift fpeak againft Chriftianity, when he reproved them for ftriving who mould be greateft ? or Peter, when he counfelled them, as i Pet.$* And Paul when he (aid, / have no man'like minded; for they all feek^their own things^ and not the things that are Jefos Chrift's t Or when he faid, Demas hath forfaken me^ &c ? Or fohn, when he faiJ, Diotrephes loved to have the preheminence ? Or all thofe Councils of Bifhops which condemned each other, far deeplier than I judge any of them ?

What have I faid of Fact cr Canons, which Binnius and their other Flatterers fay not ? Was it not there extant to the fight of all?

And that I Recorded not all their Virtue?, i. The Hiftory of Councils faith little of them. 2. Muft no man (hew the hurt of Drtinkennefs, Gluttony, &c. and fo of Ambition and Church-corruption, unlefs he will write fo Voluminous a Hiftory, as to contain alfo all the good done by all the perfbns whom he blameth ? I have oft faid, that I wondered that inftead of fo greedy gathering up all the fcraps of Councils, the Papifts did not burn them all, as they have done many better Books which made againft them.

§2.1 was about to anfwer all his firft Chapter, but I find it fo ufelefs a work, that I (hall eafe my felfand the Reader of that labour. 1. He takes on him to anfver a Piece of a Difpu-tation written about 23 years ago, whereas I have lately written a Treatife of Epifcopacy, with fuller proof of the fame things, which he nameth, and takes on him to anfwer fome pare of it, andanfwers not: Till he, or fome other, fhew me the miftakes of that, let them talk on for me in their little Vdi^ rations.

2. Moft that is confiderable which he faith, is anfwered already in that Book : As his fiction that Vnum Altare in Igna-tius, figniiieth not an ordinary Communion Table,^. And much more out of Ignatius ^ and many more is added, which he faith nothing to.

3. I have before (hewed that he goeth on falfe Suppofition?, that I am only for a Bifhop of a fingle Congregation, or againft a-!!, snd many fiich* when yet he himfclf coufeftcch the con-

CL trary,

trary, yea dtndeta me tor making iwelve torts of biinops, and being for fuch as no Party is like to be pleafed.with.

4 The contradi&ions and miftakes are fo many as would tire the Reader to perufe an anfwer to them.

And when he hath all done with the numbring of Churches, (o ver-paffing the full proof of the Primitive Form of them which I gave as before) he confeffeth that even his great efteemed Jefajte Falefins, [klieves that the City Church wjs but One even in Alexandria, and in Dionyfius'j time^, 64.

And while/?. 6j. he makes Petavius and Falefius Co much to differ, as to gather their contrary Opinions .from the fame words, and confequently one of them at Jeaft underftood them not, I that profefs my felf not comparable to either of them, fpecially Petavitts, in fuch things, am taken for a falfifier, if I mifunderftand a word that concerneth not the matter of the Hiftory.

This therefore being not about Ghurch-Hiftory fo much as againft my Opinion of the Antient Government, when he hath anfwered the forefaid Treatife of Epifcopacy, if I live not, fome one may reply, if he deal no better than in this.

CHAP. XVIII.

Of his Second Chapter.

§ i,T)Ag. 78. He would have men believe that itisDif-X cipline againft real Herefie, that I find fo much fault with, and afcribe all mifchief to—

*dnfw. Utterly contrary to my moft open ProfefTion: It is only making thofe things to feem Herefie that are none (either Truth, or meer difference of words, or fmall miftakes,) or curing Herefies by rafh Anathema's, without neceffary precedent means of Conviction, or by Banifhment or Blood.

§ 2] Is this it that you defend the Church for, and we op-pole it for ? When we would have none in our Churches whom we know nor, and that have not perfonally 3 if at Age, profeft underftandingly their Faith. And what is the Difcipline that you exercife onHcreticks? It's enough that you know them

nor.

.

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not, and Co never trouble them. Your Talk and Pamphlets truly complain what fwarms of Hobbift$,Sadduces 5 Infidels,Atheifts, are among us: Do they not all live in the Parifhes and Diocefles? Doth the Bifhop know them? Are any of them Excommunicated ? I could never learn yet how to know who are Members of your Churches: Is it all that dwell in the Parifhes? Then all thefe aforefaid, with Jews and Papifts, are in it: And then why are ten parts of fome Parifhes futfered without Difcipline to (hun the Parifh Church-Communion ? Is it all that hear you ? Then i. Ten parts in fome Parifhes,and two or three, or half in others are not of your Church, and hear you nor, and many Nonconformifts hear you. 2. And any Infidel may hear. Bare hearing was never made a Efficient note of a Church-Member. 3. And how can you tell who all be that hear you in an uncertain crowd ? 4. And why doth not your Difcipline meddle with conftant Non-Communicants ?

3. Is it only all that Communicate with you? i.Thefeareyet fewer, and fo the far greateft part of many or moft Parities here are let alone to be no Church numbers at all, when they have been long Baptized, and no c«nfure by difcipline paft on them. 2. How know you your ftated Communicants, when any ftranger may come unqueftioned ? The truth is, it is Parifh difcipline which you will not endure. No wonder if you named it IJfacbars burden. Bucer tn firip, Anglic, and all the Nonconformifts after him \op% ftrove'for it in vain. It is the hated thing. Were it poffible to prevail with you for this, we fiiould have little difagreement about Cburch Government. But the Popes that ha^e been the greateft enemies of ir, have yet gloried in a Difcipline to fet up their power over Princes and Peoples, and to have their own wills, and tread down all that are againft them.

§ 2. To extenuate AnathematitJingX^ Co very Common with Council?) 'ie tells us P. Si. that [ 4f Let - him be Anathema im-"ports no more than that we declare our abhorrence offnch doctrine s^ Cc and will have nothing Common with thofe that profefs them.2

Anf. 1. w'e may declare our abhorrence of every known fin and Errour, in fuch as muft notbe anathematized. 2. By (nothing,) I fuppofe you mean not [ not the fame King, Conntrey^ Earth ) Air i &c,~\ but [not the fame Church/he fame Chriftjan C m-mtaion, familiar itj % love, &v~\ Whether you mean [ not the

CLz fame

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fame God, drift, &C. ] I know not But do you think the Anathematizing Bifhopsfounreafon.ble, as to renounce all Chriftian Communion with men and not tell why ? Or to give no better Reafon than [ We abhor their dotlrineQ How few Churches or! men have nothing worthy to be abhorred,that is 3 No Errour or iiri ? And mult we renounce Communion with all the Chriftian world ? No, they were not fb bad : You ufe them hardlier than I, They -took them to be no true Chriftians, as wanting fome-what of that faith which is neceffary toSalvation,andE(Tential to a Chriftian, and fb to have made themfelves no Church-Members, and therefore are to be fentenced & avoided accordingly.

And how ordinarily do they expound [ Let him be Anathema'] that is[ Cm off from Chrift ?] Not only HUdebrand fo expounds it often, but many before him: Whereupon they commonly a-gree that an Anathematized Heretickis none of the Church, nor can be faved without repentance.

And indeed to renounce all Communion with Chrifts true members not Cut off from the Church, is a greater fin than I charge on them. Though familiarity and fpecially Communion may be fufpended D while clfjay of repentance makes the Cafe of a finner doubtful.

§ 3. Pag. 8x He begins himfelf with blaming Bifhop Vitlor^ M for Endangering the Peace of the whole Church upon fo light occa-cc [ton. Valefius is ofopinionjhat it was bat by letters of accusation.

Anfo. I think it could be but by Letters of Accufation, Renunciation, and perfuading others to renounce them. For Bifbops were not then come up to their Commanding Power over one another. But doth not Mr. A/'s. here rail upon a Bimop, in faying the fame of him that I did, if my words were Railing ? Thus you fhall have him all along confeffing much of that faultinefs by them, which he takes the mention of by me to be fo bad.

§ 4, He nairieth many Council!, which he faith I pafs lightly over j then fure I fay no harm of them. He thinks ft is becaufe I could not, as if he knew it were my will. A.nd fo I am never blamelefs.

§ j. But he hath a notable Controverfie againft Baronltts^ who thought Novawshid been a Bimop (fuch Errours as Barotitis was guilty of by Ignorance, are excufable in one fo far below him in Hiftory as lam.,) But I congratulate Mr. MX.

difcovery,.

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difcovery, that be was but a Presbyter: But all confefs that he Ordained Fehcifpmus Deacon : And here is a Presbyter Ordain-ing: But it was irregularly! Let it be fo: He faith, that he ought not to have Ordained, but with Cyprian, or by his per-million. I grant ir. But 1. If Cyprian's permiffion would ferve, then it was not a work alien to a Presbyter : If a permitted Presbyter may Ordain, a Bfliop's Ordination is not necefiary ad effe Officii ; and fa that which is a diforder is no Nullity. 2. And it feems by Novates Ad, that the Nectflity of Epifcopal Ordination was not univerfally received. And I have not yet met with any that make it more neceflary ad ejfe Presbyteratus quam J)iaconatus.

§ 6. Next he mentions another Carthage Council, where one Viltor dead, is condemned for making a Prieft Guardian of his Child, and fo entangling him in worldly Affairs. And he tells you, that all that I can fay againft this, is the rigour of the Sentence 5 but he difTemlileth, and takes no notice that I mention it in praife of the Biftiops of thofe Times, w # ho were fo much againft Clergy-mens medling with Secular Affairs : What odious Puritanifm, would this have been with us ? What I cite in praife, our Hiftorian cannot underftand.

§ 7. And that you may need no Confuter of much of his Ac-cufation of me but himfelf, who fo oft faith, I fay nothing of B (hops and Councils, but of their faults, <3v. he here faith as folio wet h.

£" After this hegiv:s a fioort Account of Councils called on the u SubjtH of Rebapt nation of Heretickj: And here^ to do him rights * : he is jnfp enough in his Remarkj : The generality of the World t{ iv as for Re baptising Heretickj i And conjidering what manner "of mm the fir ft Heretickj were, it is probable thy hadTro u dition as well as Reafon on their fide. However •, Mr, Baxter w endeavours fairly to excufe thefe Differences, and f peaks of the " Bfoops with honour and refpeft, allowing them to be men ofemi-u nent Piety and Worth. Had he ufed the fame Candour towards Ci others, Sec.

Anfw. 1. If this be true, a great deal contradictory is untrue.

2. He greatly mifreporteth the Controverfie : It was not whether Hereticks (hould be Rebaptiz^ but thofe that were Baptised by Hereticks, and taken into their Churches. IfaHe^ .reticle had been Baptized when found by a found Minifter, and

after

after turned to Herefie, he was to be reftored by Repentance without Rebaptizingj and I think they all agreed in thL«. But I imagine this was but a lapfe of his memory in Writing.

3. But the Queftion is 3 Whether theBifhops, whofe faults I mention, were of equal Worth and Innocency with thofe whom I honour and praife? Let the proof fhew.

I would he would freely tell us 3 d>. i. Whether he think at this day the generality ofBifhops fin Italy % Spain, France, Ger-maty, Poland, the Greek, Church, Mofcoiy, Armenia^ ^n'^, &c.) are (o commendable, as not to be notably blamed ? J^ 2. If not/When was it that he thinks they ceafed to be generally lb commendable? Was it in H+ldebrancPs Time, or any time be* fore? 4L 3- Can you believe that the generality turn from good to bad juft in one Age? Or rather that they degenerated by degrees? If they were moftly bad in a thoufand,or nine hundred, or eight hundred, can you think that they were not drawing towards it and near as bad a little before 5 ^4. What was it think you in which the Corruption of the Clergy didconfift ? Was ic rot rooft in a proud,domineering worldly Spiritfls it not that that you blame the Popes for?Was not their Afcent theirCorruption? Sure you all agree of that ^.. J. And did the Papacy Spring up in a year? Did not Leo begin to arrogate, and others afrer him( to fay nothing now.of thofe before him ) rife higher and higher by degrees as Children grow up to manhood, till in Greg. 7. it came to Maturity ? I know no Proteftant thatdenyeth this? J$K m 6, And can you or any fober man think that in fo many hundred years it was only the Bifhop of Rome that was fick of this difeafe, and that all or moft of the other Bifhops were Free ? Were they not commonly for afcending with them : Did not they in the Eaftftrive to be greateft ? And theBifhops of the Weft drive to rife with, and by the Pope ? Were they not, and are they not as his Army ? And did he prevail agair.ft the Primitive Purity and Simplicity without them ? Did not his Councils, and Prelates,as his Armies,do his greateft works? Yea, have they not oft out-done him, and over-topt him in Mifchief (as in the depofing of Ludov. Vim againft his will ? fay good Hifto-rians.)

Tell us then at what Age ;uft we may begin to difpraife the Bifhops. And from that time forward, will you not be as great a Railer as I, and fcandalize Chriftianity more than Lucian or luliml § 3. But

flip)

§ 8. But I fomewhat marvel that he is again at it ( reciting Dionyfwss words which he thinks I miftook for Eufcbivis ) That he does Hot condemn the rebapti&ing of Herettickj which was a Tradition of fo great antiquity. I judge more Candidly of him than ^ doth of me: Though he fooft repeat it^I will not believe that he knew not, that it was not the baptizing of Hereticks as fuch, that was the queftion: but only ofthofe that were baptized by Hereticks. Yet Iconfefs Eufebins phrafmg ir, might tempt one to think fo that had not read Cyprian and others upon the que-ftions. But when Eufebius and Dionyfius mention [rcbaptiz.in£ He-retickf]thty mean only thofe that were by Hereticks baptifm entered into the Societies and Trofeffion c£ Hereticks. If the worft Heretick, yea or Apoftate, had been baptized, by the orthodox, Cyprian and all thf reft were agreed againft Rebaptizing fuch when they repented. This Dionyfias telling Xyfiits Rom. of an ancient Minifter that was greatly troubled in Confcience that he had beenfalfly Bapti&edby an Heretick ( being himfelfno Heretick ) and doubted whether he fhould not be Reb3ptized, yec faith, He told him he durft not/Rebaptize him that had fo long been in the Church and Communicated^but bid him go on Comfortably in Communion ( Much like a forementioned cafe puc to me, by forne that never were Baptized 3 but in our undifciplin-ed Parifh Churches had been without knowledge or queition admitted long to Communion, whether yet they fhould be Baptized at all : And Dionyfinis Reafons againft it I cannot an* fwer.

§ 9. And here I may take notice how our new Church-meo, ( fuch as Thorndikf} Mr, Dodwell and all their partners ) who nul • 1 -fie facraments delivered by one that hathnot Canonical Ordination by a Bifhop of uninterrupted Succefiion from the A-poftles 3 do make themfelves Hereticks in the fenfe of the Roman Church which they allow : For 1. Baptifm is the firft and moft neceflary Sacrament in their own .opinion. Yea Anfiin and too many of old, but fpecially too many now, take it to be neceffary to Salvation $ 2, If therefore Baptifm be a nullity all that are Baptized in England^ Scotland and all the Proteftant Churches by fuch as had no fuch Ordaincrs, muft be Baptized again or be damned. 3. If they fay, They may be faved without it, then 1. they confefs Mr. Dodwelis Doctrine to be falfe, that faith none have a Covenant right to Salvation,who have it not by a Sacra*

ment

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tnent from fuch hands. 2* And they renounce the Dodlrine *f the Neceility of Baptifm to Salvation. But if they are for Re-baptising all fuch Proteftant Countries, as necellary to Salvation-, they are uncharitable that do not fpeak it out.

§ 10. He paffeth by Bifhop Stephens Excommunicating all the Oriental Bifhops of Cappadocia, Cilicia, Galatta, and Reprobating their Synods, for Rebaptization : Doth he think that even then fome Bifhops did not rife too faft ?

§ u. The man that is fo angry with me for telling of the faults of Bifhops and Councils, is pag, 87. angry with me for fiot faying worfeagainft Semndm his Council of Bifhops at Cirta\ and fajlth, I have not done right to the Catholick Church : I perceive the queftion is not, whether I may Rail at Bifhops,but what Bifhops they be that I muft Rail at.

As for the Council at Simejfa, I believed the being of it no more than he doth: And when I am but naming the common Catalogue, he might pardon my modefty for faying that the being of it is a Controverfie.

§ iz. Of the Council of IlUberis he faith but contraftedly the fame that I do, that It hath many good Canons^ andfome that need A favourable Interpretation, and is very fevere in fome cafes. This meafure of juft praife and difpraife D is pra&ifed by him that is condemning it in me.

§ 13. As to his Controverfie, whether Bifhops, of fuch as flrove to be Bifhops, were the very firft movers of the Dona-tifts Controverfie, who fhould be Bifhop, it's not worth the turning over one Book to fearch, as to my bufmefs.

§ 14. Next he that accufeth me of Railing at Bifhops, accu-feth me for faying (from fome good Authors) that a Bifhop of Carthage, Donatus^ was a good man, who he faith was bad. It's little to me whether he were good or bad.

§15-. Next henoteth that I Err with Binnias and Baronius as to the year of a Carthage Council. I undertook not to ju-ftifte all the Chronology or Hiftory that I tranferibe : Whether Optatus, or Binnius and Baronius hit on the juft year, little care I.

• § 16. I praifed a DonatiJFs Council of 270 Bifhops at C^r-thage for Moderation, agreeing te communicate with penitent JYaditors, without Rebaptizing them, and fo doing for 40 years. 4>. What was thefe mens Herefie * V" He

r He faith, This lookj Uker a piece o] Fobcythan Moderation^ for it had no tendency topeace % but toftrengthen the Scbifm.~]

Anf. Who knows how to pleafe men ? When they exclaim againft Separation if men Communicate with them, they judge it but Policy, that hath no tendency to peace. 2. And who is it now that mod raileth atBifliops ? I am confuted for praifing the moderation of 270 of them, and he is their cenfurer even when they Jo well, and their moderation with him is but Policy. E-ven as they fay, of me, that I conftantly Communicate with their Parifh Churches to undermine them \ Near or far off, all's one with this fort of men, if you ftickat any thing that they bid you fay or do.

But he will not believe that this Council of Orthodox moderate Donatifts were fo many as ^7o, " Because 1. we h*ve only the < e Authority for it 0/Tychonius a Donatift,2. It's improbable after €( Conftantine'j ftipfrejfionof them that Schifmjhcald fo [uddenly "fpread. 3. Left it jhould prove the Chinches to be too Small'. Tet (t he [aith > Thefe Schifmatickj fet up Churches in every City and " Village^

Anf. 1. It's faid I'ychonim confeffeth this Council,becaufe the later Donatifts would fain have buryed the memory of it: But that it depends only on the Credit of Tjcbomus, I think depends only on your Credit: 2. Augttftine that reports it 5 honoureth this T)chonins y and reciteth an Expofition of his of the Angels of the Churches,fo^.2.and 3.which I fuppofe difpleafeth you more than his Donatifm. 3. It feems you would have believed fome ftranger that knew it not 5 rather than zDonatift that fpeaketh againft the will andintereft of his party. 4. It rather feems that the Donatifts were the greater number of Chriftians there before Conftantine 7 s time, and like the Papifts therefore counted themfelves the CathoJicks and the others the Schifmaticks. Conftantines Prohibition did not fupprefs them. 5.Therefore the numeroufnefs of their Bifhopsand fmallnefs of Churches, rather fheweth what was -tbe"ftaceof the Churches before worldly greatnefs fwelled them to that difea(e,which was the Embrio or infancy ofPopery.

§ 17. Whether the Donatifts be like thePapifisor the Separates ( much fefs to the Nonconform:fts) if the Reader will but perufe what I have faid and what Mr.'Af, hath (aid, 1 am content that he judge without more words.

R § 18. He

§ i8. He pafleth by divers Councils becaufe he could not fay that I blame them: And he paffeth by Conftantineh^ piftle to Alexander and Aritts 9 which raileth at them more than I do ( inhisfence*)

As to the Council of Laodicea, it is not two or three fuch words as his that will make an impartiarman believe that the Churches were like our Diocejfes, when every Convert before baptifrn was to fay his Catechifm to the Bilhops or his Presbyters: Or that the Command that Presbyters go ftill with the Bi-(hop intotneChurch,and not before him,do net both imply that they were both together in every Church,

But he will have it confined to the Cathedral 5 And when I fay 5 There were long no Churches but Cathedrals, he faith he will net differ with me whether they (hall be called Churches or Chappels. But the difference is de re : Thej 7 fay themfelves that ABifbop and a Church were then Relatives : And when they have put down many hundred Churches under the Diocefanfcr-footh they wiHgratifie us by giving us leave to call them Church-|es. As if they put down an. hnndred to one of the Cities and Corporations, and then give us leave, to call them Corporations when they are none. Ye: blufh they not to make the world believe that they are that Epifcopal party ( who put down a thoufand Cluirches and Bifhopsin fome one Dlocefs ) and lam againft Bifhops,.

Yea when they have not the front to deny but that every City then had a Bifhop( that had Chriflians,) and that our Corporations are fuch as they called Cities, Yet when we plead but at leafr, if they will have no Chorepfcopi, they willreftorea Church and Bifhop with his Presbyters to every fuch City with its adjacent Villages, hatred., fcorn and derifion goeth for a Confutation of us j Though we do it but to make true difcipline a pofTible thing 5 Which they call IJfacharh burden, and abhor ir^ and then fay, It is pofTible and pradifed.

§ 19. As to the Roman Council which he believeth not, he might perceive that I believed at lead their antiquity as little as he : But the Canons arefo like thole of following Councils that fuch it's like were fometime made.

And whereas I noted that their condemning them that wrong timedEafter 5 would fall on the Subfcribers to our EngliJhlA-turgy, where 2000 are Silenced for not Subfcribing, the man

had

(ill)

had no better anfwers to give, than thefe r. That I JhohU have [aid the Almanac^ Makers. As if he would have had men believe that Fal(hood,that it was the Almanack Makers and not oar Liturgy changers that were deceived.

2. ( <dl*s I one jear they mifioo^ ] As if he would Perfvvade men that their rule failethbut one year, which faileth oft.

3. The Silenced, Ministers have little Reafon tothank^him or any body el[e % thit giveth this Reafon of their Separation. It's firange this Jhould trouble their Conferences that Care no nsorje ycr Eaftcr than for Chriftmas^/tf only that it Falls upon a Sunday,

Here fee his Historical Credibility. 1. Would he perfwade men that we give this Reajon alone ? Or why may it not be one with twenty more ?

2. He intimateth that 1 give them as reafons of Separation: As if to be Siknced^cxt to feparate 3 and to bepajfive were to be aflive.

3. Heintimateth that as Nonfubfcribers I and fuch other are Separatifls,which is fa!fe 5 While we live in their Communion.

4 He taketh on bim to know our judgment as againft Easier ( but for Sunday ) when we never told him any fuch thing.

5". He intimateth that it's no credit to us that we make Conference of deliberate profeffing Affent to a known untruth in o-pen matter of facl: And if the Contrary be their Credit.,1 wifh they may never be WitnefTes againft us.

6. He intimateth that a man that is not for keeping Easier,-is the fefs excufable, if he will not Profefs a known Falfhood a-bout the time of Easier. If Confcience flood a man in no ftead for greater Ends than worldly wealth and eafe and honour, who would not be a Latitudinarian Conformift ?

§ 20. Next when I deny belief to thefe Councils, he blames me for making advantage of the Hiftory of them. As if he frw not that I do it,but ad hominem to thePapiits who record them as if they were really true. For it is principally the Pjpifts (from Infancy to Hildebrands Maturity ) againft whom I write,

§ 21. He next comes to the Novatians as my Favourite fcFv^ Ar\4[Favottrite2 may fignifie to the Reader a truth or.a Falfhood. 1. Doth not every Chriftian Favour them that have lefier Er-rours more than them that have greater?

2. Do I not as oft as he profefs my great diflike of every feci;, as a fed?

3. Do I not difclaim this Novatian feft and their opinion; and own the Contrary?

4. Itfeemshe taketh me to be too Favourable to fome Bifhops and their followers; Thequeftion is but who they be that muft be favoured? I may come to be taken for a Novatian by fuch men as well as Socrates and Sozomen.

§ 22. Here ( without railing ) he bedawbs Novatus and Novatian to the purpofe with horridCrimes, a VharifaicaL Saint, Perjured, and what not? But what! Were they not Epifcopal ? Yes, he doubts it not: It was for to be a Bifhop that Novatian wrought his Villanies 5 (what if I had thus bedawbed the Epifcopal ?) But yet the very word [ Puritan] is of ufeto him. This, faith he of Novatus, was the tender Conscience of the author of the uincient fell of the Puntanes ? Can you tell who the man aimeth at t Is it Nonconformifts?iVoz/^«j & Novatian were Prelatifts, and never fcrupled more Ceremonies than our Prelates impofe. Who then can it be but men that in general, though Epifcopal,do profefs Tendernefs of Qonfcience* And there I leave them, without the application.

§ 23. But thisDefender of Surgent Prelacy, fticks not to difgrace thofe whom he feemeth to defend. It was three of the Catholick Bifhops that Confecrated Novatian^nd(without railing) he calls them Three plain ignorant Bifhops. Tnefe good men fufpeeling no tricky, and overcome with his good entertainment, with too much Wine and pirfwafions ,were forced at lafi to lay their hands on him and Confecrate himBifhop.^i.Ignorant Bifhops-, ^.Overcome with too much Wine, and entertainment: 3. And with perfwafion: 4. To do fuch an Aft as to Confecrate fo bad a Bifhop,6Vthat in fuch a city as Rome, and that without the Churches choice or Confenr. How much worfe have I laid of Bifhops ? But, yec [_they were good men.'] But if they had been Nonconformifts, what names had been bad enough for them? No doubt if they had been fequeftred and caft out ( for their too much wine and fuch ordination)how odioufly might the agents have been defcribed as enemies to the Church and Perfecutors of good men,

§ 24. Yet further this New Bifhop engageth men to him by Oaths, enough to fir ike a horror in the minds ^/r^Reader,faithhe;

See what a man may do for a Bifhoprick f It reminds me of many good Canons that forbid Bifhops fwearing their Clergy to them : And of our Et Cat era Oath in 1640 never to Confent to

any

any alteration, fto fay nothing of our times) and the old Oath of Canonical obedience.It ftrikes horror into mens minds now that we fcruple thefe.

§ 2^. He makcth the Novatian doctrine blafpbemous (without railing ) and me too Favourable in reprefenting it. As to that I fuppofe he is not ignorant how great a Controverfie it is what they held, even among the greateft Antiquaries, and Enemies of Schifm and Herefie. And I ufe in accufations to meet with moft truth in the moft Favourable interpretations.

And here I will tell our Hiftorian, that while I take leave to diflent from his accufationjt fhall be but by the authority of thofe whom I judge as well acquainted^with Church Writers and Cu-ftomes as any that ever Mr. M % or any of his Mafters read, aoc excepting more knowing men than Valefins.

The firft is D. Petavitts in Epiphan. de Cath. Where firft he tells us^that no lefs nor later men than moft of the ancient Fathers, and Specially the Greekj , miftook Novatus and Novatian for one, or thought the feci: had a fingle Author 5 naming Eufeb. Theodoret y Epipban. Naz^ian. Ambrofe t Auftin^ Thilaftrius, yea and Socrates. Yet half as great a miftake in me would have been fcorned.

2. Aga/mft Epiph. and Theodoret he faith [ Nor. ea Nova-tiani Opinio fait ,eos qui gravioris peccati noxam contraherent, ab omni fpe conftquend<& [ahttis excludi : Nam & illos ad capeftendam pcenitentiam hoitari folebant: Et sit Divinam clementiam lachrj-mis acfordibm elicerent identidem admonebant : Sed hoc unum nc-gabant 5 ad Ecclepa ftdeUnm Communionem recipi amplius opor-tere : Neque penes Ecclefiam reconciliandi jus ullum ac pot eft at em ejf? : JQuippe umcam illam peccatorum indulgentiam in Hints ar-bitrio verfttri, qua per Baptifmum obtinetur 5 which he proveth out of Socrates^ Ambrose. And he faith, that they were not counted Hereticks for wronging the lapfed^ by denying them Communion, but for wronging the Church Power, by denying the Power of theKeyes for their Reftitution. (Like enough.)

The other (hall be that excellent Bifhop Albafpineus Qbfiryl lib. 2. Obferv. 20, 21. p. (mihi) 130, 121. [ Advert ant Nova-tianorum err or em non in eo pofitum i quod dicer ent neque lapfum, neque excommunicatum inmorte a peccatis liberandum 5 fedh&re-ticos ideo habitos 9 quodopinarentur Deum ip(um Ecclepa neque re-wittjndorum neque^ rctjntndofjtm psccatorHm capitalism poteft atem

copiamqus

ccpiam^uefeaffe : JLtque h&c m eo Jmt viguitque eotum barejis, qui qnanquam Hind confqueretnr ex eorum falfa Opinione, ut ab-folutioncm non largitcntur^ tamen hoc eotum factum non h&refis nomine affciendum erat, ncqte ai hare fin accede bat ob aliam caufam quam quod a fonte illo & quafi capite h«tefin olente dim ak dat, eo maxime quod Novatiani ere detent id Ecclefia a Deo'non fuiffe pra-ftitum & conctffum ; qu& can fa fola fuit cut ptaxts ilia ten difci-plina Novatiahotumratio h&tsjii nomen notionemque non effngetet."] The Clergy felt their own Intereft., and the Novattans denied their Power to retain, as well as forgive capital Crimes^ and thought their Keyes extended not fo far.

And that the Cafe of the lapfed was it that they began with, Epiphanius himfelfand others agree.

And Obferv. 19. he (hews that Nov at ianus did this againft: his former Judgment^ in Envy and Faction againft the Bifhop,be-caufe he mift of being Bifhop himfelf. A Bifhoprick was it that provoked him to deny this Pardoning Power in Bifhops.

Ad Albafp.neM hath in many antecedent Obfervations fhewed 3 how little, if any thing at all, the Novatians differed clfe from the Antient Church in the ftrictnefs of their Communion, and avoiding finners: So that he thus begins his fif?h Ob-fcrvation \Jnctedibdia prope fnnt y qua his capitibus ditlmi [*mus\ fed tamen it a vet a & cetta t & qua cujufque animam fun.mam in admirationem r apian?, Ecclcfi.im primis temporibus nulla vel le-viffima labe inquinatam fuiffe 3 quin it a illibatam intatlamque ut tmhi tatione, curd & folic it udine profpexerit, filii ut fits qnam d Baptifmo haujetant path at em earn nulla afpetfam vitii altcnjns macula & foeditate confer vat ent* Imo ea fe veritate adhibit a ut fugiendum fibi deteflandumqne peccant???, quovis tcttote propofito putarent. Non folum ant em mult a crimina peccataque numc-rabantur 9 quorum Authores attificefque abfolutionem omnem defp:-rabant, fed & ea quoqus quibus ignofcet poenitentiam cmcedt m opcr-tere cenfuerat, peccata it a ulcifcebaturjut non nifi femel eis qui ea commififfen^ unins posnitentia copiam faceret Ecclefia, hoc eft fipoft Baptijmum lethalitet peccaffent. Jguod Ji cum Ecclefia reconci-Latvs in idem ant aUud mottale peccatum itcrum prolaberetur, va in petpetuum ttibus primis faculis ab Ecclefia rtpnlfam ferebat, ut non nip poenitentia & in motte ptecnm qua reltqua erant fubfidia expeftandajibi ducetet>nulla abjolutione data qua infpsm venia ilium ctigerct, 2 And he adds, that many that cannot deny his

proofs,

proofs, yet will not believe that ever fuch a Difcipline was ufed.

But this was in the three Firft Ages : After, when Profperity and Wealth ticed the ungodly into Bifhops Seats, and into the Church, the Cafe was altered, and as he (hews, Oh fir v. 6. the Cafe was fo altered to the loofe extreme, that Criminals wer£ admitted toties quoties. And in his Notes on Tertullian he fheweth, that this was a difference between the Orthodox and the Hereticks, that the Orthodox did din multfimjue deltberare quos in focietatem ejufdem Ecclefix, i & corporis recipere debeant',but the Hereticks were ready to take all that came. Yet I fuppofe not near fo loofe as thofe Diocefan and Parochial Churches that know not who comes 5 . but without queftion take all that will but come to the Rails and kneel: And when by the magnitude of Diocefs and other means, they have fecured themfelves a-gainft the trouble and poffibility of Paftoral Difcipline,the Prieft wipes off all guilt with a word, and faith, If they were Atheifts, Hobbifts, Sidduces, Whoremongers, common Blafphemers, Drunkards, it's no fault of mine, I kno v it not 5 and no won-: der 5 when he knoweth not who in the Parifh are his Flock.

Thzt Eufebins himfelf and others named by Vetavim milrook the Novatians is no wonder to thofe who read the volumes of palpable Falfnood written againft theNonconformifts in this present age,and hear witneffes at the bar fwear thofe Plots and Conspiracies & Treafons againft men, from which grave and confeio-nable Juries quit them.

But me thinks when Mr. M had (aid that Socrates is an Hifto-rian of good Credit and acquainted with them ] he much forgot his own ends when he recited thefe words as his [ Some took part with Novatian, and others with Cornelius; according to their Jevcral inclinations and Coxrfe of life : The loofer and more licentious fort Favouring the moft indulgent difciplinejbe other of more au-fiere lives inclining mo ftto the Novatian feveritj.^ Good ftilJ, I now fee that the Novatians indeed were Puritanes, though E-pifcopal, and I accufe not our accufers of any fuch Herefie. But I confefs that I (lull believe a Novatian Hiftorian, who being fo ltrift againft fin mull: be ftricl; againft a Lie, rather than thofe that Scorn fuch Puritanifm 3 and deride the Perfon that cannot fwallow a bigger Pi'!.

And when Mr. M % labours to (hew out of Socrates that it

was

was not only Idplatry that they cenfured, he labours in vain : It was the beginning of their Schifm that I mentioned, and not Socrates his Age.

As to the judgment of the Council of £//'£*nx and all the three Firft Ages., I have told you whet AWafpine faith before. If you can confute him, do $ I am not engaged to defend him* but I believe him. v

§ 16. I conclude this and the former Chapter with this Counfel to the Scorners of Puritanes: Never truft to your Titles and Order, how good foevcr 5 without a careful holy obedience to the Supreme Law-giver, either for Concord on Earth, or Salvation in Heaven. True Parifh-Reformation is the way to fatjsfie-godly perfons better than either Violence or Separation. But if you ftill obftinately rtfift Parifh Difcipline and Reformatio^ you muft have Toleration of fuch as will not confent to your Corruption, or dCe perfecute the beft to your own mine. Theophilus Parocbialis hath faid more for Parifh Order againft the Regulars, and Priviledged, than you have done againft the Separating. And yet the Confraternity of the Oratorians fet up in every Parifh, was the beft way he could devife to recover the ftate of lapfed Parifhes: As the priviledging of Fryars was the Pope's laft Remedy inftead of Reforming his corrupted Church.

CHAP. XIX.

Of the Council of Nice andfome following.

§ i.npHis Hiftorian having put himfelf into a military pofture J feemeth to conceit that every word proceeds from an Enemy. And firft he feigneth me to make Conftantine judge that [/A* B'Jheps and Councils were of little ufe ] when I had no fuch word or thought, but the contrary.

§ 2. Next he himfelf confefleth that which Iblamethofe Bi-fliops for 5 Even thofe Libels which they Contcntioufly offered againft one another $ to have raifed Quarrels inftead oWeace, and which Conftantine caft altogether into the fire without reading them. And when he confefleth what I fay, is heuotaRai-ler at the Bifhops as much as I in that f

As

(lip)

As to his excufe that [ It is no wonder confidering their great dijfentions in Religion, &c.] I cafily grant it: But in this excufe he faith yet more againft them.

§ 3. Becaufe I faid that Atbanafius differing fromConftan-tine about the reception of Arivtt his repentance [ Cattfed much Calamity *] he feigneth melieinoufiy to accufe Atbanafim which I intended not: Even a juft action may £Cazfe Calamity 3*9 Ch. ill faith his Gofpcl would bring divifion. All his labour in jultifyir.g Atbanafins fighteth but with a fpectre of his own imagination. Andyetlam inclined to think that ifan Hypocrite Aria* had been connived at to pleafe fuch an Emperor, the death of Arias would have left the Church quieter than it clidjthough he here thinks greater rigour had been fafer: And I think multitudes of Sadduces, Infidels and debaucht Perfons in one of our Dioceffes, yea or Parifhes, is worfe than one Ax ins while Hypocrite retrained him from Venting his opinion.

§ .{, And here he that dreamed I accufed AthanapttSi really accufeth Conft amine as impofcd on bj a Counterfeit Repentance and rc&o .r.dnxry to opportunities of doing mifcbuf and being

againft the means \Xi2Xmight have ended that fatal mifebjef, But I confefs Conftantme was no Bifhcp, and therefore this is not an ^.ccujation of Bifhops or a railing at them.

§ 5. Next when I had fully opened the Cafe of the Metetians cut of Epipbanius on pretence ofabbreviating,he leaves oat that which he likes nor, and tells us how the Nonconformifts have advantaged the Papifts : If I thought the man believed himfelf I would try to undeceive him; In the mean time Idefire him to think again which party moft befriends the Papifts 5 (c They u that are for a reconciliation with them on thefe terms, that " there may be acknowledged an Univerfal fupreme human Cf Power over all the Church on Earth, and the Fope to be V " cipiuw Vnitatis and Patriarch of the Weft,and he fhall abate us C{ the laft 400 years Impofitions, and all be accounted Schifma- » "ticks that unite not into this Church 3 and that all the <c Preachers in England (hall be filenced that will not fwear,pro-cc mife, profefs, and praftife all that which is here impofed en Cc _tbem, though they think it heinons fin.tnd others think it but w matter indifferent, and all the people fhall be profecuted that K hear them ; and that this Divifion fhall rather weaken the u Kingdom., and advantage the Papifts^ than the Conferences

S

(rjo)

rt of men, as wife and faithful as themfelves fhall be eafed of rt fuch Impofitions, or they ftmered to Preach the Gofpel of " Chrirt ; Or thofe that being condemned to fuch Silence, Pri-" fo,s and Ruine, had rather be delivered, though a Papift be fl delivered with tbem, than be destroyed.] Methinks we are ufed by thefe Church-F^lurs, as if they flhonld determine that a great part of the Proteftants who are moft againft Popery, thall be hanged, unlefs the Papifts will beg their pardon, or cut the Rope 5 which if thefe Proteftants accept, they fhall be faid to be the Promoters of the Papifls.

§ 6. As for a!! his Exceptions againft Epipbamus, they are nothing to me, who did not undertake to juftifie his word?, but tranferibe them m nor think it worth my labour now to examine the Cafe of fo fmall concernment.

§ 7. V/hen fbme have blamed me for condemning the Arians too much, he faith, that I jfty fomewhat very much to the dif-ad vantage of the Do&rine of the Trinity, but he was fo gentle as not to tell what it was, unlefs it be telling what Petavim the jefuite faith: About that lam wholly of his own mind. But the exprefs words which Petavlus ds Trinit. citetb out of all t-hofe Old Fathers, cannot be denied : And verily they are fo many, and fo grofs, that unlefs his Argument fatisfiedme,^/*,. [The Votes of the ComcilofNiQeJhewedvchat was the Common fence of the Church) better than the vpcrds of all thofe Fathers'] I fhould think as Philoftorgiw in point of Htftory, t!i2t there were no fuf-ficient confuting ofthe Arians from thofe Fathers, though fome-times they have better words. Vifible words cannot be denied, even where they muft be lamented. That's the difference be* tween Mr. M's* Opinion of Hiftory and mine.

§ 8. "As to the Andians y I recite but Epipbamus's word?, who in other cafes is greatly valued by thefe Accufers: They will believe what he faith of Aeriw. And as to what he faith to the contrary out of Theodoret, he may fee that he faith all by hearfay, and faith., that They hid that which he accufeth them of, and were Hypocrites, prgfefling too much ftrictnefs, /. 4. c. 91 which is ftill the common way of accufing the beft,againlt whom inftead of pr&veable faults, they turn their ftriclnefs into a crime. Epiphanim is much more particular than Thtodoret in the ftory, § u. The reft which he noteth of my words ofthe Council

of Nice, have nothing needing a reply. Fetavitu hath fully proved cb^t the Cb&repifcopi were true Bifhopt. But now we are odious Presbyterians if we would bur have a Bifhop in every City, that is, Corporation, Defiring only that Difciplinc might become pofTiblc. And for this we arc proclaimed to be a-gainft Bilhops; that is, faith this fort of men 5 They that would have but One Biftiop over a thoufand, or many hundred, or fcore Churches, are for Epifcopacy j and they that would have every Church have a Bifhop, as of old, or at Jcaft every great Town, and fo would have twenty, or forty, or a hundred for one, areagainft Epifcopacy: And that which is ftrange i?,Thefe men are believed.

§ 10. I praifed the Council of Gangra for condemning fome Super!! itions, and he faith, I have nothing againft it : Whether it be a Common Mtftake that Arias was here received to Communion, l'le not ftay to examine.

§ 11. When he hath weighed all he can for the Synod at Antioch^ he is forced to confefs that they were a packt company ofBifhops, that complied with Confiamius and Eufebiafs Contrivance. And what do I fay worfe of them than he ? As to the Canon againft Prieftt or Deacons not gathering Afiem-blies agamft the Bifhops will, I am for it as much as he, if the Bifhops and Churches be fuch as they were then $ but not in France nor Italy,

He faith,, I leave my fiing behind me^ and end very angrily ; for thefeonly words [This is their firength'} mentioning the Councils ("that was againft Atleanafius) (uppreffingDiflenters as fe-ditious by force, I fee angry men think others angry when they are, and are ftung if we do but name their ftinging us: As if Prifonsand Ruine were notfo fharp a fting as thefe four words. If it be not their ftrength, why do they fo truft to it, as to confefs that their Arguments and Keyes would do little to uphold their Prelacy without it. In the daies of the Ufurpers I moved for a Petition, that when they granted Liberty ofConfcience for fo many others, they would grant Liberty for the full cxer-cife of the Epifcopal Government to all that defired it* But the Epifcopal Party that I fpake to,wou!d not endure ir 3 as knowing what bare Liberty would be to thcirCaufe^unlefs they could have tke Sword to fupprefs thofe that yield not to their Reafons. § 12. Next he faith, I fpare my Gall for about a dozen

S z times.

en*)

times, not regarding how it contradi&s bis former Accufation*. But whereas I recite the horrid Accufations of the Council at ThUippopolis againft Atbanajius, Paulas and Marcellus, of open Matters of Fad, as Murder, Perfections, Burning of Churches, Wars, Flames, Dragging Priefts to the Marker-place wkh Chrifts Body tyed about their necks, ftripping Confecrated Virgins naked before a concourfe of People [and offering to fend mefiengers on both fides to Try the -Fact, and to be themfelves condemned if it prove not true] he is offended that I feem ftaggered at this, Athanafias having detected before fo many Subornations, c£v. s

Anfw. I did not fay that 1 was ftaggered, much lefs doubted wTTich of them did the wrong : But that a Reader may by fuch a Temptation be aftonifhed, and confounded whom to believe. But d d I ever rail more at Bifhops than he here doth ? What i. So great a number of Bifhops, 2. Deliberately, in Council, 3. To affirm fo vehemently, 4 Such matters of open Fa&, j. And orfer it to the Trial of WitnefTesof both fidesjand all this to be falfe., 6. And to be but the confequent of former Subornations and Perjury 5 can you name greater wickednefs ?

QIpj. But they were Anans, Anfcv. But they were Bifhops. The worfe for being Arians. 2. Yet called but Semi-Arians, and renounced Arius^ and pretended Reconciliation. 3. And they were the Oriental part of the Council at Sardica, called Gensrd by the Fapifts. 4. And they were believed againft Mar-cellus by Bafil and Cbryfiftom : But all that J cite it for, is fotell the Reader what a doleful cafe the Church was fain into, by the depravation of the Bifhops. Did none of thefe profefs before to be Orthodox ? I do not fay that it was quatev.m Bifhops that they did ail this, but that multitudes of Bifhops were then become the fhame and calamity of the Church.

§ 13. Next he fcorningly accufeth me for giving too foft a Character of the Circumcillians^ and faith, My Aloderation and Charity may extend to John of Leyden. And he calls them The Mofi barbarous and defperate Villains that ever defamed Chnftia-Kity by ajfuming the Title.~\

Anf. 1. This is the man that faith I rail. I named fo many and great fins of theirs, that I little thought any Reader would have thought that I fpared tbeni too much. 2. Yet they were Eonatiftsflnd of them Qpmm hijflfelf faith, lib. 5. [" s4pftdyos

U & apud nos Vm eft Ecclefiaftica conveyfatio -, Communes Lc* * c cltones : Etdem Fides ; ipfa Fides Sacrament a ^ eaiem my sic-Cf ria~\ that is, faith Alba[pins [Vna Ecclefi.iftica dfciplina : £:-demmodo Scripturas Explicamus : Ipfa Regul.% Fides : Idem My-sttrium quad confertur & ftgnijscatur, CT eadem res w.Jibilis per qttAmres fpirititilis d-itu*'] in lib. $.p. fj}.

And faith Opratus, lit>. i [Neqws die at me in:orfiderate cos fratres appcIUr?, qui ta . J$j:mvis& ilk nan ncger.t CT

omnibus notumfir, quod nos od'.o babea-tt^ & I fl", ~y nobmt

fe dtdfraires nofiros ; tamsn nos : d timir: Dei nan /

mus—funt igitur;ra: dnbiofrrtrjes ..-' : Quaxe nemo

miretur eos mi appsttart frarrts, q.ii ;n,i pojfi tfft fratrcs,

Obj. But the Circumceliians were worfe than the reft,

Anfa. They were of the fame Religion, but the unruly furious part in their practice : And Opt a: us faith, Though they would rail in words ifcd mum q'uidem vix ihveuimus cum qui . isctu.ui;r :] And fj goes on to cjII "Par-And it's worth the confiieration how much ifpine inc irnitj 5 note firft, & inObfervat.

3. And they were Orthodox tierce Prelatifts, doing all this To.' the preheminencc of their Biihopj. And what if fame Pre-Uttfts »<?ivJhouid hurt their Brethren more than the Gircvnrcet-lam did, mutt I call them therefore th?m>ft barbarous ViiUins th.n isd Christianity. Augustine faith, They made a

Water of (bme Salt or fharp thing, and caftin mens Eyes in the night in the ftreets : No man can think that this barbarous action was done by the molt, or any but Tome furious fools: They fay that they would wound themfelves to bring hatred on the Cacholick*, as if they had done if, or drove them to it : He that knoweth what Self love i?, will believe that this was the cafe but of a few; and an eafier wrong than fome that abhor them do to their Brethren. And muft we needs Rail indeed a-gainft fuch numbers of hurtful Prelatifts . ? What if any'rude per-(ons of your Church fhould be Whoremongers, Drunkards, Blafphemers,, and feek the Imprifonment of their Brethren, yea their Defamation and Blood by Perjury, fhould the Church be for their fakes fo called, as you call them? I fpeak them no fairer than Optatus did.

§ 14. When/?. j7« I commend the many good Canons of the •African Councils, and the faithfulnefs of the Biftiop?, he noteth

none

none 01 tuis, .pecame it pruvctn uic umruiu 01 uis iormer Ac-cufations.

And when I name twenty five or twenty fix more Councils of Bifliops, fome General, and fome lefs, which were for Arianifm, or a compliance with them, he defendeth none of them., but ex-cufeth them, and faith, that [_they vpere not much to the honour of the Church': Tet the evil Edith and Conferences of them are ra~ th:r to be charged on the Arian Emperour, than ths Bifhops.~\

Anfrv. i. This is the fame man that elfewhere fo overdoes me in accufing the Brians.

2. The Emperour was Erroneous, but faid to be otherwife very commendable. And is it not more culpable for Bifliops to Err in the Myfteries of Divinity^ than a Lay-man ? And for many hundred to Err, than for On? Alan ? And do you think that the B.fliops Erring did not more to feduce the Flocks, than the Ernperour's f

But he fditb, that \Jf many fell in the DayofTryal t thsy are Ystbtr to be pitied, than infulted over, for we have all the fame infirmities 9 &c.

Anfx. 1 wrote in pity of them and the Church, without any infulting purpofe. If any now to avoid lying in Prifhn, and ftar-* ving their Families, by Famine, mould furrender their Conferences to finful Subfcriptions after a Siege of Nineteen years, Ifhall pity theirs and not infult over them. Nay, if I fpeak of thofe that lay the Siege, and call out for mfrre Execution, I do it not infultingly, but with a grieved heart for the Church and them. •But when I largely recited Hillary's words of them, he faith, [The Account is very fad~\ (and what faid I more?) But, faith he, yet fuch as Jhevps rather the Calamity, than the Fault of the £ifiops.-]

Anfw. Nay then, no doubt, it's no fault to Conform. Hillary then, and all that kept their ground, were in a great fault for fo heavily accufing them. And fo the World turned Arians in (hew (as Hiercm and Hillary fpeak) is much acquit, and the Nonconforming are the faulty Railers for accufing them. It had been enough to fay, It was no Crime ; but to fay, no Fault , is too gentlegfor the fame man that fo t taJkt of Perjured Arians before.

§ I j» Yet becaufe he is forced to confefs that it wnmofi by far of all the Bifliops, even in Councils ( he of Rome not excepted)

cepted) that thus fell, he muft fhew how it offended him to be' forced to ir, by telling the world how contentious I have been againsl all forts and Seds (the (iritis faHe, and he knows it I think, and thelatter is true formally of a Seel as fitch-, even his own Seel.) And fomc judge me fuch a stranger to Peace^ as to need a Moderator to hand between me and the Contradictions of my own Bookj7\

Anfw Yes, the Bifhops Advocate Roger L'Estrange , where norhing but grofs ignorance, or malice, or negligence, could have found Contradictions, were the whole places perufed. And where I am fure my felf, that there is nonej I have fomewhat elfe to do than to write m:>re, to (hew the Calumnies of fuch Readers. Who moft feeks Peace,you, or thofe that you prole-cute I One would think it fhould not be hard to know if men be willing.

CHAP. XX.

Of the first- General Conned at Conftantinople. His Cap. 4.

§ i.fTE begins with accufmg me of imitating the Devil* il Doth fob ferae God for naught \ becaufe I fay that [the n why tbelieft was freer from the Afian Herej7e> than the £.-i:l t was not as the Papi:ts fay, that Chrisl prayed for Peter, that his Faith rmjhi not fai'^ bat bicatife the Emperours in the West were Orthodox^ and thofe in iBs Eaft Arians : And the Bifhops much followed the Emperours will.] Wh.it, faith he, can-be more unc'hri$li.>u> Anfw. 1. I never faid that this was the Only Caufe.

2. I proved that this PrivHedge of Rome was not the meaning of Chrift's Prayer.

3. Is not this the fame man that even now kid the fall of far more Bifhops, even moft in the World, on the Emperour, as overcoming them by force and fraud ?

4. Doth not God himfelf keep men ufually from ftrong temptations, when he will deliver them from fin?

5*. Were not the Eaftern Bifhops, and the Weftern, of the fame mold and temper ? And if the Eaftern followed the Emperours,

roiirs, had not the Weftern been in danger if they had the like

temptation ?

6. Doth not Bafil that fent to them for help, complain of them a« proud, and no better than their Brethren ?

7. Did not Marcellmus ft I) to Idolatry, and Liberies to fub-fcribe againft Atbanafius with the Arians . ?

8. Did not the Weft actually fall to Arianifm when tempted for the molt part ? Judge by the great Council at Milans^ and by HilUrfs complaints.

9. Hajh Rome and the Weft flood fafter to the Truth fince then I What! all the Popes who are by Councils charged with Her.efie or Infidelity, and all wickednefs, and thofe many whofe Lives even'by fiaronins and Genebrard^xe fo odioufly defcribed ? h the Weft at this day tree from Popery and its fruits ?

10. Do you think in your confcience that if we had not here aProteftant King, but a Papift, many of the Clergy would not be Papifts . ? Why then are they fo in France, Spjin, Italy, Poland, cVc? And why did the moft of them turn in Qj. Mary's daies ? 1 do not infult, but lament the Churches Cafe, which ever (ince Wealth and Honour, and too much Power corrupted it, have had Bifho^s far more worldly, and iefs faithful than they were the fir it three hundred years. Though I ftill fay that ever fince, God hath in all times raifed fome ferious Believers that have kept up ferious Piety in the Church : And as L doubt not but there are fo many fuch among the Canfor-mifts^asis our great joy, Co I hope that, though foully blotted with Superftition and Errour, there are many fuch among the Papifts themfelvcs.

§ 2. Yet he faith, / do the Bijhopi Right again j»it bout thinks ing of doing them Jaftice, < while I tdl hew many were murdered.

Apfw. .£v, Doth he Know my thoughts l 2. It's true I intended not to do any other Juftice; than to praife Chrift's Martyrs and Confeflbrs, while I lament the Cafe of-Perfecu-tors and Revolters? Is. the praife of Confeflbrs any honour to the Hereticks ?

But perhaps he means, { right the Order ofBifhops. Anfw. Did 1 ever fay or think that there were no Bifhops that kept the Faith ? Do I fay All fell, when I fay Moft fell ? The Man fpeaks as his imagined Intereft leads him, and fo interpreted my vvcHt ! s to his own fenfe, not as written. And if that be the

right

h}7)

right way 3 I think he will grant that there were more Martyrs and Sufferers under Valens^ ConfiantiUs y Hvnnerictis, and Genfett-cut, in the Eaft^ and in slfnck> by far, than were when their Tryal came in all the Weft that is now fubjeft to the Pope. And what moved the man to dream that when I fo defcribe and praife their conftancy in Suffering, I did it as at unawares ?

That the greater pertiof the Bifhops of the Empire were Ari-ans, I will not offer by Teftimony to prove, when it is fo commonly by Fathers, Hiitorians, by Papifts and Proteftants agreed on. How many of them were Bifhops before, and how many but Presbyters or Deacons, Tie not pretend to number. The turning of multitudes all agree on. The Conftancy of many he falfly intimateth that I deny, and faith, / injurioufly reprefent them y and cannot tell a word wherein that Crime is found.

§ 3. Naming the things that were done by the Council at Constantinople , I mention both the fetting up, and after the put- ~ ting down of Gregory \ & left any Caviller fhould carp at the wqjrd [patting down] I prefently open particularly what it W3S that they did toward it 5 that refolving on his depofition,they caufed him 5 though unwilling.rather to give it up,thanftay till they caft him out. This great Hiftorian had no more manlike an Exception here, than to fay, rhat againft all Hiftory, and againft my own Explication, I fay that [They Depo/ed him."] I faid [They put him down] in the manner, and as far as I explained.

§ 4. While he here himfelf accufeth the Times then of 'General Corruption, and the Church of Divifions^ adding, [What Age hath been fo happy as not to labour under thofe Evils f] he accufeth me of making mifufe of Gregorys words, to reprefent the Council in an odious manner.

Anfw. Ic is 'o reprefent the worfer part in a lamentable manner, as far as Gregory did, and no further. And as to bis quarrel at my citation, I fhall fay no more 5 but if the Reader will but read Gregory's own wor i§ 5 I will igly leave all that Caufe to his Judgmem : if h e will not, my words cannot inform him. Yet he himfelf faith [He doth indeed in fever at places find fault with this Council] And can you forgive him ? I think I find no more than he di w But for this you find fault with him [He did refent the Injury (AnJ was it an Injury?) and did not bear the deprivation of his Bijhoprick^ wtihjJte fame generofity he propofed, which made him a little more Jharp than was decent in his repre-

T fentation

Cent at Ian of the BiJhops—lVhat wonder if [harp ened with difcontent, he exclaim with font eve hat too great a fafftori against the admini-fir at ion cfthe Chstrch which he had been forced to quit ] Anf Ail will beconfeft anon^ when I have been accufed for faying it before him : That's his way. Bat it was not for leaving a high and fat Bifhoprick that he was grieved, but for being feparated from the Peopfe th.it he bad partly ferved in their lower ftate, and partly won from Herefie, and who came about him with tears increasing him not to forfake them. And though it were more, than generojity to fet light by the Hononr and Wealth, it is trea chery to fet light by Souls : And they changed to their great loft. He refigned much to quiet the.PeopIe left they (hould do as they did for Chryfojtom after him. It is no new thing for the Major vote of the Gergy to Envy thofe few that are better and more efteemed than themftl ves, nor yet for the Godly People to be loth to leave fuch paflors.

$ 5. He faith [//# cenfure of Councils that he knew none of them that have any happy End , was not the fault of the expedient, but of the men"] Anf. And what did lever fay more. Ic is his cuftom when he hath ftormed at me, to fay in Effedt the fame that he ftormed at. Some Papifts would perfuade men, thatit was only Avian Councils that he meant, but moft Protectants that Write ^bout Councils againft them, do cite & vindicate thefe words of Gregory : And the impartial Pa pills confefs that it was the Councils alfo of the Catholicks that there and elfe where he fpake of. § 6. In the.Cafe of Meletius, and Panlinus, two Bifhops in a Cicy,and the Cafe of Lucifer CaUritanus made a Heretick for feparatingfromlapfed Arians, he faith over the fame that I do$ that good men cannot rightly underhand one another^ andfo it ever katdsbejn, and ii y s the Effecl of humane frailty and not Epifcopacy. l3»*t|l.thislagree. Buti. If humane frailty make Bifhops (well in pride and ambition, and domineering, it hath far worft Effects than in other men: ^. And Bifhops are bound to exccll their flocks in Piety, humility, Selfdenyal, peaceablenefs, as well as in knowledge. If thePhyficians of this city (hould prove unskilful, and yet confident where they err 5 it is not quarenas Physicians that they are fuch: But if it be qui Phyficians that are fuch, they may kill thoufands, (while the fame faults in all their neighbours may kill few or none. If your Intereft made you no: (mart and angry without caufe, you would not cavil againft fuch plain truth. § 7. About

§7. About the Prifcillianifts he faith [I all along obferveto-s Rule, to be very favourable to all Heretickj and Schifmatickj be they never [0 much tn \h J . wrongs and to fall on the Orthjdox piny *nd improve every mifej/nage of theirs into a mighty crimed]

Anf. If all along this accufation be falfe, then all a long your Hiftory ferveth (uch a life. But in France, Spain, Italy, he is favourable to Hereticks that takes not the orthodox for fuch, or that is not for racking and burning them. And in England he is favourable to Schifrruticks that taketh not the greateft lovers of Piety and peace for fuch,andthe Church Tearers for Church-Healers : As Mr.Dodwell phrafeth it, tb*y areSchifmaticks that fuffer themfelves to be excommunicate (for unfinful things in the Bifhops account, and heinous fin in theirs 5 and fo that are not fo ripe in Knowledge, as to know all the unfinful things to befuch which may be impofed.

§ 8. What would this enemy of railing hare had me faid more than I did of the Prifcillianifts ? viv. that they were Gno-flicks and AJanicbees? Was not that bad Enough. No, I favour themftill ? And what f&y I more of the Bifhops and the whole caufe, than SulpitiusSevern* the fulleft and molt knowing De-fcriber faith ? Why doth he not accufe him for the fame de-fcription ? Yea and their Mr. Ri. Hooker who in the Preface to his Eccl. Vol. faith- of Ithacius the like ? Yea Ba^oniushhm-felfconfenteth ? Where I fay that to the death Martin feparated from the fynuds o< thefe Bifhops (I faid not from all Bifhops in the world) he faith, he renounced only the Ccmmnnion of Ithacius his F*rty % andtbat others did as well as he. Reader, it will be thy folly to take either his word or mine, what an Author faith 3 when we differ, without looking into the Book it felf. Read Sulpitius Severn* $ I will tranferibe fome words., left he fay, I miftranfiate them.

<c Prifcilhanus, familia nobilis , pr&dives opibus acer t inquies, u facundtU) mult a leclione truditw, differ endi & d if put audi prom-c< ptiffimus- ■ -vigilare multumjamem & fuirnjerrt p vrM hu>enai u minimeCHpidus, utendi parciffimm (Was it a crime to fay fo cc much good ot him. 5 ) But proud of his Learning, fetup a He-" refie, and two Bifhops Infiantius and Salvianus ioyned with u him, and made him a Bifhop—At Cdfar Augufla one Synod " was gatheted ag&hrft him. The Story 1 before recited. Next 11 a Synod at Burde^ux tryeth them. Saith Sulpitius [ is Ac we a

T 2 c ' quidem

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11 qtiidem fententia eft, mihi tarn reos quam accufatores difpLcere] tC Certe Ithacium nihil penfi t nihil fanil i habuijfe definio : fttit enim r< audax t loquax, impudens 3 fumptuofus, ventri & guU plurimum <c impertiens. Hie ftultitia, eo ufque procejferat ut omnes etiam cc fanclos viros, quibus am slrudium erat leftionis^ am propofiturn " erat cert are jejuniis, tanquam Prifcilliani focios ant difciptdos in " crimen arcejfsret. Auftts etiam mifer eft ea tempeslate Martino iC Epifcopo—palam objetlare harefis infami am. Imp erat or per <c Magnum & RufumEpifcopos depravatus d mitionbus confdiis de-Qt flcxus-~-So he tells how many were put to death-— Caterum lf Pnfci'iliano occifo 3 _ non m folum non reprejfa eft h&refis— fed confir-cc mat a, latins propagata eft : Namque fetlateres ejus qui eum <c prius tit fantlum honor aver ant ^ poftea ut Martyr em colere empt-** runt. Ac inter noBros perpstuum difcordiarum helium exarferat, Cc quod jam per quindecim annos fcedis differ.fionibus agitatum, M nullo modo fopiri pot erat. Et nunc cum maxime difcordus Epif-iQ coporum turbari am mifceri omnia cetnerentur, cuntlaque per eos " odio aut gratia, mttu, inconftantia, invidia, fatlione, libidine, <c avaritia, arrogantia, fomno, defidia, ejfent dtpravata : Voftremo €t plures adverfus paucos bene confrtlentes, infants confiliis & perti-* c nacibus ftudiis certarent : Inter htc Plebs Dei, & Optimus quif-Qi que probro a^que ludibrio habebatur.~] So ends Sulpitius Hiftory, Do you;not fee, Mr. Morrice, that there have been Prelates and Puritanes/venEpifcopal Puritanes before our Times fDoth not your ftomach rife againfr £#//>;>/# 5 as too Puritanical and fevere ? Is not my Language of moft of the Bifhops fofc in com-parifon of his? Yet he was fo early as to live in that which you now call the moft flourifhing Time of the Church. Sir, I hate Difcord, and love Peace $ but I never look that the Enmity between the Woman's and the Serpent's Seed, or Cain and Abel^ mould be ended $ or that the holy Title of Bifhops and Priefts mould reconcile ungodly men to Saints. Sir, England knoweth, that though fome factious perfons have done other-wife, the main Body of thofe that your Law doth Silence, Ruine and Revile, have a high elteem of fuch Bifhops as have been ferioufly godly 5 fuch as were many in Antient and late Times : And deride itas long as you will, the ferioufly religious People in England are they that are moft againft Church-Tyranny, and which Party moft of the debauched and prophane are of> hathlongbeen known.

§ ?. But

§ 9. But the Reader (hall further hear how little you are to be trufted. Saith Sul. in Vita, A/an. [_^pud Nemaufwm Epifco-porum Synodus habebatur ad quam quidem ire neltierat— -(There's another Synod.)

Et pag. 584. InAfon. Pat. [ cC Maximus Imperator alids vir <c bonus ) depravatm covfiltis Sacerdotum, poft Prifcilliam necem Qt Ithacium EpifcopumPrifcilliani accufitcrem caterofjj illim focios^ " quos nominarenon efi necejfe vi regia tuebatur.-~Congregati apud "Trcvercs Eptfcopi(ihere'$ another Synodjtenebantur^qui quotidie " communic antes Ithacio communem fibi caufam fecerant: His ubi <c nunciatum efi inopinantibus, adzffe Martinum^ totis animis la-tC befatti, muffitare & trepidare CGepcrttnt.-~Nec dubium erat quirt " Sanciorum etiam maximam turbam tempeflas ifla depopulatura H efjet. Etenim tunc folis oculis dtfeernunt inter hominum genera^ cc cum quis Pallore potius am Vefie } quamfide^ h&reticus <zjtimare-u tur. Hdc nequaquam placitura Martino Epifopi faciebant. — " Ineunt cum Jmperatore Confilium ut m^ffts obviam Alagifiri of-" ficialibuS) urbem iftam (Martinus*) vetaretur propim accedere. (But it was not five Miles from all Cities and Corporations.)— u Interea Epifcopi quorum cemmunionem Martinus non in ibat tre-fc pidi ad- Regem concurrunt, per damnatos fe conquer entes atlum " effe de [ho omnium fiatu, fi Theognifii pertinaciam^ qui eos SO-"LVS t palam lata fententia coudemnaverat, Martini artnaret au-" thoritas : Non oportuijfe hominem capi moenibus illis : Non jam <c defensor em h&reticorum efje y fed vindicem (Methinks I read-Mr. Ct Merrice) Nihil attummorte PrijciUiam ft Martinus exerceat c< iUm ultionem. (Thefe men have done nothing till they " have deftroy'd all that^ are againft their Tyranny.) Pofiremo " pro fir at i cum fietu (they could weep too) & lamentatione Pa-" teftatem Regiam implorant^ nt utatur adverfus VNVM homi-<c nem vi fua : Nee multum aberat quin cogeremr Imperator Mar-?* tinum cum hareticorum forte mifcere.^But the Emperour know-u ing his eminent Holinefs and Reputation, tryeth perfuafion $ w {& blande appellat, h&reticos jure damnatos 9 more judiciorxm u public or urn, pot ins quam in fettationibus Sacerdotum: Non eJJs " caufam qua Ithacii cater or umqy partis ejus communionem y puta-" ret effe damnandam^ Theogniftum odiopotius quam caufa, fecijfe " diffidium 5 Eundemq-^ tamen SOLVM effe qui fe d communione " interim f paravit -,a reliquis nihil novatum.^ You fee here that " M M, faith truly 3 that Martin feparated but from the Bifhops

"of

"■■oi ittoacttis s rarty: inac is, ah lave one l^eogmjtus (and ec lentil is elfewhere named, ) Is not here a great accord of the Bifhops ? ) [ tc J^itietiam paucos ante dies habita Sjnodus (Sy-" noGS ftill) Ithacium pronunciaverat culpa non tenerf] no won-" der : Synods have juftified the forbidding of two thoufand to " Preach the Gofpel.) At laft when no other Remedy could " fdv^ the Lives of men from the Leeches, Martin yielded once w to communicate with the Bifhops on condition the mens a Lives mould be faved : The Bifhops would have had him " Subftribe this Communion: But that he would never do. £Po~ u ftcradie indeJe prorij>iens y cum revertens in viam mceftus ingemifce-u ret 5 fe vel ad horam noxia communioni ejfe permixtum-fub-et fedit i caufam dolor is & fatli accufante & defendente cogitations ct pervolvens, aft it it ei repent Angelus j Merit 0 inquit Marline f compungeris, fed aliter ex ire nequifti ; Repara virtutem : re fume cc Confiantiain j ne jam non periculum gloria, fed falutis incur-" reris. Itaque ab illo tempore [atis cavit, cum ilia Ithaciana Q< partis communione mifceri. C&terum cum quofdam ex inergu-tc menis^ tardius quam folebat^ & gratia minore curabat, fabinde <c nobis cum lachrymisfatebatur, fe propter communioni s illius ma* (t lum cuife velpuntlo temporis neccffitate, nonfpintu mifcuijfet, de-' f tnmentum /entire virtutis. Sedecim poftea vixit annos : Nul-** lam Synodum adiit; ab omnibus Convent thus fe removit.'] Now Reader, judge how great Ithaciush Party was, that boafted but one or two men were sgainft them : And whether Martin fepa-rated not from their common Synods.

Methinks I fee Mr. M. here in the (trait of the Pharifees, when put to anfwer whether John's Baptifm was from Heaven, or of men. Fain he would make Martin and Sulpitius Puriranes and Fanaticksi but the Church hath made a Holy day for Mar m tin 9 and dedicated multitudes of Temples to his Honour; and all men reverence Sulpitius and him. Yet he ventures to go as far as he durit/?. 142. againft them.

§ 10. But here Mr. M. fmarteth, and faith [This Inftance could become none worfe than Mr % B. who in a Letter to Dr. Hill confeffes himfelf to have been a Man of Blood—2

0 An[w. A Man of Blood is your Libertine Phrafe. If yoa would have publifhed that fecret Letter, you fhould 1. Have told the whole, and worded it truly? 2. And have profefted your felf a derider of Repentance, while you call for it. I lived in an Age

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of War, and I was on the Parliaments fide, and that was enough to prove that I had a hand in blood while I was on one tide, though I never drew blood of any man my fell (fave once a Bov at School with boxing.)

But he thinks I (hould have imitated Martin in renouncing Communion with men of blood.

Anfw. Martin renounced Communion wirh thofe that were for deftroying even downright Hereticks. Alas Sir, I dare not renounce Communion with thefe that Silence thoufands of faithful Minifters, and continue ftill to Plead, Preach, and Write for their Profecution by fmprifbnment and Ruine. I hope many do it in Ignorance, and if I do ir, it may increafe the diftance that I would heal. Nonconformists are no Prifcillianifts.

And if I renounce Communion with all that were in Wars, it rouft be with fome prefent Bifbops, and a great part of the Land.

But I underftand you 5 it mult, be with all that were in Arms for the Parliament,^. Anfw. The King then will condemn me by his Aft of Oblivion, and by his own practice : Hath he not one of them for the Lord Prefident of his Council ? znd many more in Truft and Honour ? Did he renounce Communion with General Mankind his whole Army, who were long in Arms for the Parliament? Or with the Citizens, and multitudes of Commanders through the Land, who drew in, & encouraged General Monk? Or the Minifters that perfuadedSir Tho> Allen, Lord Mayor, to draw him in . ?

To be plain with you Sir ^though you call It Railing) Men of . your Faculty kindled the Fire, and fet the Nation together by the Ears, and when fad experience broifghtTheTn to repentance and to defire unity and peace, and thofe that had fought for the Parliament had reftored the King, this evil Spirit, envveth the Kingdom the benefit of this concord, and would fain bre.ik us again into contending Parties, and will not let King and Kingdom have peace, while God giveth us peace from all foreign enemies. Do we need any other notice what a Contentious C!ergy have ftill been, than the woful experience of what they are. If you would have had G. Monk, and his Army, and all fuch that joyned with him deftroyed or excommunicate for what they had done., why did you notfpeak out at firft, but when we would all fain ' have peace and concord thus twenty years after caft your Wildfire

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fire you warn the Prefent Duke of 'Albemarle to expett to be ac laft called to account for his original fin.

§ 11. But his paflion makes him fay he knows not what, P. i4x [" I need not call Mr. B. to rcmemberance who compared Cf Cromwel to Davidznd his Son to Solomon 5 But this has tran-<c (ported me a little too far.]

-An[, He faith this plainly of me afterward, to fhew[the credibility of his Hiftory ? Did he know it to be falfe ? If fo\ there's no difputingwith him. If not, why did he not cite my words. Yea he after tranferibes the Epiftle meant., where he faw there were no fuch words: But others had told that tale before him, and that was Enough. Even as one of his tribe hath written that I have written in my Holy Common-wealth, that any one Veer may judge the King, Ifthefe Epifcopal Hiftorians tell foreigners that we have all Cloven Feet and Horns,and go on four Jegs 3 yea and iffome fwearir, we have no remedy: They can prove our notes horns, and our hands Feet.

I again tell them, If Martins Angel and Miracles be credible, woe to thofe Prelatifts that are for ruining violence., and filences againft men better than the Gnoflicks. If they be not tfue,let them not truft.too much to the beft Hiftorians.

§ 12. Of the Council at Capua I faid that they decreed that the two Biftiops and their People Jhould live in loving Communion, Mr. M. finds me miftaken here. The words in Bmnim are [Vt tarn Flaviani quam Evagrii fatitores in Communionem Catholic am admittantur, modo Catholic* fidei aj]en ores tnvenian-tm~\ I thought Catholick Communion had been Loving Communion: And I thought if their fautors were to be received, fo were they : And I thought Antioch had been a part of the Catholick Church, and Catholick Communion had extended to Antioch', But if Mr. M. deny thefe, I will not contend with him.

§ 13. He tells us, that \No man with his Eyes open ever faw the Condemnation o/Bonofus by the Council of Capua] (for denying the Virgin M^r/s perpetual Virginity.

Anfiv. It is Criticifm and not Hiltory that the rr.an is beft at. They did it mediately,while they referred it to them that did it. Siith hmnipis £" Can[a Bonofi cujufdam in h/iae'der^a Epifco-" pi htcretici^ mgantis delibatam De* gtnitricti Maria Virginita-u tem^ pofi partum in judicium dedutla efi. Synodus cognitionem Cf cauja Any fin Thejfalonienfi cum Epijcopis ipft fubjetlts delegavit:

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" Ab Anjfio Bonofum damnatum, iorumcjue quos ordinajfet comma-tC nione privatum ejfe teftatur Innoc. P. And he knows h's a He -rede now. Yec this Council condemned Reordinations.

§ 14. That fovinian a Monk was called a Heretick, for Doctrines judged (bund by Proteftants, is no ftrange thing. Thar one not a Bifhop was the Head of a Herefie, was fomewhat ftrange then, but not before they got too high.

As to the Q^eftion, Whether Bifhops were the Chief Heads and Fomenters of Herefie, I crave his impartial Anfwer to thefe Queftions. 1. Do not your felves maintain that all Churches in the world had Bifhops j and that the Bifhops were the Rulers, and of Chief Power f Kfo, can you imagine that after they had fuch Power, Churches could be ufuaiiy made Hereticks wichout them ?

4>. 2. Do not Councils, and all Church-Hiftory tell us how many Councils of Hereticks there have been that were Bifhops ?

J^ 3. If any Presbyter broke from his Bifhop to lee up a Herelie, was it not one that foughr to be a Bifhop? Or did they not make prefently him or fome other their Bifhop and Head f Herefie or Popery had made but fmall progrefs/had it not been for Bifhops.

§ 15. When I commend the Novations Canon, which allowed all men Liberty for the Time of Eafter, as better than burning men as Hereticks,he takes it fox an Immoderate Tranfpon that I fay \j'as loud as I can [peak* If all the Proud, Ambitious, tC Herniating part of the Bi/kops had bsen of this mind, O what "fitly what fcatrdal, and what foamz , whit cruelties, confufions and Ct miferies bad the Chrifiian world efcapid?] That is, had they letc fuch Indifferent things as Inditferent.

And is thisagainft Moderation ? I would fuch Zeal of God's Houfe had more eaten me up : Dare you deny but that this courfe would have faved the Lives of all thofe thoufands oiAl-bigenfes, Waldenfes, and Bohemians that the Papifts killed : And the death and torment of multitudes by the Inquiikion ? And the burning of our Smithfield Martyrs : And it's like moft of the Wars between the Old Popes and Emperours about Inveftitures ? And the blood of many thoufandmore. And it would have faved more Nations than ours from the Tearing and Diviiion of Churches by the Eje&ing and Silencing of hundreds or thoufands of their Paftors, as the cafe of the Germans Interim, and other

«nch actions prove. And is it immoderate iranjport to witn all this Blood, Schifm, Hatred and Coiiuiion, and weakning and (haming of the Church had been prevented at the rate of ToU-rating Indifferent things: No wonder if you had rather England [\\\\ furfered what it doth, and is in danger of by Schifm, than fach things Indifferent (hall be tolerated : It is not for nothing that Chriftand Paul repeat, that fome have Eyes and fee lot , Ears and hear not, &C.

§ 16. And here he again would make his Reader think it's true, that the Nonconforming pretend that their Silencing is for not keeping E after Day at the due Time ; as if this man that liveth among us did not know,that i* is the avoiding of deliberate Lying by fubfcrtbing to a known untruth, which is the thing that theyrefufe; and they mention it only as an appurtenance of the Impofition ad homines, that it would bind them to two different times.

Whether, as he faitb, our difeafe be a wantonmfs fed by con-cejfion, and we are moft violent when we know not what we would kjive, thofe men are no credible Judges that for feventeen years would not endure us to fpeak out our Cafe ; and when before we debated part of ir,wou!d not vouchfafe to anfwer us jand at hft when we tell it them,do butaccufe us with a (harper ftorm, inftead of giving any thing that a man can cdll an Anfwer that ever knew the Cafe, e.g; to our Pleas for Peace, and my Trea-t ife of Epifcopacy.

§ 17. He cdnfefTeth that I praile the African Bithops as the belt in the world, though it contradict his former charge. As to the Magnitude of Diocefles, when he hath anfwered my Treat, of Epifcopacy, fome body may be edified by him.

I agree with him that Good men will do much Good in a great Diocefs. But 1. Worldly Bifhops are;fo far bad : And worldly Wealth and Honour will ever be moft: fought by the moft worldly men : And ufually he thatfeeks (hall find--Ergo—And 2, A good mm cannot do Impoflibilities: The belt cannot do the work of many hundred.

Forty two years ago fome wifht for theReftoring of Confef-fion.

Theophilus Parochialis brings copious Reafons and Orders of Princes, Popes and Prelates, that all fhould confefstothe Parifh-Prieft. If you had fet this up here, how many men inuft have

gone

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gone to it in the Parifhes of St. Martin, Giles Cripplegate, Step-ney 3 &c ? But how much greater work hath Dr. Hammond, and Old Councils, cut out for him that will be the fole Bifhop of many hundred Pariihes ? I have named it eliewhere.

And, if any man of confideration think I have not proved againft Mr. Dodwell, that Bifhops Government is not like a King's, who may make what Officers under him he pleafe, but depends'more as a Phyfician's or School-matter's onPerfonal Ability^ I will now add but this Queftion to him [Why is it that Monarchy may be hereditary\ and a Child or Infant may be King] but an Infant may not be Bifhops nor any one not qualified with Ef-fential Ability? I have at large told you how ftiarply Baromus and Binnim condemn that odious Nullity of making a Child (by his Father's Power) A.'Bifhop of Rhcmes.

If I heard twenty men fay and fwear that one man is fufficient to be the only Matter of many hundred Schools, or Phyficiart to many hundred Hofpitai^or that one Carpenter or Mafon may alone build and rear all the Houfes in the City after the Fire, cr one man be the fole Matter of an hundred thoufand Families 5 what can I fay to hirrr, but that he never tryed or knows the work ?

§ 18. When I note that the Donattfts took themfelves for the Catholicks, and the Adverfaries for «Schifinaticks, be-caufe they were the greater number, he very honeftly faith ■ that Multitude may render a Sett formidable, tut it's no Argument of Right.

Very true -, nor Secular Power neither. But what better Argument have the Papitts 3 and many others that talk againft Schifm?

§ 19. He thinks the Donatifls Bijhops Churches were not fo

[mall as our Partjhes. Anfw. Not as forne : Bur if, as I faid

before, Confiantinople in the height of all itVGIory in Chryfo-

fiomh daies 3 had but icoooo Chriftians, as many as three Lon-

^<7«-Parifhes have, judge then what the Donatifis had.

§ 20. His double quarrel with Bmnim and Barcnius, let who will mind. What I gathered out of thofe and other Canons of the fmalnefs of Churches then, I have" elfewhere made good.-His Reviling Accufations o{ Envy to their Wealth, deferveth no Anfwer.

§ 11. He comes to St. Th:cpbilus$ Cafe, of which we fpake

V z before.

^re. The Monks that reported e\ril of bim, were^ it may be t faith he., downright Knaves, The Reviling is blamelefs when applied to fuch. Doubilefs they were ignorant raft Zealots: But one that reads what the Egyptian Monks were in Anthonys uaies, and after, and what Miracles and Holinefs, Sulpitius Severn* reporteth of thern^ and why Bafil retired into his Monaftery, &c. may conjecture that they had much lefs worldlincfs than the Bi(fiops,an:J not greater fault?.

§ 22. I think it not defirable or pleafant work to vindicate the credit of Socrates and Socmen accufing Theophilus : But if his Conjectures in this cafe may ferve againft exprefs Hiftory of fuch men, and fo near, let him leave other Hiftories as Joofe to our Conjecture?. Poftbum/anus Narrative in Sulpitiw, is but of one piece of theTragedy.He thinks it-improbable that Origen fhould be accufed for making God Incorporeal-, and fuch Conjectures are his Confutation of Hiftory: But Ongen had two fort of Accufers -, theBi(hops 5 fuchas Theophilm and Epipkanius had worfe charges againft him: But the Anthropomorphtte Monks were they that brought that Charge againft him (that God had no face, hands, eyes.) And Theophihu before them cryed down Origen in general, to fave his life, by deceiving them, that they nvght think he did it on the fame account as they did. This is Socrates his Report of the Cife.

He faith,that the Impudent Mutinous Monks were not afcamed to tell all the world, that all th.it were againfl them were Anthropo* phites,

An[w\ It was other Monks that I here talk not of, that he means : It was thefe Monks that were Anthropomorphites them-it Ives, and would have killed Theophihu for not being fb 3 till he faid to them, Methinkj I fee your faces as the Face of God : And the name of the Face of God did quiet them. Hienm was a Party againft Chrjftfiom ; it was for not palling that Sentence on Origen, that Epiphamus would by mafterly Ufurpation have Impcfed on him, that Chryfoftom was by him accufed.

§ 23. Could any Sobriety excufe that man Epiphanlu.^ that would come to the Imperial City, and there purpoftly intrude into the Cathedral of one of the beft Bifhcps in the world, for Parts and Piety 5 and there play the Bifhop over an A. Bifliop in his own Church, and feek to fet all the Auditory in a flame at the time of Publick Worihip, and require him to fay that of

Origen,

Orlgen, which he there without any Authority impofed on biirji I know not what is Pride, Ufurpation, Turbulency, if not Malignity, if this be not.

But at laft he faith, ['5 / do net intend to excufo Theophilus in " this particular : (Thank, Pope Innocent) He did certain!/ pro -Cc fecute his Rrfentment too far : But he was not the only mm : " Epiphanius, a per Con of great Holinefs j Hierom, aid fever al <: oth.r pj'rfons renowned for their Piety ^ wen concerned in the-per-cl Jecution of this Great man, as well as he : And to fay the truth, c> this J* tksit weaknefs ; for that Severity which gives men gene-a rally a Reparation of Holinefs, though it mortife fame irregular " heats, yet is apt to difpofe men to p?evijl:nefsf\

But true Holinefs ever fincerely iovcth holy men, and fpeciaf-ly fuch as are publick Bleffings to the Church i And though [ cenfure not their main State, your Holy Perfccutors of the brfc of ChrinVs Servants, will never by Chrift be judged fmalJ Offenders.

Alas ! it's too true that Theophilus was not alone : A Council ofBiihops were the Perfccutors. And it's hard to think thar they loved Chryfoftom as chemfelve?. When the forememioned Council at Conftamino pie had turned out Naz.ianz.en^ even the great magnifiers of General Council*, Baromm and Bmnius,thus reproach them, that they drove away a holy excellent man, that a man was fet up in his fiead that was no Cbnftian; that it was thi Epifcopi Nundinarii that did it, the Oriental Bi/h<.ps firft leaving them, aid going away with Gregory. And if-he Ai*yor Vote of that General Council were Ep-fcopi Nundinarii, what: Chyfsljm's Perfccutors were may be conic <fba red. Do not thefe Papiits here fay worfe of them than I do ?

§ 24. Yet though he confets as much as is aforefaid, and bring but his Conjectures mixt with palpable omiflions againft the exprefs words of Socrates and Socmen, he hath the face to-make up his failing with this Calumny [ Ct / have dwelt (0 long en " this, nut only to vind cats Theophilus, iut to /hew once for ail the-"manner of our Authors dealing with his Reader in his Church-H Hiflory. Any fcandalom Story, though it be asfalfe and imprz-" bable as any in the Asni Mirabiles, or Whites Cenruries of Scan-" daloits A.fmifiers, any Fid ion that refletfs with difgracc on Ci Bijhops and Councils is fit down fqr apttbwtic^ no matter wh> ;; dslivtri it, friend or fee.2

A*

d5°)

Cc therefore there is no great credit to be given them in thefe C( Relations, as manifeftly efpoufing the Caufe and Quarrel of u the Novatians.~\

str.fw. i. Juft as Thuanpu or Erafmus cfpoufed the Caufe of the Proteftants by Truth and Peace, when others hated and belied them. 2. Methinks the man revileth me very gently in companion of Socrates and $oz,omen 3 xhe two mod impartial and credible of all our Antient Church-Hiftorians ( with Tbeo-dorot.) But who can wonder that he imitateth that which he defendeth.

§ 4. But he faith, [It may be the Novatians deferred it--* and its not unlikely that they were very trouble Com and [editious.~]

Anfw. W$ not uhlikely now that others will fay it was fo. But mark Reader which of thefe Hiftorians is mod credible [Socrates and Sozomen lived with thofe that knew the things and persons : They have told us Truth in the reft of their Hiftories: If they had been Novatians.Mx.M. faith, They believed finning after Baptifm had no pardon or abfolution : And were they not like then to (ear fuch Lying and falfe Accufing a? paints a Saint like the Devi] or Anrichrift.] On the other fide [Mr./*/. liveth above a thoufand years after them ; He is one of the Party that take it to be not only lawful, but a duty to fay and fwear all that is impofed now,which I will not here defcribe :How truly he writes theHiftory of his own Age, even of Parliament and Wars, and living perfons, I have told you. He faith no more againft the Hiftorians credit here, but [it may be~] and [it's not wlikely] and [thy were Novatians, SchHina ticks, Alexandrians.] Even fo theirCountermine^and^manyConformiftSjthat lave many years reported us to be Rajfing a War againft the King, bad their [May-be'i] and [Its not unlikely'] and [they are Scbifma-tickj'j to prove it : And others foon role up and fwore it. And when fome lament their Perjury, it flops not the reft. But fome have fuch Free-will, that they can believe whom they lift.

§ 5". Socrates, faith he, makes it part of his charge that he took on him the Government of temporal Affairs. This was not the ZJfur pat ion of the Bijtcop, but the Indulgence of the Emperour: And he flievvs the Churches need of it.

jinfw. That which he is charged with is, that he -was the fir ft Ihjivp that himfe If ufed the Sword. And I. Do you think

i-hit io great a Patriarchate & Diocefs would not find a confeio-

nable

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nable Paftor work enough, without joyning with it the Magi-ftrates Office? 2. Was not the Church greatly changed even fo early from what it was a little before in the daies of Martin and Snlfitim^ when even Ithaciu* durft not own being fo much as a feeker to the Magiftrate to draw the Sword againft grofs Hereticks j and the belt Bifhops denied Communion with them that fought it: And now a Biftiop himfelf becomes the ftriker not of grofs Hereticks, but fuch as peaceable Bifhops bore with.

I remember not to have read that Cyril had any CommifTion for the Sword from the Emperour: Others then had not: But I deny it not.

§ 6. He faith, that elfewhere I fay [Ifhallnot dijhonour fhch t nor difobey thim!\ Anfa. I fay and do fo : If a Bifhop will take another Calling from the King's Grant, when he hath undertaken already 40 times more work as a Diocefan than he can do, He honour and obey him as a Magiftrate : But I would be loth to ftand before God under the guilt of his undertaking and omifllons.

§ 7. As to all the reft of the Hiftory about fjril's Executions, and the wounding of Ortftes the Governour, I leave ic between the Credit of Mr. M. and Socrates. : And he very much fufpetls the Story of Cyril V making a Martyr of him that was executed for it : I leave all to the Reader's Judgment. I think I may tranferibe Socrates without flandering Cyril.

Here his fpleen rifing, faith [There are men in the world that honour fuch as Martyrs for murdering a King."]

-Anfxv. You may fmell what he infinuates : I think he witt not fay, that he ever did more againft them than thofe that they call Presbyterians have done. We Wrote and Preacht againft them when he did not. I know not the Presbyterian living to my remembrance, that was not againft the Murder of the King , and Prin, whom the Bifhops had cropt and itigmatized for being againft them, as an Eraftian, was the hotrelt in the Parliament, for the Execution of the King's Judges: But I knew divers Conformifts that have written or fpoken to juftifie or ex-cufe that Fa<5t.

§ 8. As for the Murder of Hypatia y l\twt him to bis fcuffle with Socrates and Damafciusjn which I interefsnot my felf. § 9. I thank Pope Innsctnt Mr, M. durft not deny CyrU\

faults, in his hnmity to tne memory oi wryjoiron* $ ami yet ne calls my reciting the matter of Fac*t a reproach. He i3 conftrain-f d to confefs [ Cc That the Quarrel was it feems hereditary to hint u (fo is Original Sin) and he didprofecme it beyond all equity or u decency anainft the memory of a dead man : This was a faulted * and he that is without any, or without any particular animoftty y tC fpscially if he be in any eminent place, Let him caft the fir ft ftone.~\

Anfw. Thanks to Confcience : We feel your Animofities: But is not this man a Railing Accufer of Cyril, if I am fuch ? What faith he lefs in the main ? Yea he now renews his Accufation of his Predecelfor, faying, It was hereditary. To profecute malice againft the very name of a holy extraordinary Bifhop, beyond all equity and decency—what will Chriftianity or Humanity call it ? But Faction faith,/* was a fsuit,and he that is without anjjkc. Thus talkt Eli to his Sons: So one may fay, To Silence 2oco Minifters, or to hate the belt men, and feek their ruine, is a fault, aPrelatica! peccadillo; and (b was Bonner's ufage of the Martyrs 5 and let him that is without any caft the firft (tone. And Sr. John faith, He that hateth his Brother is a murderer, and. none fuch hath Eternal Life abiding in him; and that as Cain, he is of the Evil One, the Devil. And I believe him.

§ 10. But he faith, / irjxrioufly charge h : m with calling Alex^ ander a boldfaced man^ when Atticus was the fir ft Author of that-word.

Avfw. Atticni mentioned Akxandcr^'c.orfidtnxjrue and ne-ceffary Counfelj Cyril contradicting ir, calls the man, A man of a confident face or mouth. If another Bifhop fa id the firft words-before him, do I wrong him % faying he faid tht fi>coxd? O tender men! His urging* ; the keeping up the names of fuch as NcchariHs and Arfacius; and calling out Chryf-ftcmw, is lb like our Canons about Readers and Nonconform^?, and our Cano-neers defcriptions of their Gauntry Parfon?, and the Furitanes,. that i wonder not that you defend him,

§ 11. But he faith, that lis a little ur.chrtftian to. blaft his memory with the faults which he corretled in his life-time.']

Anfw. 1. It's neceflary to tell that truth which blafteth the Reputation of fuch fin as was growing up towards Papacy. ^«/.2.Then Chrift was unchriftian to tell the Jews of their very fathers murders of the Prophets, while they difclaimed ir, and built their Sepulchres, Mat. 23. And then it was unchriftian in

the

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tbe Holy Ghoft, to blaft the memory of Adam % Noe, Lot.David Solomon, Peter, yea or Manaffeh, with fins repented of. 3.Hiftory muft fpeak truth about things repented of$ or elfe it will but deceive the world. 4. The Honour of God, andGoodnefs, and Truth, muft be preferred before our own Honour. Repentance, if true, will moft freely confefs a mans own fin, and moft fully fhameit.

§ 12. Whether all his far-fetcht Conjectures that Cyril repented, be true or no, is nothing to me. I will hope he did, though I nerer faw it proved : The very laft Sentence of Death might do it. His retortion is, [/ know no man deeper engaged in the Contentions of the Church (than I) The writing of his Eighty Bookj Being but lik- fo many pitcht Battels he has fovgbt, and mop commonly in the da y k^ t when he was ■ hardly able to difcover friend from foe .]

Anfw. It's too true, that being all written for Peace, the Enemies of Peace have fought againft them. Ntmis dm habi-tavit t anima me a inter ofores pari*. But pro caput Lector is, &c t All men take not the words of fuch as he for Oracles. How much I have written and done for Peace, lee others read and judge. I long laboured and begg'd for Peace in vain with fuch as he defendetb. And it's admirable if this pittFlefs Enemy of Sects and Errours can be for all the Seels and Errours that I have written againft. Have I in the dark taken for foes by Er-rour the Atheifts, the Infidels, the Sadduce<«, the Hobbifts, the Quakers, the Ranters, the Papifts, rhe Socinians, the Libertines called Antinomians, the Anabaptiits, the Separatifts, and Sects as Sects l Be of good comfort ail : Thefe Prelatifts that accufe us for too dark and (harp Writings againft you, feem to tell you that they will more hate perfecuting or diftretfing you 9 Yes when they agree with themfelves.

His Prayer that I may have a more honorable opinion of Repentance he calls me to fpeak to in the End.

§ 13, Whether good Ifidore Telupota were a man [«wr; * : eafy to take any impreffions, and upon falfe information char get h u Cyril with profecttting his private qnarrclls with Nefrorius " under pretence of\,eal for tie faith ]I leave all men to believe our Accufer as they fee caufe. And the fame I fay of that which is fo great a Gontroverfie among the Critical HiftorianSjWhetber Thcodorets Epiftle to fob. Ant, againft Cyril be Counterfeit, or

X 2 were

were written on a falfe rumour of Cyrils death. Their 5-th General Council hath ir. Baronius and Bmnius fay, fome Eutychian knave hath corrupted the Acts of that Council. Muft Council* be the Laws of all the world, and hath the Church and Tradition kept them no better, that we know not when we have them truly f Leave us then to the univerfal Laws of God.

§ 14. He faith truly that [ the Council of Ephefus was chiefly direfted by the authority ©/"Cyril ] Anf And fo was that at Trent by the authority of the Pope And when he hath confuted the credible Hiftory wich tells us of the womens and Courtiers hatred of Neftorius, and proved that the Emperour and Pal-cberia the Emprefs were but one, I will grant that the authority . 0} the Court dtretled not Cyril ; and that then and now Bifhops neither were nor are directed by the Civil powers.

§ if. When I fpake againft Neflorin* his cruelty to Sectaries he asketh [ What Hereticaters were hotter than the Trefbyterians in 1646. The Inquifition is not more fevere than their ordinance a-gainfl Herefes, which they deflredjhould be made felony and pun fold by death &c.l ;

Anf. Reader Judge of the mans Credit at to ancient Hiftory ftill by his truth about the Prefent age. 1. The Inquifltion he faith, is not more fevere. Do I need to anfwer this to any man of 50 years of age. ? It's Capable of no anfwer but what he will call by fome name deferved by his own.

x. I can find no fuch ordinance: He faith It was offered ? Is that all ? And by whom I Was it the body of thePresbterians,or who?

3. What were the Herefies named by them? Were they not down right BJafphemy?

4. Who arvd how many were ever either tormented or put to death for Herefie, from 1641 till 1660: I remember not one, fave that fames Nay A?r was imprifoned and whipt, and had his Tongue bored for blafphemous Perfonating Ghrift, and that not by the Presbyterians.

5. Why are they fo ordinarily reproached by the Prelatifts for tolerating all Sects here in England ?

6. What ifall this had been true ? What is it to me or any of my mind ? I never had a hand in perfceuting one man, to my remembrance. How few can you name of all the Nonconforming now in England, that had any hand in the Severities you

mention ?

mention ? I know not four in England, that I remember. And what's this to us any more than to you ?

7. And was it well done, or ill ? If well, why do you liken them to the Inquifition ? Are you for it f If ill, why do you plead for it in others ? Imitate it not if you diflike it.

For my part, as lam againft all Seds as fuch, I am much more againft the cruelty of any. I (tick no more at the clif-gracing the Presbyterians fins, than yours : And I am readier to difgrace my own than either, if I can know tbem. I wouM cherifh Errours no more than you j but I. would not ruine or imprifon even fuch of your (elves as have too many. Herefie muft have its proper cure. I thank God I'had once an Orthodox agreeing Flock. But again I fay, the Presbyterians were too impatient with Diffenters ; and it's better have variety of Fifti in the Pond, than by the Pikes to reduce them tofpecial unity,

§ 16. He faith that Ncftorius conf?au:ntially denyedtbe God-Head of Chrift.p. 192. Next he hath found a contradiction in my words, that the Emperor was weary of tbisftir: And yet that [■ Cyril did it to pleafe the Court ] Thefe critical men can make their two hands enemies to each other. How came he waking to dream that this was a contradiction, when Hiftorians tell us that the Women and Courtiers hated boinChryfoflame 2nd iW/rV rSus ? He implyeth that the Emperor 2nd the Court were all one, or of one mind. But I am not bound to believe him, no more than of many other Emperours whofe Wives kept up one party and they another. And I pray you why mould we be confident that Theodofitis 2. himfelf called an Eutycbian by the heretica-ting Bi(hops,was notagainft Neftorms when he-called that Council^ at firft Condemned both him andC)n'/,and after him alo n e. ? I did but recite the Hiftorians words, and was that forgetfulnefs ?

§ 17. His many words about this controverfie with Nefiori-us are the mod unworthy of any anfwer of all his Books : fome-time he faith as I, as p. 193 [ It bad been happy for the Clnrch if the myjteries of our Religion had never been curieufly difputed 7 fometime he confefifeth 1 bat Neftorius fpake the fame thing with Cyril 3 tbat Chrift had two natures iff one Perfon : ibid. And that be expreffeth himfelf one would thinly very orthodoxly, p. 202. But the Heretic}^ diffembled and hid his fence. And fo this man after above 1000 years knew the mans mind to be contraiy to his words: whereas it's palpable to him that readeth the Hiftories, that the

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(pake as i ^ft as Nsftonus. He oft confefleth ( for he can-

not deny it ) [that be doth frequently own but one nature ] p. 197. and 198. [ that there is but one nature of the wrd incarnate ] fo p. 2oi # &c But C)n7meant well, that is, by Nature he meant Perfon. And was not this Eutychian Speech as improper as 2\fa/?0-riu's is ? Is the nature and iV/o» to be confounded . ? Did the Fathers fpeak thus? If Nature put for Perfon be pardonable, why is it not pardonable to prefer a denomination a propnetate vel forma, to another ? And thus you make Cyril to differ from the Eutychians, in their different meanings while they ufed the fame words. If I had laid that Chrift had but one Nature I fhould have had a cenfure otherwife me?.'»jred.

And though this man feem to deny it, [ have cited many of his words in which he faith [ Duas natu- \ unitas afferimus : poft unionem vera tanquam ademptajam in duas diftinfttone, unam effc credimusfilii naturam, tanquam unius fed inhuman & incarnati & ad facef Nihil injufti facimus dicentes^ ex duabns naturis fatlum ejfe concurfum in unit at em : Toft unionem vero non dijtin-guimus naturas ab invicem. But I have cited enough before.

The fum and truth is, to judge no one but my felf, I muft be blind by ignorance or partiality if I be not paft doubt, 1. That unskilful explication was their difference. 2. That Cyrils words were Eutychian. 3. That Neftorius words were orthodox in the main, but not fufficiently yielding to a tolerable phrafc. 4. That they both meant the fame thing. 5. That all their war was managed, 1. For want of diftinguifhing fully the Abftraft [ Dei-tatem ] and the Concrete [^Deurn^ 2. For want of diftinguifhing [ Qui Deus ] from [ Qua DeusJ and a ftricl; formal expreffion from a morelaxe that's tolerable. And 3. For want of diftinguifhing [ divifeon 2 from [ difiintlion ] of natures. 4. For want of explaining the various forts and ferfes of [Vnity] and [Plurality.^ I cannot but know this to be true, though Mr. M. fcorn me for in.

What [ / that under ft and not the language they wrote in to pretend to kpow better than the Council Q Anf 1. So fay the Papiits : what? will you pretend to know more ttian the Church and Councils ? If it be implicite faith that they are bringing us to, let them tell us which Councils we muft fo believe when they condemn each other ? 2. I thought I could make fhift tounder-itand their language, though I be no critick in it: But if he know

me

rue better, I ftrive not for the reputation of Learning; not only Baronius and Binnivu, and all the reft that he nameth that had no skill in Greek, but mod: of the Schoolmen, feemto me without ir, far more Learned than he. I can tell him of Lads whofe Learning I admire not, that (hall vie with him in Languages Oriental and Occidental, and give him odds 3 And when he fcorns Derodons diftinctions, telling us it's making two bad Groats by flitting a Sixpence, Sec. I leave him to glory in hit Confufion: But I fufpeft the Fox that fpeaks cgainft Tails is like enough to want one himfelf.

But when he hath (hewed in all this Hiftory"of Neftorius , Cyril, and the Council, little but that partiality which can talk confidently to the ignorant for any caufe, without any (hew of confuting Derodons purification of Neftorius^ or my Conciliation, his craft or paffion attempts to divert the Reader by the art of the times, and as if it muft ftop our Mouths from lament-ing the fin of Hereticators, and mifery of the Church thereby, he tells us how men in thefe times call themPapifts that are none. Anf If it be ill done, why condemn you your (elf by defending thofe that did the like I If it was well done in Bifliops Councils, why not in them? 2. But what's this tome, if it be not me that he means? If it be, 1. If you will read but the Jaft part of my CathoL Theolog. judge of the mans front. 2. It is none but tho(e that are for a humane Soveraignty over all the Church on Earth that we judge Papifts: And if you judge them not fucb, we will thank you to tell us what a Papift is in your own fenfe.

§ 18. His (aying^. 22J. that [fohn Comes that gives a fad account of the Council is much\o be fufpefted, 8fC doth but tell us that he would have your belief of Hiftory guided by the Intc-reft of his Caufe*

§ 19. As to his fcorn againft my tranflating the words [tkt Scriptnrc and Sacred] which mean that imperial Scripture, I did think a litteral Tranflation could not have been judged a mifun-derftanding or miftranflation: Why may they not be called in Englifj what they are called in Greek) And he had aftrong ima* gination if he thought that Haunters Tranflation ofEufebi^&c* afforded me fuch materials as theft*

§ 20. His conclufionof fome that fcorn to preach by the HA eence of the Government I before mentioned* The Truth and

Y minifterial

minifterial Honefty of it, is much like as if Tfaoufands fhould petition the Eifhop, that their Tick families may have licenfed Phyficians, and he reje&eth all their Petitions, and prevaileth with the Parliament to do the like: At laft the King pittieth them, and licenfeth~the Phyficians, and theBifhop and his Clergy are offended, and get it revoked, and the Phyficians praftife at their peril without licenfe: And our credible Hiftorian fhould record it, that they fcorned to praftife as licenfed by the Government, even while ftill they make all the Friends they can to the Clergy to be licenfed, and arc not able to prevail. But the ages that knew ncft them and us, that arejo come, may poflibly believe thefe men as they believe their Predecefibrs.

§2i. To conclude, Reader, if now thou have any fenfe of Chriftian Intereft, Unity and Love, judge of the whole cafe impartially, and begin with notorious matter of fad:.

i. We find at this day a great Body of Chriftians, called Ne-ftorians, inhabiting the Countries of Babylon, ^Jfjria, Mesopotamia^ Parthia, and Media , yea, fpread Northerly to Cat ay a^ arid Southerly to India-, abundance of them even in Tartar] , faith Partus Vcnet* See Brienvood p. 139. And we find that they •are by the Weftern Churches, if not the Greekj^ called Here-ticks, and at the eafieft Schifmaticks. And yet as thofe very Friars that have lived among them fay, they are commonly free from any fuch Opinions as are charged on them, but only honour the name of Neftorins, and condemned the Councils that condemned him. This Mr. M. nor no Prelate will deny that re-taineth humanity.

7. We find that this woful fraftion hath continued about one Thoufandtwo Hundred and thirty Years.

3. We are put to enquire what was and is the caufe 5 and we find that on both fides it is the Bifhops and their Clergy that now continue it, and it was Patriarchs and their Bifhops that ac firft caufedit,

4. We enquire how they did it: And Mr. Morrice confefleth that it began in a difpute between the two Patriarchs (whether the Virgin Mary was to be called The Mother of God, or rather The Mother of Refits Chrifi who is God and Man : and that on this occafion Cyril charged Neftontts, as making Chriit to be two Perfons, and he himlelf (aid Chrift incarnate had but one Nature, but had m more skill in fpeaking, thaji by one Nature to

mean

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mean one Ferfon, ( though Derodon labour to prove that he meant worfe,) that Ncftorius profefled two Natures in one Per-fon. And Mr. M. faith, Nefxorius when he fpake well meant iU 5 and Cyril when he fpake ill meant well. And upon this a General Council itfelf is firft divided about them, even to blows: and after by the importunity of C]!r*P$ party, Neftorius is banifhed, and the Bifhops divided, fome for one, and fome for another to this day. Another Council is called at Calcedon, and conftrmeth the Condemnation, and the Neflorian Bifhops condemn that . Council, and for many Ages the Bifhops were divided alfo about that, one pare condemning it, and the other fubferibing to it, and honouring it. Judge now what thefe Bifhops have done to Chriftian Religion and the Church of Chrifr, and continue to do: And if you dare join with our Canoneers in making the guilt your own, by juftifyingfuch difmal workj the further you go, the more of it you have to jaftitie_, till your Souls have guilt and load enough.

HoneftDr. Moore charged with Neftorianifm, is fain to ac-cufe Neftorius out of his Enemies words to clear himfelf. That he owned not a [VhyficaL Vnjon of Natures^ is an ambiguous, un-fafe word: APhyfical Union feems to fignifie one &fw which is not to be faid. He never denied a perfonal or Hypoftatical Uni* on. And if he had fas he did not) oppofed the word ffypofiafs, fo did Hterom that was no Heretick, and many more for a long time.

I fuppofe Mr. M. is not more zealous againft Neftorianifm than the Hereticating Church of Rome Is: And how great they really thought the NeftorianHerctie, the ftory which I mention of P. Hormifda tells you, which I will repeat. [Therearofea controverfie whether it might be faid that [ One of the Trinity was crucified^ Pope Hormijda faid [AV] becaufe they that were for it were fufpefted to be Eutjcbians: The Nefiorians laid hold on this, and faid, [Then we may not fay that Mary was the Parent of one of the Trinity .] This was a hard cafe: fnflinian fent to Pope fohn about it. His infallibility and Hormifdas were contrary: he and his Council fay that we may fay, that [^One of the Trinity was crucified.] Hereupon Baronius and Binnius give us a ufefuf note, £/ta mutatis hofiihs arma mutari neceffe fuit-2 What fhould the World do if we had not had fuch a Judge of Contro-verfies, I hope Mr. M. will not be fo heretical, or fchifmatica!,

Y 2 »

as to fay that either of thefe Popes erred againft an Article of Faith: But will rather recant his Accufation of Neftorius, and number this with Things Indifferent , which the Church hath power to change at her pleafure.

CHAP. XXII.

Of the Council o/Ephefus 2d.

§i.npHatour Hiftorian may juftifie the Dividers he make* -L himfelfa Party, and by downright miftake againft both faith, r. ThttNeftorius fellinto Blafphemy^ denying Chrift to he true God. 2. And that Eutyches denied Chrift to be true Man.} This is our Reformer of Hiftory 5 when both of them profeffed Cbrift to be true God,, and true man. I doubt not but the Man can write another Book to juftifie this 5 for what is it thatfome cannot talk for ? Yea, he is at it again, p. 230. that Eutyches held Chrift not to be true Man.

§ 2. He confeffeth again that Cyril affirmeth but one Nature^ and meant but one Pqrfon^ and that Eutyches ukd the fame words, but faith, fure they cannot be fo mad as to fall out fo violently when they fay the fame thing & words.. Flavian could not be fo foolijh or fo wickedfiiQ.Anf I juftifie not the words of Eutyches orC;n/j but if lhave great reafon to believe, that as he confeffeth Cyril fo grofsas to ufe <puV for wrosaaK, fo Eutyches who had far lefs Learning than Cyril, did word amifs the conceptions, which were the fame with Cyrils , I leave it to this mild Cenfurer to call them Fools^ and mad, and wicked. It's taken for railing in me to blame them.

§ 3. He faith [Cyrilnever faid there were two Natures in Chrift before theVnion. Anf. I have twice cited his words: Find a true difference between them and thofe of Eutyches if you can, 1 believe they both mean* better than they (pake.

§ 4. But the Spirit of detraction ufeth to fetch Accifations from Hearts fie Thought * 3 and fecretActions ,and fo doth he againft Eutyches j and he faith this hath been done of late times ^ To deliver tihat in felect Meetings, which they will not in public^ promifcuous ^ijfemblies: as evil Spirits are under reftraint in conjeeratedplaces,

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Anf. Therefore it is that the Nonconformifts have 20 or 19 years fo earneftfy beg'd for leave to preach in pubiick con-fecrated places to promifcuous Aflemblies, that they might be out of fufpicion, but could never obtain it of this fort of Matters. Ex ore tuo-— Thus they that caft the ftone at others off find it hitthemfelves. Mr. Edwards Gangrena is here commended to thofe that are for Toleration. As if all differences were equally intolerable or tolerable: And he that faith [Tolerate not thofe that preach Blafphemy or intolerable errour ,] faid no worfc than he that faith {Silence Two Thousand Preachers, unlefs the? Will Profefs, Promife, and Swear, and do all that is (oft defer ibed) impofed on them.

§ 5. In his Narrative he is no more tender of the honour of Bifhops it feerns than I am, nor fo much of Emperours; for when he had faid the Emperour [ -was too much addicted to this hind of Vermine ( Eunuchs ) and Jhews his bitternefs againfl Flavian^ he faith that the Letters which called this Council faggeft ed Efficiently what it was to do, and that their bufnefs was to condemn a Bijhop the Emperour did not care for, though without any juftground, nay, for Lis konefty*

I deny none of this: Bur were the Bifhops of the Catholick Church in a good cafe then,thar,when they knew before that they. were called to fuch a work as thi*,would meet in a General Council and do it ? No -, he accufeth them himfelf, I need not do it.

The Emperour, he faith, fyew how to choofe Bifhops, fand yet his Summons was general to all to come,,) and the Prefdent, if half be true that i* faid of him y (and if that be a doubt, how credible are your Hiftorians I) was one of the moft wicked, profligate Wretches in the Worldf] yet he was one of the Patriarchs, and aH the Council Bifhops, and till they met, were not thusaccuftd* You lee the man is a far greater railer than I even againft Bifhops : But it is but againft thole that are againft his Intereft and fide.

§ 6. He defcribes thofe Bifhops as u(W£ violence, forgetting that it is it his Party trufteth to continually : juft with the front as Baronius and Binnius, and many other Papifts, juftifie Martin for being againft putting Hereticks to death, and condemn hhdr citis^ while their Kingdom is upheld by that which they con* demn, and worfe, even the burning of true Chriftians as Here-ticks, and it's Heretical with them to imitate Martin^ juft as

ttiofe.

thole Matth. 23. Your fathers killed the Prophets, and you build their Sepulchers, and fay if we had lived in the days of our Fathers, we would nor, &c.

§ 7. But in the paflfage I find our Hiftorian in a more charitable mood to this Ephefine Council of Bifhops than his Brethren, [How badfoever Diofcorus and this Cornell were, yet they are m my judgment to be looked en rather as favourers of Herefe than Hereticks % they followed the meaning I believe as well as the Words of Cyril.] Anf And now I may hope lam Orthodox and Charitable when I have no lefs than his Judgment to juftifie mine. And Anatolipu juftifieth us both.

§ 8. But^Sir, now you are in a good Mood., will you confider,

1. Whether thofe Bifhops and Councils that fet the Chriftian World in that Flame that burnetii dreadfully to this day, after above 1200 Years, were not guilty at leaft of a peccadillo or venial fin,

2. Whether they are imitable.

3. Whether this General Council had a fupream Legiflative and Judicial power over all the Church on Earth, which all muft obey and none muft appeal from.

No: faith Bifhop Gunning^It was a meeting of violent Robbers* Anf $ But it was a General Council: which it feems then may be fucb.

CHAP. XXIII.

Of the 4th General Council at Calcedon,

§ i.TTE begins his Chapter comically, and notably derideth XjL me for faying Fulcheria was the fame that before at Bphefm had fet the Bifhops againft Neftoritts. Is this fo ridiculous ? It's well known that Hiftorians make her very powerful with her Brother: frffchofehis Wife Eudocia, ("They were long of two minds.) It's no wonder that (he that got him condemned at Ephefus, got the the fame further done at Calcedon, when (he was Emprefs her felf, having made Martian Empe-rour, and her nominal Husband, ('for they were not conjugally to know each other.) Is there any thing in this that deferveth the ftage ? Though Theodofws be reproactrtd by Popifo Hiftorians

as

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as an Eutychian., or a favourer of them, if credible honeft Socrates may be believed, there have been few fuch Princes in the World, (for Piety, his Houfe was a Church ; for Patience, never feen angry; for GompaiTion, would never let a man die for Treafon againft himfelf.) But his Sifter (a Woman eminent for Wit and Piety) was thought to govern him very much, & fpe-cially in the feverities againft Neftorius. Evagrius who bitterly reproacheth Neftorius, tells us offome writings of his that fell into his hand, in which he faith, that the Emperour was his friend, and would not. fign his banifhment, and laies the cruelties that he underwent on his Officer : and confidering the cafe of a fuffering man, I fee nothing unfeemly in the Letter to him, which Evagrius chargeth with contempt.

§ 2. My wifh for the Churches Peace, that the unskilful words of 'Neftorius and Eutyches had beenfi]enced by neglect/a-ther than the flame blown up by honouring them with two General Councils difputation , doth with this Gentleman deferve this Replication, [He cannot be more violent and outragious, more bitter and malicious under all the provocations imaginable, than he is under that negletl which himfelf prefcribeth for the cure/] Anf If this, be a true accufer, he can prove what he faith : It's eafie to (ay this of any man: But if a man that hath a cholerick Sto-mack (hall fwear that there was Aloes in his Phyfick, his word is no proof. Thefe are the men into whofe hands we are by Gods permiffion falln, while wearecaft our, judged tofilence, prifons, cV beggary, if we do but repeat the words of the Laws and Canons, and in 17 Years time when moft that they turned out are dead, if the reft at their own urgent demand do but tell them what they judge unlawful, and anfiverthofe thataccufe them, they are outragious, violent, bitter, and malicious* As if one that wounds me ihould fue me for faying, Tou hurt me. It's violence and an unpeaceablenefs to feel, but none at all in them to ftrike or to deftroy t We will give you many thanks if you will hurt us no more than we do you.

§3,1 faid that one skilful healing man that could explicate am-> biguous rvords,and perfuade men to Love and Peace y till they under* flood each other, had more befriended Truth, Piety, and the Church, than the hereticating Councils did.[\ And why, faith he, may not that skilful manjhew his skill in Councils, as well as elfe where ? Anf % Who denieth it? But the queftion is, how he (hall be

heard

heard and prevail? I told you that here One man in one fentence did fo t by differencing between mental dijlingui/bing and dividing ; even Bafil of Sekucia, faying, \Cognofcimus duas naturas % non dividimus} neque divifas> neque confufas dicimtts.'] This was true and plain enough, to have ended all the quarrel: But who laid hold on it, or did improve it? What the better was Naz*i-anzen for fpeaking well in the Council at Constantinople} Or Chryfoftome for any thing he could fay to the Bifliops for himfelf ? I hope few of all that great number of Councils that wcredrian, Semiarian s Eutychian, Monothelites, for Images, &c. were fo bad as to have never a Bifhop among them that could or would fpeak right: But did they prevail t In the very Council at Trent were more good Speeches than did prevail 5 and if Luther, Me-lanchthon, Zmnglius f and fuch others, had not done more good fingly by Writing and Preaching, than Vudithim could do at Trent % or any of them at JVormes, or Ratisbone, &c. there had been little done. What good did Pbilpot do in the Convocation? Some fay one Paphnutim turned the Inclination of the firft Nicene Council for good 5 But that hearing temper was too fhort or rare.

§ 4. Next he tells us, that [in many late Difputes offuftifica* tion, &c. we find not that any of thefe healing men were able to re* concile Parties any more than the Councils of old.'}

Anfw. 1. If that were true, it's alfo true, that they have not made fo great and many Parties as Councils did. We have not caft the world into f fo many Nations offaccbites, Neftorians, and other Se&s.

Anfw. 2. Through God's mercy it is much better than fuch Hiftorians would make men believe. Dr. Heylin tells us what work the Arminian Controverfie made between Bifhop Laud's Party, and the Parliaments and Abbots Party, as if it had fet us all by the Ears. It is not fo now: One of your Brethren lately tells us, how that Controverfie is quieted : What Contention do you hear of among the Nonconformities about it t No man hath fo much as writ a line, that I know of, againft my Conciliation in my CathoL Theology. How little ftir doth the Anthcmian Controverfie make ? If one or two men do vent their difplea-fiire about any of thefe, we negleft it, and it is prefently forgotten. I hear fometime that called Arminianifm hotly preached in the Parifh Churches : It provokcth not me, and Ltake no

notice

notice 01 ir. l ^rareiy; near lome preaca againir tne smmmans : I take no notice of ir, and there it dies : Whereas if one fhould write Challenges and Accufations to the Preacher?, we might make work enough for all the Country. I never yet met with many fucb, but if you make not a War of it, and engage them by oppofition, they grow weary themfelves, and grow into un-obferv'd neglect or contempt. Moft of the fpreading Errours and Contentions among us have come by the Bellows of too ftrcng or imprudent Oppofition or Difputes. I hear of no con-fiderable Doctrinal Strivings among all the Nonconforming now in England. One Ignorant Uncalled Fellow is lately crept into London, and wrote proud Challenges for Antinomianifm,and none anfwered him, and he is contemned, and hath no Second that I hear of.

§ j. Though he fay {he ?V weary, yet he must not pafs by, that when I mention Socrates his moft high praife of Theodofius (living under him J and the miracles which he faith God wrought for him j I fay, if this be true^ God owned his Moderation by Mira* cles, notwithstanding his favouring the Eutychians, more than he did any ways of violence.] And here the man hath found me in Contradiction, and faith, {Thofe miracles could not countenance the Eutychian caufe that was after. 2. That the Eutychians were the moft violent men. Such Contradictions he and VEfirange find in my Writings.

Anf Bur, 1. Is it true that I faid thofe miracles countenanced the Eutychian Caufe? I faid only that God owned the Moderation (not the Eutychian Opinion) of a man called an Eutychian by theHereticators,notwithftandinghis favouring the Eutycbians.He was a man that ftudied the reconciliation of the contending Bi-fhops 3 and was moderate towards all, but perfuaded that the major Vote of the Bifhops being againft Neftoriut, and for Cyril, and Diofcorus, it tended to peace to take that fide. His Moderation was the fame before the ftir with Eutyches as after. I only faid that God by miracles owned that mans moderation who is charged with after favouring the Eutychians.

2. And what I fpake of Moderation oppofiteto violence, in way of fupprefling Hereticks, he feigneth me to fpeak it as oppofite to violence in the Perfonsfupprejfed: I (pake of Violence in the Prince as agent, and he feigneth me to fpeak of Violence in the parties that he dealt with. He may find matter at this rate

Z ro

to write greater Volums againft any man. I'read of none of the Herefies then contended about, Neftorian or Eutychian, but the accufed Bifhops were violent for them: But though they were all violent, yet if the queftion were, whether the Emperour fhould life violence or Moderation againft them, I may fay, that Godowneth more the way of Moderation.

§ 6. P. 246. he faith \At Ephefus Euftathius wask^kt to death, and all thofe that durfl defend him were threatned to be ferved in like manner J] Anf Of this before: His memory failed him: It was not JLpifiathitis but Flavian us. 2. Yet he after excufeth Di» cfiorus from Herefiej more Bifhops than were Hereticks were violent.

§ 7. As to his Reflection, [ fc It may be he think* the Empe* * r roar took^ a particular Delight in that kind of cruelty, and that "he had rather one fhould be kjckt to death, than that he fiould be Ci hanged or beheaded ; which would not be much to the credit of his cC Moderation : And to fay the truth, his Letter to Valentinian ee difcovers a ftrange kind of Spirit 5 for there he jufiifies the pro-Ce ceedings of the Eutychians at Ephefus, andfaies that all things cc were carried on with much freedom and pe'-feci Truth, and Flavian found guilty of Innovating in Religion. This is but an illfgn " that Mr. B. is a hater of falfe Hiftory, when he lets this pafs un-(( reproved.

Anf. 1. Had I reproved fuch an Emperour, I mighthave expected that fome of you would have publifhed me an Enemy to Kings.

Anf 2. Rather Sir., you and I fhould hence gather, that all men muft have pardon and forbearance, and that for want of that, the names of Neftorians, Jacobites, Melchites, Greeks, Papifts 5 Proteftants , Lutheranes , Calvinifts , Prelatifts , and Presbyterians, &c. have almoft fwailowed up the Name, much more the Love of Chriftians.

Anf. 3. May it not confift with modefty and the hatred of falfe Hiftorj, to believe the high praifts of this Emperour, publifhed by one that knew him in fo pious and credible words as Socrates fpeaks 5 as I before told you, giving him fto mej a more credible Canonization than the Pope could have done, as a man of eminent holihefs, wonderful Clemency, that would not let a Traitor go out of the Gates towards the place of Executions and when hs was moved to any Execution, anfwered, he had rather ,

were

were he able, reft are the Dead to Life: excelling all the Clergy in meeknefs, and never fetn angrj. May not I who am branded for a railer by meek Prelatifts, be tolerated to think charitably of fuch an Emperour, and to wifh that the world had many more fuch.

Anf. 4. Judges are taken for unjuft if they will not hear both fides fpeak. And why (Tiould not I regard the words of fuch an Empercur, as well as of one halfthe Bifhops againft the other?

Anf 5 . Surely Modefty requireth me to think that the Emperour was much more capable of knowing the truth of theafts of his own Subjects 3 when his Servants prefent gave him an account of them, than I am 1200 Years after: And fo good & man would not willingly lye.

Anf. 6. Therefore my own Conclufion is, God is true and all men areLyars, that is, untrufty : and that Eudocia and his Courtiers had much power with him for Diofeorus againft Flavi-mjisPulcheria had againft Nefiorius 5 but that it was the Peace and Concord of the Bifhops which he moft ftudied^and thought that it lay in going with the major part.And I believe things were bad on both fides, and worfe than die Emperour thought with the Eutychian Bifhops, and worfe than others fay with their Adver-fariesj and that the Emperour, though fallible, wis as Socrates faitb, beyond all the Clergie.

But here I fee that I am blamed for not railing againft a meek and pious Emperour, and as a Railer for lamenting the fins of the Clergie.

§ 8. About the Council of Calcedon he accufeth me in general, as [difingenioufly mincing the ABs, and fifing all the foulpUj fojfible.

Eafilyfaid: And what's the proof ? Why, %. Leave out that they were violently beaten to it.

Anf. The Reader may fee that this is falfe: I mention it oft; pag. io 1. [The Bifhops anfwered^ that they did it againft their Wills, being under fear : Condemnation and banifhment was threat-ned 9 Sonldiers were there with Clubs and Swords.2 Shall I believe this man againft fuch as Socrates, of things done 1200 Years ago, that will face me down with fuch untruths about my own yet Vifible Writings ?

i. But is it falfiiood to omit what is (aid in fuch and fo many Volumns? May not the Reader there fee it.* DoIcontradicVit?

Z z Muft

Muft I write many Folio's or nothing? I refer all Readers to the Ads.

§ 9. But he faith, [/r would go near to excufe their Compliance with a merciful Man."}

Anf. I confefstuch are not fo bad as the Clergy-men, that wifl fin for meer Preferment,and will write againft,and revile, nd call for Execution on thofe that will not do as they. But if Noncon*-formifts after 19 years Ejection and Reproach, and Sufferings by more than Threats, fhould at laft fiirrenjer to hemou* fin, can he think it would excufe their Compliance, when Chrift faith, Lttk^. 14 33. He that for fake th not all that he hath cannot be wyDifcipki It he think Martyrdom a work of Supererogation,he is dangeroufly miftaken. And he that to day thinks Threatning and Danger an Excufe for hi* fin, may to morrow think Poverty, and the next day thedefire of Preferment an excufe.

§ 10. Diofcor wand the Eutychians holding clofe to the Council ofiWs*,as fufficient, as a Teft of the Orthodox,to which nothing was to be added, in reciting this he hath found my Ignorance in tranflating [rctraBat~] by [retratt.~] Is not the Englifh word of the fame fence with the Latine ? If not, and I be ignorant in Englifh too, what wrong is that to any Bifhop ? ■ § 11. When he had charged Nonfence and Confufion on that which he underftood nor, and mentioned Fu(ik DoriL giving the Lye to Eutyches, he conftfleth that the thing was true.

§ 12. P. 25*3. He faith, When tin giddy rabble of Monies with Swords andftaves, like Bedlams broke loofe^ run Upon thtm— I fhould rather pity them than infult.

Anf If the Hiftory be an infulting, his own credited Hiftori-ans infult. by recording it. If noting it as a fault be infulting,then a .motion to Repentance is infukii,g, and if he would have us pity them for their fin, and not only for their fuffering 5 that is infulting too: But to own their fin, and draw men to imitate\them, Ihall be none of my Compaffion.

He minds me of Peters Denial, and the Difeiples forfaking Chrift. Alas! he is not a man that is not fenfible of Humane frailty? But is it not therefore to be blamed? Why doth Scripture mention ir, but that we may avoid the like f Is it to tempt others to the like? Did Chrift infult when he faid. to Peter, Get thee behind me Satan, &C.

§ i3« He next falk into his familiar ftrain , to carry that ex

Cathedra

Cathedra, by fentence, which he cannot do by proof, and faith, [When I venture on Obfervations it*s an even lay that I am out. ] Anf. That is, I am out of the way of his Magiftry, Precon-ceipt and Intereft.

It is my Conciliatory words that the peaceable man is angry at, viz,. [That this doUffti y Contentions y Anathematizing , and ruining of each other f was about the Jenfe of ambiguous words, and they were both af one mmd in the matter and knew it not.~\ He cannot but confefs, that my judgment of them is lofter than theirs that hereticate each other. And Derodon hath fully proved that this Council when they condemned Neftorius, were of his Judgment in the whole matter, and faid but the fame as he.

§ 14. As to his telling me, that Eutyches denied Chrift to be truly and properly man, I will no more believe him, than if he had faid Cyril did Co.

§ 15. But he faith, the Monothelites were the genuine Difci-ples of Eutyches. They were of his mind in that Confcquence : And fuch another Controverfie it was. And how much greater crrour againft our Belief of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft, have I proved e. g. to be,, in your Dr. Sherkks Book 5 And yet I hope he meant better than he fpake.

§ 16. P. 25 j. He confefleth of one Party what I faid, viz,. [" O/Diofcorus and Flavian, / am apt to believe they were much ** ofthe fame Opinion as to the point m c ontr over fie % and kyw it iC well enough $ which was the only caufe why Diofcorus with his <c party of Bijhops and Monkj y would not endure to come to anyDe-" bate of the matter^ for fear it would appear that they all agreed, tC and then there would have been no pretence to condemn Flavian , n which was the Defign, if not of the Emperour, yet at leaft of thofe [ l that governed him.~\ :

Anf. Fie Dr. will you thus abufefo'many Orthodox Bifhops? Andalmoft condemn your vindicating Book? And harden me in myErrour? But I am much of your mind, and if one of us err, fo doth the other.

§ 17. And I like his Ingenuity^ faying AnatoliMConfeftctb in Council, that Diofcorm was not condemned for Henfie but Tyranny ', and no man contraditled him. Anf. Not in anfwer to thofe words, but the Accufations of many contradicted him -before.

§ 18. That they mean one thing by their various expreflions

I have

I kave fully proved, and he no whit confuteth: That the Euty-chians acknowledged no diftinct Preptrties, and Neflorins owned an Unity but in Dignity and Title only, are his flat {landers, to be no way proved but by their Adverfaries accufatiom. The very words I named even now, \_Divino y mirabili, fubltmi nexn.~] and many clearer, (hew it of Neftoriw. And I wifli him to take heed himfelf how he defineth the Hypoftatical Union, left the next General Council (if ever there be one) make him an Here-tick.

Can he believe that the great number of Emychian Bifhops were fo mad, as not to know that Chrifts. Mortality, poffibility, material Quantity, Shape, &c* were the properties of Chrifts Humanity and not his Deity ? But fome Men can believe any thing well or ill, reafonable or unreafonable, as Intereft and affection lead them.

§19. He faith, that [ If it were a faBion that denied this, it was a ftrong one , and never was oppofed by any Per fan before Mr. Baxter.

jinf I heard you were a young man j but if you be not above one Hundred Years old, your reading cannot be great enough to excufe this confidence from fuch temerity as rendereth you the lefs credible. How many Thoufand Books be they which you or I never read ? How know you that none of them all op^ pofe it ? But would you perfuade the Reader that I call it a Faction, to believe your fence of thefe Councils? Factious men are forwardeft to judge others Hereticks without caufe 5 and all that I fay is, that Though fuch deny my u4Jfertionit is true: Doth it follow that I take all for faUiom that deny it ? If I had faid, [Though Tapifts denyitj]x\\it had not been all one as to fay,[-^# are Papifts that deny it J}

2. But did never any perfbn oppofe it ? 1. I named you David Derodon before, who though he largely labour to prove Cyril an Entychian in words and fence, and that by Win he did mean Natura^ and not Perfona, yet as to Nefioritts he copioufly proverb, that the Council of Calcedon was juft of his Mind, and condemned him for want of Understanding him. Though you have no: Jeen that Book of Derodons, I have^and you mould not judge of what you never faw.

2; Luther de ConcUns firft accufeth Neftorim as a Heretick , denying Chrift's Godhead, or holding mo Perfons j And prefent-

(17))

Jy retraces it, and confeffeth he was feduced by believing the Papifts, but (though he had not read much of the Councils, but what he had gathered out of the Tripartite and fuch HiftoriansJ yet he gathered from the PafTages of the Hiftory, that the difference lay only in words, which he openeth at large, and yet turns it fharply againft Neftorius, for thinking that we may not fpeak of Chrifts Godhead or Manhood by communicated names or Attributes, and greatly rejoiceth that this ferverh his turn in his Opinion about Confubftantiation and Sacramental words.

Becaufe I will leave nothing in doubt with you, but whether Luther was before my days, and left you fay again that I cite Books which I fee nor, I will give you fbme of his words, beginning earlier, (not tranflating left I have not skill enough ) but they are fo like mine, that I doubt you will be no Luthe-rane.

De Concil. pag. i^y. Ecc!efi<e Romano, ScC.P* ambit to ft rix a-tdfttHt de re nihili, vamfftmis & nugacijftmis naniis donee tandem Mraqu? hornbilittr vaftata & dcleta eft. — Ilia omnia libentim re-cito t m videat prudens LeHor quomodo ex tarn celebri Sjnodo Con-ftantinopolaana, feu ex font e man aver int feminamaximarum Con-fuftonttm, fropNrea quod ibt Epifcopus Ecclefta ut Patriarch* fu$-rat Prafecli4f,-~~p. 178, J^uam horr'ibilia certamina & contentio- ■ nes moverunt hi dm Epifcopi de primatu : ut facile judicari poftet Sptritum fantlum non t'jfe author em hujm Inftituti : Alia habn Epifcopm longe potior a qua agat, quam font hi puerile s & inept i ludi- — Pramonemur quod Concilia pr orfus nihil novi de bent commit nifci vel trader*.

De Concil. Ephef. p. 180, 181. Excejferant jam e vivis fanFxi Patres, & illi optimi Epifcopi, 5. Ambrofitts, S. Martinus, S. Hi-eronymm^ S. Auguflinus ( qui eo ipfo anno quo Synodvu coatla eft mortum eft} 5. Hilarim, $. Euftebius & fimiles 3 eorumque loco frorfus difftmiles patres fuborti fuerant. Ira ut Imperator Theodufi-ta amplim eligi Epifcopum C. P. ex Sacerdotibus vel Clench (fivi-tatis C. P. nolltt : banc ob caufam quod pkrumque ejfent fuperbi 9 ambit 10ft , morofi, qui movere certamina, & tumult m in Eccleftm

plernmqus tolerent, p. igi. Cum jam videret Neftarim tarn as

turbas ortas ex corrupteli multiplici^ gemens prorupit in hac verba y Tolfainus e medio omnes am&guitates qua? primuta pra?buerunt ■•' occafiones iitis certaminibus, 6c fateamur palam Mariam recle r vocari Ma^rem Dei, Sc4 nihil profecit NtftoriHt, ne twcqmdem

cum .

cum revocaret futim error em-, fed voce public a ande mnattts, ex or-be Imperii umverfo ejsllw & explofui eft : Jguanquam dli duo Epifcopi Antiochwus & Alexandrinus, etiam poft Concilium cum rednjjent in fuafi Ecclcfas, fe ipft mutuis convitiis Ucerabant, & ommkfis diris dsvovebMU : Erf poftea res ad pUcidum txitum dean ft a eft: ^nanquam tstnen dolendum hoc, & effufis Uchrymts de~ plorandnm in Ecelefta eft, tarn praftantes viros adeo indulfiffe fuus affcclibus, at inftar muliernm ant puerorum inept iffims inter fe rix-arentur. Omnino fmffet eis opm aUquo Con ft amino, qui ipforum jurgia & contentiofa fcripta etiam conjeciftet in ignetn. — p. 184. Mentioning the falfe accufations of Neftorius, making two Per-Ibns, Cc. [_Atque adeo intricata & confufa (unt qua fcribunt 9 ht cxijttmem r.e quidem ipfosfcire in hunc ufque diem y quid & propter quas caufasdamnaverint Neftorium. Hoc inde conjicito. Fatentur credidijfe Neftorium quod Chriftus (it Deus & Homo--- exkis cer-tum eft quod Neftorius non crediderit Chriftum effe purum fomi-nem.— Confiat Neftorium non duos fed unum Chriftum credidijfe, id quod ipforum verba teftantur — ideoque non potuit credere effe duas perfenas. Nee ullibi leper it hy in hiftoriis quod Neftorius unum Chriftum crediderit habere duas perfonas, nift quod Pontifices & eorum hiftoria it a argutantut. Apparet Papam & fcriptoresPon-xiftcios h&c verba contra Neftorium calumniofe & veteratorie finxiffe, quod Christum pro puro homine & non pro Deo, & quod unum Christum pro duabus perfonis velgemino Christ 0 habuerit. — Nestor ius fua homo inflatus tumens Pharifaico faftu, & indotlus, Et cum fubito ejfet evetlus adfupremum fastigium Ecelefta, adeo ut haberetur pro fummo Pontiftce, Patriarcha, fomniabat je unum an-tecellere dotlrina & eruditioncomnes homines in toto genere humane, nee ftbi opus effe letlione hbrorum qui erant fcripti a Majoribus nut aliisy nee in explicatione magnaram return retinendos effe modes lo-quendi antiquitus receptos in Ecclefia puriore \ fed quia & voce vale bat, & ex temporali facundia volebat effe dvTofifi*>K-ns, Doctor vel Magister y & for mas loquendi quibus ipfe uteretur tantum recipi-endas effe in Ecclefia, non alias. Et tali faftu armatus adorieba-tur ilium articulum. Maria est mater Dei, aut genetrix Dei; Ibi viciffim Epifcopos in adverfa parte invemt perinde inflatos 9 quibus vehemenier difplicebat Nestorli faftus, inprimis Cyr ilium Alexan-drinum: quia tuncnulluserat August inus aut Ambrofius.---p. 189. Nmc manifestum est, quod Neftorius ut homo imprudens & vamffi-ma perfuaftone addutlus, loquatur quidem bono z.clo de Christo : fed

+ ex

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ix mera infcitia non intelligat quid& quomodo loquatur.-» p. 19^ Non est Neftorii error cjnod Christum credit tantum effe purum ho-minem, nee in duas perfonas earn dirimi; fied duas naturas Dttim & hominem tn u%a perfiona uniri fatetur : fedcommunicattonem tdio-matum non vult concedere. Objiciat autem hie aliqujs^ Nestor mm infidtofe confeffum effe, quod Christ us Deus fit & una perfona, Refip. Jguod non: Tarn ingeniofus enim & industnus nonfuit, fedferio it a judicavit. — Ad loic acceffit aliorum Eptfeoporum tnfolentia, qui non cogitaverunt quomodo fiananda effent taua vuUera, fed mult9 magis trritandis & refricandis caufam dederunt. Vide ctier a.

P. 202. De Concil. Calcedon, Adeo indulgebant fantti Patres mututs odiis & diffenftombus ut alter non facile vellet alteri cedere — fliewing the uncerrainty of the Hiftories of tbis Council, and the Lies of the Papifts not to be trufted. fam dtvina qua rat lone ego ero falvandus, qui nee ipfum Concilium ajfequor , hec caufam Concilii fiatisperfipicio. p. 205". JS>uod Eut)chesnon tantum unam in Christ 0 naturam effe ft at Hat, oftendunt Papist arum Verba 9 qui dicunt Eutychen concejfijfe in Chrifto duas naturas 9 v\z. Divinitatem & Humanitatem, qua d Divinitate eft aJfumpta—Sed quid Euty-ches voluerit quod poftea in Chrifto tantum Divina natura manfie-rit, deferta humana^ tbi prorfus funt muti j & re nondum certo cogni-td dicunt, ftatuiffe Eutychen quod in Chrifto dua natura, & tamen non dua fed una natura fit: It a poftea hiftoria fiunt incerta & ob-ficura, ut nemo poffit inteRigere quid Eutyches fienfierit, aut quid Pontificia hiftoria fientiant. Amittimus hifce ambagibm concilium una cum cauftspropter quas convocatum eft.—-Ego me as conjectural recitabo : ft rem ajfequor, bene 5 ft non, non propterea labefaclabitur fidesChriftiana.Eutychis opinio(ficut&Neftorii)errat circa idiom at a, quamvis alio modo. Neftorius non vult idiom at a humanitatistribu-ere Dtvinitati in Chrifto:—Contra Eutjches non vult idiomata di-vinitatis tribuere humanitati,etiamft& tpfie fir miter & mordicus re-tineat Chriftum effe verum Deum & hominem, Vt fi dicer em in Cone tone public a, Verbum filium Dei effe conditorem Coeli & Terra aqualem Patri ab aterno — -Et hoc Verbum, ilium ftlium Dei effe verum hominem: Hoc concedit mihi Eutyches nihil dubitans. fam fiporro die am, Jguod Me homo Chriftus fit conditor cceli & terra, hoc offendit Eutychen , qui put at prorjus effe abfurdum dicer e, Homo crcat coelum & terrain.— P. 210. Ibi vides quod idiomata fact Li cccaftone homines non pramonitos offendant & petfurbent. Hie erat fiubijemcndum teneris Confident lis fraterna % amsca & fialutari admo-

A a tutione

nit tone, nee fuperbiffimi err antes akjiciendieffent. Viinam met pt-dicio non respondeat event us: fed vereor profeclo aliquot b&reticos in novijfimo die fieri judices 5 & illos ipfosEptfcopos Penes quos fuitju-dicandipo:eftas 3 m aternum damnatos,niDeus eft mirabilisd? incom-prehehjiinlts in fttisjudiciis\nifi quodfeimvu cum effepropitium humi-libus & injenfijfimum fttperbi*. Et pr&fertim in Concilia & Ecclcfiis nihil erat agendum z*elo vel invidia , vel fuperbia, quia Deus non pot eft ferre.

§ 20. Readers," you fee what tedious work fome men caa make us: Many are fcandalized, as if we gave them falfe Hifto* ry, if we do not thus confute them ; and if we do, we tire our felves and you. If I fhould cite you many more thus to confute his falftiood, that never perfon before meoppofed that Faftion, you would be weary of it.

§ 21. Yet now my hand is in, you (hall fee further bow much Luther was for the fame that I have written. [J^#/ volet poterit mterius legere acla Ccnalii, privata opera. Ego ad tadium & nau-feam ujq\ legi ifta-, ejufmodi Chaos aremoniarum & confujionum eft ibi^ ut videatur recle judicajfe Greg.Naz*. qui Synodis eruditiori-bus & fedatioribus inter fuit, — & fcrtbit [Sic affetlus fumfi die en-da eft Veritas, Ht malivo omnes Epifcopoyum eonventus vitare, quia\ nulims Synodrfincm vidi bonum, am qui magis toller et mala quam augerst. Nam cupiditas contentions & principatus^ & amulatio vincmt rationem. ZJt profeclo miror quod propter hac verba non du~ dwn earn excommunicavernnt ut atroaffimum hareticum. Sed quid jit quod dicit in Synodis Epifcopos certaffe ambiticne, Jupsrbia, phomteU, habes in hac Synodo clanffimnm exemplum. £>£od au~ tern art urn fit quod hie dicit fe nullius Synodi vid'.ffe finem bonum , docent nos hiftoria: Nam Ariana h&efis jocus fuit ante Nic&num Concilium pra ilia eonfufione quam ipfi poft Concilium excitavernnt , (that was not long of the SynodJ Talis etiam fmt Macedomci & Neftorimi Concilii K Nam ilia pars qua eft condemnata co fuit conjunEHor, ut tali fpecie Concordia & unit at is fuas prafttgias pin-gerent quafi nulli jufta rati one damnari poffent. Submde excitarunt major a certamina contra Concilia qua ipfi non recle intelLgebant,—-P. 247. Illud pojfum facillime probare- quod mifer ille Paftor in Hippcne S, uiuguftinus plus docuit quam omnia Concilia — Die am & qniddam amplius : Majus Lumen accedit Doclrina Chriftian& ex Catechifmo puertfi quam ex omnibus Conciliu^ <jr oratio Dominica & decern pracepta plus continent dotlrina & eruditionis quam omnia Concilia, § 22,

§ 2^. Becaufe I recite the words of the Bifnops crying Tetca-vimttSy he exclaimeth againft me, as making Repentance and Rc-santation a derifion . and this by the Spirit of Schtjm which ts nice in point of honour 9 no Convitlicn Jhall be able to reclaim it % though in the mefl indefcnfible thin^ in the World.]

slnf. Add but with the Inquiiitors, [Therefore burn them as hopelefs,] and you are come to the end of your LeflTon. The penetrating Wits of fome men are admirable. This man whofe face I never faw, knoweth my heart fomuch better than my felf and my acquaintance, that he can tell that it is to avoid dimonour that I avoid Repentance, when I offer him my Oath, that if I have any knowledge of my own defire, I would thank him as my deareft Friend, who will by Evidence fhew me any necefia-ry truth that I deny, or Faifhood that I hold, and will joyfully publiih my recantation.

2. And he can fee Schifm in my forbearing known and heinous fin in the fatisfattion of my Confcience^ while 1 write, and preachy and pra&ife Communion with their Church, and can fee none in filencing Thoufands, and ipfofaBo excommunicating ma* ny more Thoufands of godly Chriitians, and denying Baptifmand the Lords Supper to fuch as think it is finful to do-— he knows what.

3. And he can fee thofe things to be moft indefenfible, which after our beft ftudy we take to be clear, and can get no rational Reply to our defence.

4. And (for want of memory or tendernefs of his partners ve* racity) when their Advocates have {0 oft and fcornfully charged me with Retrattations, and alfo told the World how much my own party (as they call them) fpeak againft me, and my many large and free oppofitions to the faults of Nonconformifts that run into any extream, do all proclaim how little I have fet by fuch honour 5 yea, when himfelf faith that I have fiercely contended againft all Sefts and Parties, and they call me IJhmael , whofe hand is againft every man: After all this to proclaim as aforefaid, fuch obftinate Impenitence for the love of Honour, I confefs doth no more further my conviction than the Oath of an Irifh Witnefs would have done: For if he had fworn it, I would have (hewed my Books and their contrary testimony, and have askt him, whofe honouring of me is it thaPf'buy Co dearly ? It is not the Rulers, nor the Prelates, nor their Clergy*

A a 1 nor

USOJ

nor their adherents, noble or ignoble: And if I have willingly and laborioufly difpleafed and loft the Sectaries too, whofe honour is it that I fell my Soul for ?

§ 23. But did the man think that Vnconftancy and compliance with powerful Hercfie, is the fame thing with Repentance for it ? Or is it well done to perfuade the Reader that it is Repentance or Retractation of Fterefie I write againft, when I recite the words of the Council and their own ? Do I fay that peccavi-rmu was their fin ?

§ 24. And I would humbly defire him in time to confider, 1. Whether it was a venial fin not to be named by me, when the moft zealous Papifts and Hiftorians name it, for fo great a number of Bifhops to turn and turn again fo often, and that with Anathematizing one year of what they voted for before with Anathema to the contrary, I crave your impartial confiderati-on but of two Liftances: How oft did they with Anathema's vote for and againft the Council of Calcedon as the Emperours changed ? Yea in the fame Ufurpers time, Bafilifcus^ when he changed himfelf. 2. In the cafe of Images: How oft did they change in Councils, for them and againft them< as the Princes changed ? Sir, we mind this with lamentation and not infultingly : But if you take thefe for venial little fins, and our not fwearing and covenanting all that you bid us for a mortal fin, are you not partial?

2. And I Would wifh you to think on it again, before you make this guilt your own, by mincing'and excufi»g it 5 and left you make all other mens fin your own, whom hereby you encourage in the imitation of them. Thefe are not things indifferent.

3. And do not fo difhonour Prelacy, and your Church and Difcipline, as to tell the World that thefe in Bifliops are little things; what then is left for you to (tick at? No man mould make light of fuch Beams in the Eyes of thofe that mould be the moft pure, while they are pulling the mote of fcrupling a Ceremony, yea an Oath. &c. from their Brothers Eye, and that by fuch Iron Inftruments as they ufe.

§ 2 j. Next comes his Logical terms, [throwing dirt, outragi-otts t bitter, maliciom^ &c] And what's the matter? [Igive not one loofe^at Emperours and Courts : {corning to change the game, charging the Bijhops with the faults of the Magiftrate , and lajing-

Ail

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til the blame on tbem.~] In what words? I fay, [_fo far coktdfitrte, andfattious Prelates prevail with a pious and peaceable Prtncc, by the pretences ofoppojing Here fie dndSchifm.

An[. i. Was he not a moft pious and peaceable Prince ? Then Socrates that Ktoew him, and protefteth againft flattery, and many others, are not to be believed f yea, if he excelled not the Bifhops ?

2. Do I fay that none but the Bifhops perfuaded him ? Where do I lay all the fault on them ? Do I not after name the Empe-reft Evdocia, as the Agent to perfuade him for the Eutychians, and Pulcheria to perfuade him againft Neftorius: My words are vifible.

3. What Bifhops were they that perfuaded him to make a Law to confirm the Ephefine , Eutychian Council ? Was it not Diofcorus and the Eutychians ? Were they not Bifhops ? Did they not do it ? Yea, doth not this man oft revile them far more bitterly than ever I did, and revile me for fpeaking fo charitably of them? Would you ever have expected that the fame man fhould have fo reviled me, for faying that thefe Eutychian Bifhops prevailed with a good Emperour to confirm that Council of Eutychians ?

4. Is it a fin not to fpeak hardlier of fo good a Prince, who-after repented and punifhed his Wife and Eunuch for perfuading him? It was a blaming him to tell to what he was perfuaded.

Truly the mans anger here for my blaming the Eutychian Bifhops, in condemnation of whom he hath poured out fo much more than I, doth make me think that there is fomewhat in the found of fome words, that turns his wrath this way or that: When he hears the name of an Eutychian, away with them,fpea^ not eafily of them. When the fame men are called Bifhops, it's malice^ outragious bitternefs to blame them for getting a Law to confirm that called an Heretical, Murdering, Latrociaian Council. His words are, p. 146. [_VVere there ever greater violences committed than in that infamous Conventicle at Ephefus ? ]

% 1.6. P. 263. He confetfeth that the Debate between the Council and the Egyptian Bijhops was fomethmgteo warm : but faith that h:at was not altogether without rcafon. Anf. This is his way to confefs their faults, and then rail at me for bare reciting the words of the Debate or Hiftory, But ic ms mt without reafon : He

eoo&flctk

confelfeth not (o much as this of the filencing and ruining Mini-fkrs now. It fhall not be the ufe of my reafon jq make Fig-leaves to cloath and cover the lins which God abhorreth.

Men will be men he faith, wherever they arc placed, whether in a Council or in the Church, or even at the Altar. •

Anf. By Attn I fuppofe he meaneth Sinners: and it's true. But of all Sinners Oh that God would fave his Church from thofe who hate reproof, and cherifh the worft that will be for them, and excommunicate and profecute the moft confcionable that will not obey them in things which they call indifferent j for fear of finning againft God.

§ 27. His trifling words about Leo and Rome are not worthy •fan Anfwer.

§ 28. He hath, P. 268. hit again on the overfight which.I before confefied, even the effect of my neceffitated halte, that in tranflatjng Theodoret's words I put {truly) in the wrong place: I ask him forgivenefs, and the Bifhops, if that be any (lander againft them $ which is nothing to them.

§29. He faith, P. 269. [ There is no truth in what our Author faith, that Ibas Epiftle was acquit .] Anf There is no truth in faying that I faid it was, when my words were disjunctive, [ The Epiftle was acquit, or at leaft the Bifhop upon the reading of it.'] He faith, Ibas was not acquit on the reading the Epiftle, but \ on the defence he made^ that he communicated with Cyril. Anf His Accufations of Falfhood are commonly Boyifh Quibbles. Hrs Defence and the Reading of his Letter go together, and in Bin-mus the Letter, and the Letters of the Clergy ofEdcffazre the laft things done before he is difcharged.

§ 30. P. 270. He faith, [ The truth is, tit Eaftern Bifhopswere not fo ingenuous and fair- after their reconciliation with Cyril, &c„ ] Thus he becomes himfelf ftill anaccufcr of the Bifliops.

§31. Becaufe.Ifay that the Judges part fentence to caft out both Stephen and Baffian from Ephefus, and all confented, he faith, {One would thinly here the fudges pajfed fentence againft the confent or Inclination of the BijhopsT\ Anf There is no end of anfwering your thinkings. I did not fay that the Judges paffed the Councils Sentence but their own : And whether it were a-gainit the Fore-inclination of the Council let any Reader judge, when the Judges asking the Council their fence, [_Ref. Epifcopi ctriwzvtYunt, j*(titi* Bajfiamm vocat: ReguU valeant. The

Judges

(15$)

Judges anfwered them that their judgment was that both were to be caft out, and a third chofen, and the Council fuddenly con-fented. If he would be believed conrradicling this he giuft deny the Acts.

§ 32. He hath found matter for a quibble againft tafrmg Pore-xxms FUJh with their Teeth. Teeth taite not: Dangerous falfeHi-ftory, or want of Learning is learnedly heredifcovered. When he cannot deny the moft woeful, calamitous dnTcntions which followed the Calcedon Council, he faith, \W<to it the misfortune or the fault of the[e only not to he able to heal the differences of the Church I Or was the defeft in the Councils, or the blame to be imputed to thofe obfiinate men that oppofed the Rule eftablifhed by them f 1

^nf. No : They were neither the firft nor the laft that have mifcarried. Nor are we the firft that fuffer under fuch mifcarri-age. It was the misfortune of the Churches to have fuch Phy-ficians: But as it is the honour of fome Phyficians to fhew how many Patients they have cured, fo is it of fome others , when moft die under their bands, t(*be able to fay, that it was long of the Patients that would, not be ruled, or that thtv killed rherrr fecundum artem. It was a Proverb in $%tton~Co!dfield, [ Who begun , ? ] A poor man had but one Afs and be loaded him too hard, and the Afs being in pain bit his Mafter a little on the But-tockj and his Mafter knockt him down , and killed him ; and when he faw him dying, , [ Well, (faith he) But who begun § ] But who had the lofs ? There be Clergy-Men that can inopeni-tentJy fee the Strages, the divifions, the (warms of fin that are the confequents of their needlefs mafterly Impositions, and wipe their mouths and fay, It was the obftinacy of thofe that would not be ruled by us I They kill a Flea on a mans Forehead with a Beetle, and fay they meant not to kill the man.

But if thafCouncils Acts were a fit means to cure the Churches Divifions , how came they to be prefently and through many Ages, yea, ever fince to this day, thereby increafed (b many fold '< Though the Aftembly at ferufalem cured not all the Jewifh Teachers of their blind Zeal for Mofes Law, it was fo far from increafmg the Diflentions and number of Difien-ters, that it fatisfied the Gentile Chriftians for the moft part, and many of the Jewifh, and greatly diminifhed the Difcord. It's one thing not wholly to cure, and another to ma\efar worje.

§33<

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§33- He inftanceth alfo in the Dort Synod that made things worje.

Anf. 1. The Synod of Dort made things the worfe in their own Country 3 not by their Dotlrinal Decifions^ but by too much of the Mafterly Spirit, engaging the Magiftrates againlt the Ar-minians in theufe of ihe Sword. Whether it be true that they fay., that they were neceffitated to do what they did againlt Bar neve it and Grotius for the fafety of their State, I am no Judge: But I am fure it is of an ill found to thofe that read it: And fo is it to read in Epfccpitts and others, what violence the People have ufed againlt the Arminians, and they were fain to tolerate them when all was done.

And it's no wonder that the Diffention increafed in England, when the Clergy would not long ftand to the decrees that by our own fix Delegates were moderated: Dr. Hejlin tells you how Bi-fhop Laua's Zeal was the caufe of our following Contentions: And how? By bearing down all that were againlt. him.

2. But the meer Dotlrinal Decrees of the Synod of Dort are fo moderate and healing, that wheft Violence hath been forborn, and Reafon ufed 3 many have been pacified by them. And

3. What that Synod did not, a few private Peace-makers have much done : The Writings of Camero Amjraldtts , Cape Hut % Placeus, Teftardus, Lud> Crocitis, Mat, Martinius % Conr. Bergi-pis, foh. Bergins, Blondel, Daile, and above all, Le Blank's have for ought I hear, half ended the controverfie. And having my felf written one Book (CathoL Theologie) for Reconciliation, I have not to this day bad a word of Contradiction, but the Coa-fent of very many. And as 1 before noted, Is not even in London where other differences might exafperate, yet this Controverfie almoftlaid to fleep ? But if our At minions will but get as fevere Laws and Canons made againft them that are not of their Opinions, as be againft them that dare not conforrri to the Dio-cefane Model and the reft, they (hall quickly fee this quarrel revived. The Articles of the Church of England determine not thefe Controverfies, and that is our Peace. Put in but one determining Article againft either fide, and it will break us more in pieces. Doth not our own Cafe and Experience then confute thofe over-doing Councils ?

§ 34. His next Inftance is that of the Wcftmmfter AfTembly,— So far from reconciling the People , that after this thy were di*

{trailed

ftratted into innumerable Schifms ? Never was there fo lamentabl* a face of things , never facts variety of Herefe[ y and fuch Wan-tonnefs, and Extravagancy , in blafphemmg God under pretence of Religion and Confcience: And this is the State whither the fame manner of men are driving again,

Anf..\. I fay again I knew fo many of that AfTembly, asthat I do noc think that the Chriftian World had ever an Afiembly of more able and truly pious Clergy-Men, thefe 1300 Years at Jeaft. But thefe Upftarts that knew them not can tell us any thing that Faction hath taught them to believe concerning them and others. The Parliament was by feeming necelTity drawn to gratifie the Scots: The Affembly, though Conformifts, all , fave Eight or Nine , were as fenfible as the Nonconformiits of the mifchiefs of filencing worthy Minifters, and forbidding Afternoon Sermons, and fuch like 5 and they were as much againft Arminianifm and Popery as the Church of England was in A.Bp. Abbat's days, and as much as he againft the Doctrine of Main-waring and Sibthorp: And the Parliament abfolurely reftrained them from debating any thing but what they propofed to them 5 (b that they that were for the Primitive Epifcopacy had no liberty to debatje it, or fpeak for it, but on the by. But when the Covenant was offered them againft Prelacy, they were about to enter a Proteftation againft it, and were ftopt only by limiting the renunciation to the Englifh frame defcribed in an explicatory Parenthefis. But for my part I think them much to be blamed, that they did not, though againft that prohibition, re-folve to propofe fuch moderate healing terms to the Parliament as were agreeable to their judgments, or at leaft have teftifled againft the limiting of Church Concord to fuch narrow termes, as muft exclude fuch men as were for the Englifh Epifcopacy : They mighceafily have Known, that the number of fuch in England was fo grear, as that an excluding Law mull needs be an Engine of great Divifion 5 and that Conqueft .will not change mens Judgment*.

And as I dot.: not but the five Diffenring Independents were greatly to blame, r making fuch a ftir for leave to gather their Churches, when nothing was impofed en them which they could accufe$ So Jdaabt not but the Afiembly were to be blamed formaking a greater nolle againft errours than they had caufe for. Their defire of Concord 3 which was good itfeJf, did raife

B b them

(ISO)

them to too great Expectations of it, and too great impatience of little differences* They publifhed their Teftimony againft the errours of the times, in which they took in Dr. Hammond, and made many differerces worfe than they were , too like the old Hereticators. And they wanted that skill to compofe their differences with the Independents, as was needful to that end, and might have been attained. And will the faults of that Affem-bly jultitiethe far greater faults of others?" But

2. This fort of Hiftorians do much more differ from us about the matters of Fad, which our Eyes have dayly feen, yea,, about our own Thoughts and Minds, than about the Hiftory of the ancient Church. The cafe was very far different from that which he defcribetb. Mr. Lawfon, a Conforming faith, [There was never better Preaching, Piety encouraged and encreafed, &c> than at that time. In all the Counties where I was acquainted, there were many young Orthodox faithful Preachers, that gave them-felves wholly to do good , for one that was ten Years before, and not any confiderable number noted for any immorality : We were in the County where I lived almoft all of one mind 3 for Epifcopal, Presbyterians and Independents uniting in that which they agreed in, and leaving all to Liberty in the reft, we lived in conftant Brotherly Love and Peace without DiiTention. I never knew of any of a divers Religion in all the County , fave at she end, in one or two corners about Twenty Quakers: And near me were about Twenty otherwife Orthodox, that denied Infant-Baptifm, (and perhaps as many more in the whole County,) and Two or Three ignorant Socinians. In the next County iheard not of fo many Heterodox: Never did I fee, before or fince,fo much Love and Concord among Minifters, and all religious People^ nor read of any Age that had fo much for 1300, Years. And whereas the common cry is, Oh, but they wtre all Rebels againft the King! lhave named abundance of the Minifters in mine Apology to Dr. Good, (who being Epifcopal was a Guide in our Meetings,and after fo accufed the Nonconforming and challenged him to name one of them that ever meddled with Wars. I knew none in ail the County that was in any Army fave the King's, Pave Mr. Hopkim of Eve/ham (dead) and my felf, and one that is a Conforming and one Independent (dead.)

But it's true 3 that they were then fo fet upon Parifh Reformation and Concord, that they were more troubled at any one

that

W7)

that did turn Quaker, oragainft Infant Baptifm, thanfomein-different Perfons are at Multitudes. And Iwasonethatdifputed moft againft them, and wrote againft fome diftant Antinomians, moftly Souldiers 5 But our Difputes fatisfied and confirmed all our Neighbours more than Prifons would have done. We punifh-ed none of them, and none of our People there turned to them. But Iconfefs we were commonly too little fenfible, how much hurtful Violence hindereth Concord, more than loving forbearance of tolerable differences. As too many were how much for Peace they fbould have abated of the Zeal for their private Opinions, which they thought to be better than they were. We were much like the days that followed the Apoftles, which had fbme troublefome Sectaries, but the main Body of Chriftians did cleave together in Love, till fuccefs had puft up a rebellious Army to make themfelves Rulers, to the Gonfufion of chem-felves and others.

§ 3j. At laft mentioning the common Diffentions of the Churches, he feems to refolve the Queftion, What then mufi be done f But he puts us off only with the Negative Anfwer 5 that Xjhe Rule, u e. of our Uniformity is not to be altered. And why ? *[We have no ajfttrance that we fhall find afiy Conformity to it more than we have now^\

Anf. ImuftnotcaJJ this Anfwer as it deferveth.

i. You were about dealing otherwife with the Papifts : Dr. Heylm tells us how much they were to have altered for Concord : Mr. Thorndikj threatens the Land, if you alter not the Oath of Supremacy for them: The name of the Pope and And-Chrift bath been expunged for them 3 yet you faid not, We know not that they will come any nearer us.

2. By thefe meaflires a Rag or a Ceremony (hould never be abated for the Peace and Concord of any Church or Kingdom : You may ft'tll fay we are not furethat this will ferve thcin. The Pope may fay fo, where he refufeth to abate the (having of the Priefts Beard?, or the leaft of his Impofitions ; yea he knows •that would nor ferve.' They faid fo to the Bohemians four Demands : They concluded fo at fir ft againft Luther. This very Argument harh kept them from all Reformation.

3. Can you find nothing inyonrlmpofitions that in the nature of the thing; is worthy to be. altered? If not, you have more or lefs Wifdom thanBiflhop Morton, and the reft of the Church

Do&Qrs who at iVeftminjler motioned fo many Alterations. If one (hould bur then move you to correct your knawn falfe Rule For finding Eafttrdaj, or to give Parents leave to be the firft Promifers for their own Children, and Godfathers but theirfe-conds, or not to deny Cbriftendom and Communion for that or a Ceremony: No, come on it what will, nothing muft be altered, left men ask more. And yet you preach againft Clergy Infallibility, (or fubfcribe at leaft. )

4. Bur if you are fo much againft altering, why did you alter to our greater fuifering, and add as much more (yea five times morej to the former Task and Burden? You can no doubt fay fomewhat for all this.

j. And when it is the fame things that the old Nonconformifts ftill asked, and we fince 1660 asktyetlefs, what reafon bad you to raife that fufpicion that we will not be fatisfied with what we ask. ? Have we given you any caufe ? If you mean that perhaps there be fome (till that may be unfatisfied, will you deny Peace to fo many that beg it of you, becaufe others will not accept it on their Terms i Or will you never agree with a-ny left fome difagreement (hould arife hereafter.

Some Travellers were aflaulted by the high way by a Captain of Sbuldiers, who took all their Money, Swordsand Hotter* and fwore he would kill them if they would not take an Oath to conceal him : One took the Oath to fave his Life, another fcrupledit: They begg'd his Mercy to reftore fo much as would bring them home: He askt them what would fcrisfie them: One would have his Horfe, another his Sword, another part of his Money. He told them , Ten are a Company of Rone a, that can neither agree what to ask^> nor give me affurance if Tgive yon this you will ask no more. I compare not the Authority but the Reafons of the Denial.

§ 36. But feeing no abatement of their Canons, &c. mu:r be granted^ what is it that muft caufe our Concord? He would not tell you; but it's difcernible what's left: It muft be no Concord but what Punilhment can procure : And whar punifhment ? Sharpe r than is yet tried 5 for that hath not done it: Such Concord as Tmullian nameth, Solitudwem faciunt & pacem vocant : The Concord in Spain is worfe than the Amfterdam toleration.

Again I remember the great Fifh-Pond mentioned by Judge Hale, that had multitudes of Fifli and fries and at laft two

final!-

fffisJJ Pikes put in5 when the Pond wa9 drawn there was never a Fifh but the two Tyrants (as he calls them) grown to a huge bignefs. The fear leaft Popery and Prelacy mould be the two Pikes, tempted men irregularly to covenant againft them. To have fuch variety as Rocb, Dace, Piercb, Tench, Carp ; made it a Schifmatical Pondj The two Pikes were againft Schifm and Toleration, and for ending the Divifion by reducing all to unity of Species.

§ 37. As to his Qneftion ofQu. Elizabeths days, the Intimation may feduce the ignorant, but none eife. 1. If he know not that it was the Subfcription required in the Canon?, (chat nothing in the Books is contrary to the Word of God, fcrupled, which broke the Peace and Concord of England, he is unfit by his Igr norar.ee to be an Informer of others. I have known many that would have yielded to come into the Conforming Church, if that one\vcrd bad been but forborn: For when any practice a~ gainft their Confciences about baptizing, Communion, or Burials had filn in their way, they would have filently fhifted it off, or been from home, and have ventured toanfwer it, fo they could but confcionably have got in. But our Ganoneers are for all or nothing,

2. He is lure no Englifti Clergy-man, if he know not how much is laid on us, that was not known in the days of Qu. E//-zateth. Is it to inform men, or deceive tbem, that he nukes the difference to be between 36 and 39 Articles, and faith nothing of all the new Covenants, Declaration?, Oaths, Subscriptions, Doctrine and Practices ?

§ 38. Many make ufe pi Mr. Edwards Gangrena, and the London Minifteri Teftimony againft erroars, to prove the Kerefies and Confufions of the late times. No doubt all fin is odiocsr But few men living are more competent Witnefles of thofe things than I. The Errours that fprung up were much mere tenderly refented then than now. You now have many called Wits and Perfons of Quality, who at a Club difpute againft the Pi ovidence of God, the immortality of the soul, and a future Life 5 and there is neither Church-Admonition, Excommunication, nor any great matter made of.it, but they are Members of the Church of England, thepureft Church in all the World : Whereas in thofe licentious times,if one Souldier had fpoken fuch a Word, it would have rung out through the Land, and perhaps his Tongue would

have

have been bored with an hot Iron, It was the errours of the proud rebellious Soldiers that made moft of the noife, that had no confiderable number of Minifters left with them. I had a hand in Mr. Edwards Book thus: An Affembly of Minifters after Nafeby Fight fent me into the Army to try if I could reduce them. Dayly difputing with them, a few proud felfconceited Fellows vented fome grofs words. At Amerjham a few Country Sectaries had fet up a Meeting in Dr. Crook* Church, to dispute and deceive the People: A few of Major Bethel's Troop (that afterwards turned Levellers and were ruined) joined with them: I met them, and almoft all day difputed againft them, and fhamedthem, and they met there no more. I gathered up all the grofs words which they uttered and wrote them in a Letter to Francis Tyton, and after I found them cited inMr.Edwards Gangrena. And what's the abfurd Speeches of a fewjgnorant Souldiers,-that aredead with them, to thcHerefies and Schifms that thefe 1000 or 1200 Years continue in all the RomarrCom-munion, and they fay in all the reft of theChriftian World. One cheating Papiftas a converted Jew got into an Anabaptifts Meeting, one Maxwell a Scot, and all England rung of it. But when Bidiops have made and keep France, Spain, Italy, 6Vc. in the fame Errours, Dr. Hejlin^ and Bp. Bromhall, and fuch others., took them for fuch, with whom a Coalition on the terms by them defcribed was very defirable.

CHAP. XXIV.

His yth Chapter considered.

% i.np H E Man had not the courage to defend the furgent A Prelacy in its Manhood and Maturity, but only in its Infant and Juvenile State 5 nor to defend the many hundred Councils which I mentioned after the Council of Calcedon, in which either his Modefty or Cauteloufnefs comes fhort of his Rd. Fathers, who fome of them own the fix flrft General Councils, and fome of them eight, and fome would unite with the Church of Rome, if they will abate bat the laft 400 Years additions,

§2. In

§2. In his Gleanings in this 7th Chap, he over, and over, and over perfuadeth hisReader,thac I make or affirm that [the Bps. were the caufe of all the Herefies in the world, and of alHhe Here-fies, Schifms, and Evils that have afflicled the Church\ And hath thisHiftorwn any proof of this ? Or is it the melancholy fiction of his Brain f Yes 5 this is his proof contrary to my manifold Inftances, becaufe I fay in one age > [We have a ftrange thing, a Herefie raifed by me that was no Bifhop: which I have anf.vered, before. To be then ftrange, and never to be at ail ; are nor words of the fame fenfe? But his Anfwers throughout do mind me of Seneca's Words* that a man that is fore complains (or cries Oh) when he doth but think you touch him.

§ j. He thus himfeJf accufeth the Biihops, p. 2-6. [There have keen wicked men and wickedBifoopj in all times7\ And p, 277: fcThat feme Bi/hops have'abufed their Authority and Office, and been the caufe of Herefie and Schifm cannot be denied^ But yec \_He hath (hewed fufficiently^ that mofl of my particular Accufati-ons are void of all truth and Ingenuity. ] Anf. Or el(c thofe words are fo.

§ 4. He faith All EtcUfiaftical Writers agree, that Simon Mn-gus was Author of the fir ft Herefie in Chriftian Religion^ Anfi All confefs that Judas was before him : And if it be a Herefie to buy the Spirit for Money, it is a Herefie to fell Chrift for Money. Butlccnfefsibme tell us of his after pranks at Rome y .and imitating Icarus, at Peters Prayers : If you would fee why Dr. More takes this for a toyifh Legend, fee his Myftery of Iniquity, Lib. 2. C. 19. § 6, 7. p. 447, 448.

§ f. P. 286, 287. Baronim firit, and Vhilaftrim after, are made guiiry of Forgery and difregardable Hiftory y fo that I may well bear fome of his Cenfures.

§ 6. P. 290. To confute me effectually he faith much what the fame which is much of the fum of all my Book : And yec it's falfe and malicious in me, and true and charitable in him: viz.i [Praifing the firft 300 years, (when the Bifhops were fuch as we offer to fubmit to:) he adds [ The following Ages were not fo happy; . but as Chrift ians generally degenerated fo did the Bif.ops 100 [\

Anfi What! Before the Council of N/« / That's a fad Con-fcflion. I was ready to fay as a Roman Etnperour faid to a flat-terer 3 that ftill faid all that he faid, [Die alind aliquid m duo fi-

mtsj .

-musf\ But his next words allay it, [But yet notfo much as cur Anther would make it appear. ] As the Dominicans and Oratorians mufl fay feme falfhood of Calvine, left they be thought Calvi-nifts.

And yet he addetb 3 [The beginning of the qth Century was very unhappy to the Church, for Terfecution Without , and Herefe and Schifm within. Meletius an Egyytian began a Schifm J forfook the Communion of the Church, &c. Next the Donatifts, Arians, 5rc] Anf. It feems that the Emperours Conftantim and Valens were without the Churchy and yet the Arian Pr lefts and Bifoops were within it. When he defineth the Church we may underftand this. But is it not this 4th Century that is made the Churches more fiouriming ftate by others ?

§ 7. Even the great Hiftorianof Herefies, Epiphanins, is faid p. 492. to be [unaccountably miftaken in feveral things relating to that Hiftory.\ And 293. hath [a ft range unaccountable miftake in diverfe other things relating to that matter.^] If I had at any time erred with fuch a Bifhop and Father 3 I might have bdi excufaWe for reciting his Hiftory.

§ 8. Pa£. 29^, He opens the very Heart Gf his Parties Principles, and faith, [ The Church is never diftracled more by aty ■ thing than Projecls of Moderation. ]

Anf Experience proveth that you fpeak your Heart. The words are no wilful Lye which agree with a mans Mind, be they never fo falfe as difagreeable to the matter. No man was more of that Opinion than Hildebrdnd^ that would nor yield fhe Emperours the Inveftiture 5 nor as I before faid, abate the Prince of Calans the (having of his Bifhops Beard to fave his Kingdom. Vitlor began with that Opinion too foon, but his Succeflbrs have thefeThoufand Years been as much for it as you can wifh.

2. But to whom is it that you intend this? Sure not to all : Was Bifhop Laud of that mind toward the Papifts if Dr. Hcylin fay true ? Was Grotim of that mind toward them \ Was Arch-Bifhop Bromhatt, Forbes, Bez.iar i Thorndike (and many more fachj of that mind ? No: Tie excufe you , that you meant not them and their Projecls of Moderation-. Nor I believe neither Caffander's, Erafmus's, Wicelius's, Sancla Clara's f Leander^s 3 dec.

But towards fuch as I am, you have been as firm to that Principle as any one of our Enemies could wifli. In 1660, 1661. it

was

Was moft effe&ually improved ; and you have attained much of the fruits then foretold : and ever fince have been unmoveably and prevailingly true to it.

3. But this miketh (ome men the Diftratlerj of the Church, if not the greateft, which truly I have better thoughts of: Suck as futtius , Par&iu , Amjraldm 5 Le Blank? , Davenant, Ward, VJher^ Hold/worth, Morton, Hall, &c. And lately when we were preparing for the Kings Return, Bp. Brownrig, and after his death Dr. Gawden, Dr. Gulfton, Dr. Allen, Dr. Bernard^ and diverfe fuch did offer themfelves to a Treaty for Moderation: And fince then Dr. Wilkjns, Dr. Burton, Dr. TiUotfon, and in di. ebm iilis Dr. Stillingfieet have been guilty of this crime, of di-ftratting the Church by projetls of Moderation : But I can name the Bps. that were not guilty of it.

To abate or forfake theneceffary pofnts of Faith and Practice on pretence of Moderation, is to deftroy Chriftianity on pretence of Humanity or Peace. But to make Laws that men (hall preach with Horns on their Heads, to fignifie the Victory of Truth, and to ruine all that will not keep thefe Laws (much more if men fhould command worfe) and to fay a Project for Moderation would diftract the Church, would be as far from Wifdom as it is from Moderation: And fome Prelates have done as bad as this.

§ 9. He confeffeth/?. 296. that by force and Fraud [the whole World in a manner was turned Arian.~\ And did I ever lay worfe of the Bifhops than this ?

§ 10. He maketh Aerius to fpeak againft Bifhops becaufe he could not be a Bifhop, fo that he was of a Prelatical Judgment and Spirit, and calleth him [JThe Cartwright of the times,"] by which if he mean that Cartwright would have been a Bifhop, it doth but tell us that hedeferveth little belief in hisHifto-

§ ir. He is a moft lingular Hiftorian , p, 303. in telling us, that after the Monothelites in following Ages of the Church the Devil ft art ed up but few Herejics till theje Ages,— Swenkjeldians, Anabaptifts, ore.

By this I perceive he believethneither Papifts nor Proteftants: For the Papifts name many Herefies fince, and the Proteftants fay that Popery is but a Conipofition of many Herefies, and name us many that coicur'd thereto.

C c § 12. He

§ 12. He there giveth me this ferious Admonition, [ It is a

much greater wonder that any man that makes Conscience of what he faith, Jl:ould againfi ail truth of Hiftory , and again ft his own knowledge, charge the Bifhops with all the Herejies in the World : that a per [on that feems Jo Jen fib ie of approaching Judgment, as frequently to put himfelf in mind of it—-Jhouldyet advance fo malicious andgroundlefs an Accufation, There is no dallying with the all-feeing God—What Plea /hall be made for whole Booths full of Calumny and Detraction, &c]

jinf. This is not the Ieaft acceptable paffage to me in his Book; Hove the man the better for Teeming ferious in the belief of Judgment; and I hope his Warning (hall make me fearch my Heart with fome more iealQufie and care. He feems here to believe himfelf 3 but being my felf far more concerned than he is to know how far I am guilty ©f what I am accufed, as far as I can know my Heart and Writings, Tie tell the Reader what to judge of his words and me.

1. That I charge the Bifhops with all the Herejies in the World, never was in my mind 3 nor can I find it in any of my Writings : Yet this he very oftrepeateth: And fhould a man fo often write a falfhood about a thing viflble, and never cite the place where I fay it, and this while he is. thus ferioufly mentioning Calumny an4 Judgment,

2. Can he make men believe at once that I do perfuade men that Bifhops or Diocefanes came not up till about i jo years after Chrift, and yet that I make them the Authors of the Here-fies that were in thofe times ? Non entis non efi aclio : Could Bifhops be Hereticks when there were no Bifhops?

3. If I had charged the Bijhops with all the Herejies, it follow-eth not that I had charged no one elfe with them, and made the Bifhops the fole Authors, and acquit People, Priefts, and Princes , why then doth he name many Monks and Priefts that were Hereticks f Or Emperours that promoted them, as if this croffed what I fay f Did he think that I excluded the Army if I blame the General, or the Prelatical Priefts when I blame the Prelates ? If I took the Bifhops of England to be the chief caufe of our Church-Schifms, and Calamities, doth it follow that I acquit fuchas you, and all the Clergy like you ?

4. That I have done this [againfi allTrmh of Hifiory'] which I tsarrfcribed out of the Councils and Hiftorians rnoft partial for

the higheft Prclacie , is either a great untruth, and Unproved by him, or 1 know not what I read or write.

j. That I do this againft my own Knowledge I am certain is an untruth. *

6. That my Accufations are malicious I zmeertain is untruth, as being able to fay that I fpeak in pitty to the Church, and to fave Souls from deceit, and malice no man ; but pray-vith the Liturgy 5 that God will forgive our Enemies, Ferfecutors a And Slanderers , and turn their Hearts,

7. That I have brought any Groundlefs Accusation I muft take for an untruth 5 till my Grounds produced are better confuted.

8. Much more that I write whole Books full of Calumny and Detraction,

All thefe and more untruths being heapt up with the mention of Death and Judgment, tells us whither Fattion and Prepof-fcflion may carry men.

2. But what is the truth I (hall again briefly tell the Readers i. About 2000 of fuch Minifters as I confidently take for the moft fpiritual, and confcionable and devoted to God and the good of Souls are filenced, and in Law imprifoned and ruined; and all the People of their mind are iffofatlo (if they confefs it) excommunicated, befides their other penalties. I accufe not the Law but mention only the matter of Fa&, which the K, once cornmiflioned Bps. to have prevented.

2. The Kingdom is dolefully divided, and alas, the (ad con-; fequents are not to be named.

3. Befides all our Penalties the Bifhops accufe us as thecaufts of all, and as wilful Schifmaticks, and call for the Execution of the Laws againft us.

4. We fay, we dare not do that 5 which when ever they will give us leave, we are ready to give our reafons why we take it for heinous fin againft God, and tending to the ruine of the Church: nor dare we forfake our Miniftry while the Churches necefTities are to us paft doubt.

5. We beg of them but to abate us fome needlefs Oaths, and Covenants, and Profeffions, and a few things called indifferent by the Impofers, that we may all live in Chriftian Love and Peace, and we offer them as unqueftionable fecurity for our Pcaceablenefs, Loyalty, and Orthodoxnefs, as the faid Oaths, Proraifcs,or Profeffions can be. C c 2 6. They

6. They tell us, Nothing is to be abated us, and we ntufi ceafe f>reaching,t he Rule mufi not be altered-, we will do more harm in the > Church than out ; Projecls for Moderation moft difiratl the Church 5 . There is no Concord or Liberty to be expected, but by our total obedience to the Bijhops-, It is obeying the Church, yea the Vniverfal Church of Bijhops, that is the only way to Concord,

7. To confute this Suppofition, which is the root of our Calamities, I tranfcribe out of Hiftory and the Ads of Councils, how great a hand in the Schifms, and Herefies, and Confufions. of.Chriftians, thofe Bifhops have had, who have fwelled upa-bove the primitive, fpecies, by vaft DiocefTes, Wealth , andv claim of Government over other Churches and Biftiops 5 and that it is notorious that this Grandeur and exorbitant power of Bifhops, fingly or in Councils, hath been fo far from keeping the, Church from.Schifms, that it hath been one of the greateft caufes of the Schifms of moft Ages, fince fuch a fort of Prelacy fprung up 3 and that Popery came not up in a day, but rofe from, thai Juniority to its prefent Maturity, This was my work,

§ 13. He truly tells you, that the Original of ailmifchiefs k the Lufis that war in our Members^ and not this or that Order of Men^

When the World had a good Pope, if God would blefs.that. Order of men, fome think he might do more good than any other man. But he hath toucht the Core of the Churches, Malady. Verily, the grand Strife is between the ity/kand Spirit, ths feed of the Serpent and of the Woman: And if Patriarchs and Di-ocefans were but as much fet on the promoting of a holy and heavenly Life, as thofe Minifters are whom they filence and im-prifon, they, might do. muchgood, though .the largenefs oftheif Diocefs render them uncapabfe of performing the 40th part of a true Bifliops Work, No doubt but Bifhop Mall, and Potter , and Vfher, &c. did much good, by fuch preaching* writing, and good living, as others ufe that are no Bifhops.

But will fire burn without fewel ? And will it not burn ifcom-buftible fewel be contiguous f Do not the Lufts that war in our Members live, upon tha,c food which we, are forbidden to provide ? Do you think that the £#/?' of the Flefti doth not more defire Riches than Poverty., Honour than a low Eftate, Domination over others, to have our Will on all, than humble Sub* jeftion ? Where the Carkafs is there will the Eagles be gathered

097) td. Do -not you your felf fay , that the Bifheps and Church' grew more corrupt after the third Century? Do you believe that when a Bifhops Power was made equal to a great Lords, or more, and all his Pomp and Riches anfwerahle, that the Luft of the Flefh would not more greedily defire ir, than it would defire a meer mediocrity ? Or that a worldly proud man would not feek more for Lordfhip and Grearnefs, than a Sjnefiw, and fuch others as you fay fled from it ? If the poor retired Monks were as bad as you make them, what wonder if great Lordly Bifhops were much worfe ? Will not the fire of Luft grow greater as the fewel is greater ?

I am fatisfied that Riches and Power well ufed, may greatly ferve the. Intereft of Religion : But two things muft be confi-dered.

i. That the greatefl Power and Wealth being far more defired by carnal Worldlings, (that is, by bad men) than by mortified heavenly minded men, the more men defire them, the more eagerly they will feek them by Friends, Flattery 3 or any means : and therefore the liker they are.to attain them, except when the choofers are fome refolved godly men. And ib which way can a Succefllon of the worft men be avoided ? But a mediocrity that doth not to the Flefh overweigh the labours and diffi-. culties of the facred Office, will encourage the good, and not much tempt the bad: Or if good men will be never Co bountiful to pious ufes, their bounty and Church-Lands may better maintain Labourers enough for the work, than be made a fnare to one.

2. And that Power which depopulated and deftroys its end,, is unlawful in its very ftate, as well as in its ufe. The Power of one man to be folePhyfician to the City, and to have none but Apothecaries under him $ or of one man to be the only School-Mafter in the County, and have none but Ufhers under him, is rather to be called Deftruttion than Power. It is Bifhops cafting aut Power that I am againft, that is, the neceflary Power of the Keys in the Parifh Minifters, or putting down neceflary Bifhops 5 and alfo a Power to filence Cb:ifts faithful Minifters, and deprive Souls of the neceflary means, by impofing things, needlefs in themfelves, and finful in the receiver, that after his.. beft fearch believes them fuch.

Seeing then that we are agreed, that it is the Lnfi that war-ret hr

retkinmeny that is the corrupter of the Church, let burthe face of the whole Romane Clergy thefe iooo Years at leaft tell us, whether it be not the fuelling of the Power and Wealth of Bi-(hops, that hath caufcd fo long a Succeflion of a worldly, luftfuf, tyranical Clergy.

§ 14. And he truly faith, [p. 306. that the generality of men when they have gained Wealth and Honour , are commonly willing to fecure the enjoyment ofthofe Pojfeffions, by letting things run in their ordinary courfe.

( The Spanrfh Proverb is, The World if a Carryon, and they are Dogs that love it t and they will fnarle at any that would take it from them, and if it lie in the Ditch, Dogs rather than Men will gather about it: and its pitty fuch men fhould by fuch a Bait be tempted into the facred Chair.) And he truly adds, that Repulfe and Difappointment will end fuch mens Patience. For really as the man is, fuch are his defires: It is not only turgent Prelacy but a Prelatical Spirit that troublerh the Church: And If Novatianus or Arius would fain be a Prelate, it is in his heart} and no wonder if he be a Schifmatick } Trahit fua quemque vo-luptas. Appetite is the Spring of Adion. All the Popes Clergy are much of his mind 5 for they participate of his worldly Inter-eft, and depend on him, and therefore participate of the Papal Spirit. The Intereft of the General and Army are conjunft.

§ 15. And its true that he faith, that the Btjhops Intereft oh-ligeth him to maintain Peace andVnity. And fo no doubt from that fenfe of Intereft it is endeavoured, in Italy, Spain, France 9 Germany, &c. when a ftrong man armed keeps his houfe, the things which hepoffefTeth are in Peace. But whether therefore the People did ill that forfook the Bifliops and followed Luther j or are all bound to cleave to the Bifhops Unity 3 is the doubt.

§ 16. Whether it be true, p. 310 that very few if anyone were Bijhops when they turned Hereticks, I have enquired in the Preface; though if they afcended from Herefie to Prelacy it's all one to me. But by this I conjefture that he taketh fewer for Hereticks than others do, and that he pretends acquaintance with their minds, in that antecedent part of their Lives which no Hiftory mentionetb. I confefs I think that for the moft part men are Papifts before they are Popes or Papift BiC >ps: And yet I think that it is firft the defire of Papal and Prelatical Gran

deur*

(*99)

deur 9 and next the Exercife of it, which is the cau(e of SchiCm and Perfecution.

§ 17. I verily believe as he doth, that Platonick Philofophy, and a willingncfsto win the Heathens by compliance, had a great hand in corrupting many Do£trines j and not only Monk* but others of the moft religious Chriftians, had a great hand in many of the ancient Superftltions, efpecially thofe that tended to the over-honouring of their Martyrs, and too much advance-raentof their Bifhops, when they came newly from under the Perfecution of the Heathens. But it came not to be univerfal, nor the Engine of great Corruption and cruelty, till theBifhop* turned all into a Law. Who could make any of all this neceffa-ry, but Pope, Prelates, or Princes, who pretended a Legifla-tive Power hereto ? Even Luther and MelanBhon were indifFe-rent to diverfe Ceremonies, fo they were made to be indifferently ufed. But when they are made neceflary by a Law (fpe-daily more neceflary to a Minifter than his Mmillry, and to a private Cbriftian, than his Church Communion, who doth more vehemently condemn them than they ?

§ 18. That Pafchafiu* Radbertns was the firft that broached the Doctrine of Tranfubftantijitio&^ is a doubtful exprcftion. Either he meaneth the Name or only the Thing under another Name. If the latter, he will do more'than Edm. Albertinus, or Bg. Confius have done, if he prove it: If it be the name that he meaneth, I think (by my Memory, for I will not for that go read him all over) that he will not find the name in RaSertw? nor any where before Stephana Eduenfis, about 130 years after him: and that all that he can truly fay, is but as Bellarmme doth, £Hic Author primus fait qui ferio. & copiose fcripfit de veri-tate Corporis & Sanguinis Domini in Euchariflia contra Bertra-mum Prefbyterum,

§ 19. That the Bifhops charged by me with theje Corruptions , vpere the only Oppofers of them that we find in antiquity , as we may-fee in the Canons of Africk and Spain,] is a faying very near kin to much of his Hiftory: I confefs that fo few Presbyters in comparifon of Bifhops were publick Actors," whofe Judgments were nctified N to the World, that ft'sno wonder (after Gonftan-tine's time) if there be more proofs of their words and deeds than of other mens: But there are a great number of excellent men here flandered againft the credit of all Church-Hiftory, and

their

(loo)

-their own Writings yet in our hands. Would it be worth tte Readers Price and Labour, I could fwell my Book with the proof that what he fpeaketh is untrue. Did he think that I could not prore that Juftin Martyr, sithenagoras, Tatianw, lertulli-an $ Clemens AUxandrinm, Origene, Arnobim, Latlantim^ Ma-carius, Mat emus Pirmkus i Ephrem Syr us, Fauflinus, Hierome, Ruffinus, Prudent ins, Sulpitius Severus, Sedulius , Mammertus y Cajfimus, Ftncent. Lirinenjis, Socrates^ Soz.omcv 9 Ifodore Pelkfi-ota y &c. did fomething in opposition to fome Church-Corruptions ? Though fome of them promoted fome others: Yea_, An-tonie and abundance of Monks that furthered fome, oppofed others no lefs dangerous: Though many of them may be accused as BelUrmine doth Sulpit. Severus^ for faying, Ecclefiam au-yo non firuifed deftrui.

Judge oftimepaft by what we fee; Is it only the Bifhops that are againft the Popes Church-Corrupting Ufurpation in Italy , SpaintFrance^&c, Is it00/7 the Bifhops that are againft the Mafs Corruptions, and againft all their corrupt Do&rines of Indulgences, Purgatory, Images, &c. and againft all their Ceremonies, and prophanc abufe of holy things ? Was it only the Bifhops at Confiance and Bafil^ that were againft fupprefling the Bohemian and Moravian Reformation ? In the end ofLydius upon Prateolus you may read a Letter fubfcribed by fo great a number of Lords and great men , for John Hhs, and Hierome , and the Reformation, which yetprevailed not with theBifhops, as will tell you who was then the greateft Oppofers of Church-Corruption,, And I think Princes and Drs. oppofed it more than Bps. in Luther's time. Is it onJy the Bifhops that have oppofed warping towards Rome for Church-Unity t Have none but Bifhops been againft corrupting the Churches, by filencing good Minifters and ordaining bad ones f The things that are, have been, I confefs our difference is great on the cafe, what is to be accounted Church-Corruption. For that whfch in one Country go-eth for Corruption, in another (yea the famej goeth for Church-Glory, Strength^and Beauty $ Our main difference is about what's good, and what's bad; what's Virtue* and what's Vice.

§ 20. He next comes to Sedition , and askerh [What Reign have they difturbed here with their Sedition?"] And becaufe he knoweth that I can refer him to the large Volume of tbfir Treasons written by Prin y and abroad to the many Volumes in Gol~

daftus,

(lOl)

daft us, and the many Hiftories of the Wars of Popes and Coun-cils againft Emperours,] he prevents all my Proof with a downright Untruth, that [ " If a man be not blind he may fee that my u Hiftory is only defined against Trot eft ant Bifioops under a general €t name.

An/ Was it not enou gh fo grofly to write this Untruth of me 3 but he muft alfo reproach all the Readers as blind that will noc judge falfly of what they read? Doth he know my meaning better than my felfi* He knoweth that I plead for the Primitive Epifcopacy, and that I profefs to intend this Hiftory moft to difc cover the Rife, Growth, and Maturity of the Popifh deftrurtive fort of Prelacy. Readers, can you believe this man, that I wrote the cale of the Bifhops before and under Popery, and of the Popes, and of above Five hundred Councils, and all thefe before the name of a Proteftant Bifhop was known in the World, and as he faith, gathered their faults, and a'l this only againit the Proteftant Bifhops, and not againft Popes or Prelates, or any of the Councils that I named?

Perhaps he would tempt me to refer him to the Hiftory of Bifhop L ana's Tria!, or ro what Bifhcp Abbot, George and Robert, Bifhop Hall and others faid againft him: Or to tell him of A. Bp. Williams Arm s for the Parliament But thefe are not Subjects fit for our Debates.

§ 21. P. 3 18. When I fay, that where Prelacy with the Pa-pijts is at the higheft, Princes are at the low eft. Ke asketb, Is it the Bifroop or the Pap ft that is here to blame ? \ Is this the effect of their Order ?

Anf. 1. I thought the Pope of Rome and the Bifhop of Rome had been the fame. 2. But this Corrector of Hiftory taking Untruths not only into the Completion, but the Stamina and Scope of his Book, among all the reft fuppofeth me to (peak againft 4 Bifhop as a Bifloop , when I have troubled hi in with my repeating fo often that I am for Bfkcps, and that it is not the Office but the tumor, and that tumor that maketh another /pedes which 1 oppofe. Doth he not think that the Popes Bi-/hoprickis faulty (yea, as a corrupt /pedes?) And as it is more tumid than the Patriarchs, is not the Patriarchs inore tumid than the Metropolitans , and that than the Diocefanes ? And if Dr. Hammond were not deceived , who thought that there were no /fated worshipping Ajfsmbliesm Scripture times without a prefent

P d Bijhofa

(20Z)

ip , is not the fole Bijhop of a Thoufand or a Hundred fuch \ts different from a Bifhop of One only t And if many Canons fp^k truly, that fay a Bifhop fhould be in every City that hath a Church, and every great Town like our Corporations and Market Towns was called a City, doth not a Bifhop of one City, and a Bifhop of 50, or 40, or 10, differ fo far, that a man may be againft one without being againft the other? Doth he Ipeak againft Patriarchs that fpeaks againft the Pope ? Or againft Diocefanes that fpeaks againft Patriarchs ? Or againft the Primitive Bifhops that fpeaks only againft fuch Diocefanes as put them all down, and all their Churches, and almoft all true Difcipline of fuch Churches, like Erafiians.

§22. P. 319. 322. His Charge on Socrates and Sc&cmene (fha-king thecredit of Church-Hiftory ) as writing that [which no reasonable man can believe as it is related by them, without loving a malicious Lye7\ I fpake to before: If fuch Hiftorians believed not what they write or loved a maliciom Lye$ alas, whom fhall we believe ? Is he better than they ?

And his note that Valefins judged Ettfebius Nicomed no Here-ticket I before noted.

But I will follow that cafe no further, left he fhould draw me to feem to charge the ancient Bifhops with fedition, whom I never intended fo to charge 5 but only to defire thofe that can ex-cufe the Language e. g. of Gregory the great to Phocas, of Am-brofe to Ettgenius, of the Bifhops to Muximm , and many fuch like, not implacably to reproach and hunt thaft that did no more or not fo much.

§23. His full Stomach difchargeth itfelf againft me three times over with one charge, P. 314, 320, 352. [Oliver Cromwell and his Son, the David and Abfalom of Mr % B.] And [ He compares the mofi barbarous villain in the World to King David, in his Epiftle to his Son*

Anf. Reader if there be no fuch word in any of my Writings, after all thefe Accufadons of this man and many fuch other, I mull leave it to thy felf how thou wilt name thefe men, their Hiftory, and their dealings j for if I name them they will fay I rail.

Yea, what if this very man fit's eafie to know why and whence) doth even here, p* 352. &c. reprint the very Epiftle which he thus accufetli! and cite no fuch word, to tell us that

he

he knew there was no fuch word there, and yet thus affirmeth it, what will you call this ?

The words cited by himfeif are thefe, [ " Many obferve that cC you have been ftrangly kept from participating in any of our late €S bloody Contentions, that God might make you a Healer of our Had I [aid " Breaches, and employ yott in that Temple Work^ % which David ™b& ktbh « c himfeif might not be honoured with, though it was in his mind, be- J^ P ub ~ g * caufe he hadjhed blood abundantly, and made great Wars. I Chr.^ their chief 22.7,8.] Dr's Elegy

Is here ever a word of Oliver? Is he here called David* Did u P on Oliver I not purpofely fay, I David himfeif ] and cite the Text, left g^ any fhould feign the fame that he doth ? Any man may fee that t \ Krs ) w ^ he hath nothing to fay, but to accufemy Thoughts,, and fufpcCtjhouldihave that I had fuch a meaning. And who made him acquainted with he , ard / mj i Thoughts that were never uttered ? Or made him a Judge offtSS/ them ? If bis and other mens thoughts may be thus by conjecture fiattoJo-accufed, no Enemy need to want matter of Accufation. liver, while

It'* like he will appeal to my Confcience whether it were not J °? m Jj &f m my thought f And 1. By what authority will hefo dof 2. But^*£>^ I will fhrive my felf to him this once. It is fo long fince, that fattioJtmr truly I remember not what was in my Thoughts, any fur-malice hath ther than my words exprefs: But I well remember my for-&>* the hax-mer Heltons, and what was then my judgment of Oliver ^* and his Anions, and I ufe not to fpeak againit my judgment. Many knew that he being acquainted the firft day that I went into the Army, f which was after Nafeby Fight) that I was fenc by an AffcmbJy of Divines, to try whether I could turn the Soldiers againft his fubverting Dcfigns, (then firft difcovered to me,) he would never once fpeak to me while I was in the Army; and that ever after I was driven away, I openly in Pulpit, Prefs and Conference difowned, and warned men to difown his A&ions againft King and Parliament, and his Ufurpation ; and that I wrote againft the Engagement; And therefore I do not think that ever I meant to call him David, and I am fure I never did it. But they fay old Men can fee better afar off than near at hand 5 and fo all thefe notorious Untruths about vifible prefent things, may yet confift with fuch mens credibility about things faid and done 1300 Years ago.

§ X4- And now I am here, I muftnot pafs by his friendly Admonition, p, 3J7, after his reciting my Epiftles, [" If I were as

D d 2 " worthy

(2 04)

u worth) to advife Air. B. a$ he was to adv'tft Cromwell, / would u fay. It were much more advisable for a Chnftian, fpecially for ct one that thinks he is fo near his eternal State , to repent ar>d cry " peccavimus, than to ft and on fuftifaation of the fail, &c. ]

Anf i. It was ufual for men to choofe their own ConiefTours: But it being the Cuftom of the times for Paftors and ConfefTors to be forced on Dilfenters, I will fubmit now to your way

though my former ConfefFions and my Communion with you

have been turned to Reproach and Scorn.

i. I do daily beg earneftly of God, to let none of my fins be

unknown to me, and taken for no fin 3 and be unrepented of;

and that he would forgive that which I would fain know,, and

do not.

2. I do not repent of owning Oliver's Aclions againft King and Parliament, or his Ufurpation; for Inever.^owned them , nor the Actions of them that fct up his son.

3. I do not repent that I loved the Peace of the Church, and thatldefired the Governour, though a Ufurper, (hould do good and not evil. /

4. I do not repent that feeing the Armies Rebellions andCor?-fufions, I ftirred up Rulers and People to take heed of favouring fo great Sin.

j. But I do now by experience of other ways perceive that I was fometimes too eager in aggravating mens Errours 3 and repent that I ufed not more forbearance of fomc of my Accufati-ons of fome of them.

6. I did think that Richard Cromwell was an Ufurper : But when we had been twelve Years at leaft without a rightful Gc-vernour, I then thought as T'homas White, albs BUcklow\ the moderate Papifh, wrote, that the Land could not fubfifr in Society without fome Government, and that No-Government is worfe to the People than a Vfurpedone: And that it is fomtime lawful to ftibmit and -ufe an Ufurper, when it is not lawful to approve his Entrance. And wherein I was deceived I am willing to be better informed.

7. But I do unfeignedly repent that I wrote thofe two Epiftles, though it was to put a man on to do good, whom I never [aw^ nor ever had the leaft to do with.

8. And I do more repent of the caufe of all, viz. that I appointed God a time, and limited his Providence; and thought

that

(10))

that becattfe (o many Armies and Endeavours bad failed Twelve or Fourteen Years \ that had attempted the refrorirg of the King, therefore there was no probability of accomplifhir.g it : I do not repent that I was not a Propher, to know before what God would do $ for it was not in my power 5 nor do I repent that I preached Chrifts Gbfpcl under Ufurpers j but I repent that I waited not Gods time, and did not better confidcr that want of humane Power is no hinderance to Omnipotency, and nothing is difficult to him.

9. I was drawn too far by Mr. Harringtons Scorn, and the diflike of Sir Henry FanSs Attempts for a Common-Wealth, to meddle with matters of Government, and to write my Political Aphorifms, called,, A Holy Common-Wealth: kvA I do un-ftignedly repent that ever I wrote and publifned it, and had not more confined my fclf to the matters proper to my Calling, and Jet thole meddle with forms of Government who were titter for ir.

Ail thcfe 5 befides what's formerly faid to Mr. Bagjlja\v> I declare my unfeigned Repentance of. And though it pleaferh you to feign me a Schifmatick, and hater of Repentance, ( for (peaking againftthe fault- that needed it) I fhall thank you to be a real helper of me in f) neceflary a work as Repentance i?.

An J that I may do the like by you, I (hall now only require you wich this Advice , that before you write nexr 5 you wift fet before your Eyes the Ninth Commandment, Thm.Jhalt not bear faIfs Witnefs againft thy Neighbour : And that when you fay your Prayers, you would be ferious when you fay , Lord have ALrcy upon us, and encline our hearts to keep this Law.

§ if. A Roman Zeal tells us, that FacTion and Schifm, when animated by worIdIyInrereft,and grown up to a malignant hatred of the things and perfonsthat are averfe to it, is hardly bounded, but is thriving up towards deftructivc Perfecution, as fuelling Prelacy did towards the Papacy and the Incjuifition. It is not one or two Fifties that will fatisfie the ftomach of a Pike: Nor is it the llandering or ruining of one or two men, or filen-cingof one or two of the Minifters of Chrift, that will fatisfie a malignant Spirir. One Meal will not make a lean Man fat. Whether there be a Legion in thofe that would deftroy a Legion of Chrifts Servants, or one have Co much Power I know not x but the effects tell us whop manner of Spirit they are of. But let the Papifts pafs. § %6 t .

§26. When I read ^.33 7, and 398, 359. and fuch paffages, it makes me think of them that cried , [ His Blood be on us t and our Children,"] together with our Judge's words, [ In as much as jou did it or did it not to one of the leaft of thefe my Brethren, you did it or did it not to me.] P. 337. he faith, [ " There is great " reafon to value the peaceable Reft ^nation of the Nonconformifts, c c when we confider by what Vfur pat ion and Violence they were brought " in, and what a number of worthy learned Minifters were turned " out to make vacancies for thefe men, who were to inftrutl the Peo-u pie in new Myfteries of Religion^ which their old Paftors had not " the Confcience or Ability to teach them, that is, of the lawfulnefs " of Rebellion.-- And p. 3j8, &c. There were many of thofe Mini-<c fters Vfur per s^ and ha$ intruded into thz Churches of other men, u who had been file need and cafi out."'- There were many others that " were intruders into the Miniftry, and fuch not a few of them as " Mr. B. himfelf would not have thought fit to have continued. All " the reft were fuch as would not fubmit to the Rule that was then <Q eftablijloed in the Church, but chofe rather to leave their Livings, H and the Bifkops could not help it, any other Wife than as they were Cfc Members of Parliament; for it was the Law th.1t tied them to tc their choice^ and not the hiftoops. If Mr. B. means what happened Cc before the Lift Civil Wars, as ifs lively he may^ then thefe ancient €i Teachers were the inftruments of an Antimonarchical, Antiepifco-C{ pal Fatlion : They would preach but they would not conform to the iC Eftablijhed Religion : Nay many of them would preach againft it, * c and againft their Governours too. Thefe were fuch Incendiaries as St no Government would endure, cVc. ]

AnJ. When you have noted this part of his Hiftory, it will not be hard to judge of his credibility.

I. The things that he defendeth is the filencingand profecu-ting of three forts of Minifters. 1. Many Hundreds of Nonconforming in the days of Qu. Eliz.. K. ^ames, and fome few in the time ofK. Charles 1. 2, Many Conformifts in the time of K. Charles 1. under Bifhop Laud. 3. About 2000 that conform not to the New Laws of Uniformity in the time of K. Ch. 2. What thefe Minifters were or are, and what the fruits of their fiiencing have been, and what it hath done to the Church of Englandy and to rruny Thoufands of Godly Chriftians, I will not.be judge : Nor will I difpute that which all England fees or feels. But it feems fo well done to ourHiftorian, as that he is

willing

willing deliberately to juftifie or defend it, which as I underftand is to make it his own, and to undertake to be one of thofe that (hall anfwer for it. What if another had done as much againft him, as he hath done againft himfelf? And for howfmalla prize f

II. As he before would infinuare, that what is faid of the great number of Drunkards, and ignorant men turned out, was falfe, though fo judged upon the Oaths of men accounted the greateft loversof Religion in their Parifhes; fohe feemeth here to intimate that it was only or chiefly into the places of learned worthy men, that the filenced Minifters fucceeded ; whereas it* was not one of many that came into any fuch mens places of them that were filenced at the fatal Bartholomew day.

III. He feemeth to intimate, that when the Parliament (Tuppofe by wrong) put out either fuch as he or I defcribe^the Land mult be under an Interdict till the Bifhops and King were reftored, and that Chrifts Gofpel was no more to be preached in EngUnd^ till Diocefanes returned, but all Souls be given up to Damnation , unlefs Chrift would lave them without the preaching of his Gofpel, and the Land was to be left to the Devil and Paganifm. And who can deny now but the Diocefane Species is ejfential to the Church ?

I V. When I fpake only of the filencing and ejecting Act, of Aug, 24. 1662. he would make the Reader believe, that this Change was to reftore the Churches to their ejected Paftors, or caft out Ufurpers $ whereas unlefs Ignorance or worfe hinder him, he knoweth that all that were caft out and were alive., laid claim to their Benefices, and were reftored before that, and their Livings refigned quietly to them, to fay nothing of the reft that were fuppofed to be at the Lord Chancellors difpofal. Thofe that were put out that the fequeftred might re-enter, were none of them filenced, nor made uncapable of other Livings till Augttft 24. i66x.

V, He would infinuate that it was only the Nonconformifts that were caft out of fuch fequeftrations: Whereas in the Countries that I either lived in or heard of, it was as many or more of the Conformifts, that had fequeftred Livings and were caft our 5 and took new prefentations,

V I. And this is evident by his Intimation, as if it were a very great number of the Church Livings that were fo pofleft:

Whereas

^ LVO)

Whereas of Nine Thoufand or Ten Thoufand Minifters then in Poffeflion , Seven or Eight Thoufand Conformed : Therefore it's likely that the Conformifts had molt of the Sequeftra-tions.

VII. He tells you that the Eje&ed Minifters were brought in to inftruft the People in the Lawfulnefs of Rebellion: Doth not this intimate that this was the cafe only or chiefly of the filenced Nonconforming? But I haveoft cited /We/defending the French Protectants; Was not he a Bifhop ? I have oft cited Bilfon, affirming it no Rebellion if the Nobles and People defend their Legal Conftitution againft one that will— (I will

not recite the reft. J I have oft cited Ri. Hooker whofe

popular Principles I have confuted, and goeth higher againft ab-folute Monarchy., than I or any of my Correfpondency did in all the Wars. Heylin is for Conciliation with thePapifis: He know-eth not their'Writings who knoweth not that the Papifts are more for popular Ele&ion, and Power towards Princes, far than ever fuch as I were. And had he not put hisH^ad and Eyes into a Bag, he could hardly have denied but that they were Epifcopal Conformifts on both fides that began the War : But being got into the dark he loudly denieth ir.

VIII. He faith 5 There were many ethers that himflf would not have thought fit to have continued, Anf. I thought I wjs more likely to know them than he. I remember not one fucli of an hundred that did not conform. I confefs that when the Prelatical party intreated me no longer to refufe the tVefiminftet Commiftioners Letters 3 deputing me with others to try ard judge of fome Epifcopal Conformifts that ftood then for Living?, to avoid all feeming oppofnion to that way I did ftrctch as far as I durft, to approve and keep in fome Conformifts, of very low parts who knew not a quarter fo much as fame Lay People did : But none of thefe were Nonconforming.

IX. He faith, [All the reft were fuch as would not fuhmit to the Rule then eftablifoed in the Church. This is true: And what was that Rule f Did Peter or Paul make it, or fubmit r to it? Did they refufe any thing that God commanded in Nature or Scripture? Or any Circumftantials necefiary ingenere left infpe-c'ieto theMagiftrates determination? They were guilty of believing that God is above man, and that there is no Power but of God, and none againft him 5 and that we muft pleafe him

whoever

(top;

whoever be difpleafed. They were guilty of fo much Self-love as to be unwilling to be damned for a Benefice, or for a Bifliops Will. They did not confent to profefs Affent and Confent to all things contained in and prefcribed by three Books, written by fuch as declare themfelves to be fallible; and fuch as not one of Fourty ever faw before th^y declared the faid Ailent and Confent to them. They did not confent to caft out all Infants from Chriftendom, whofe Parents durft not offer them to Bap-tifm, under the Sacramental Symbol of the Crofs ; nor unlefs they might have themfelves been Covenanters, Undertakers, or Promifcrs for them, as well as the Godfathers: Or that fcru-pled getting Strangers to undertake that perfidioufly for their Children which they never intended to perform. They durft not read Excommunications againft Chriits true Servants, nor repel thofe from Chriftian Communion, who fcruple kneeling in the reception of the Sacrament: They durft net fwear that many Thoufands whom they never knew are not obliged by the Covenant-when tbey know net in what fence they took it: For they are not willing to believe that the compounding Lords and Knights did not put a good fence en it before they tooklr. They durft not fay that all is fo well in our Church Government by Diocefanes, Lay-Chanccliours Power of the Keys, Archdeacons, Official?, Commillaries^ &c. that we may fwear againft all endeavours to amend it by any alteration j They do believe that the Law of Nature is Gods Law, and that as italloweth a fwgle Perfon only private defence,fo it alioweth every Nation publick defence againft Enemies notorious deftroying affaults : And they dare not (wear or covenant, that if any fhould from the Lord Chancellour, &c. get a Commiflion to fe'ze on the Kings Navy, Treafures, Forts, Guards, Perfon, and to feize on the Lives and Eftates of all his Innocent Subjects, that it is unlawful to re-fift any that execute fuch a CommiiTion. They find it fo hard a Controverfie , what God doth with the dying Infants of Atheifts, Infidels, Mahomerjnes, and Perfecurors, that they dare not declare, that if any of their Children be baptized and die,*> ii certain by the word of God that they arc undoubtedly faved. We fay nor that the Law binds us to any of the evil which wc fear: But we dare not take Oaths and Promifes which we un-derftand nor.

Abundance I pretermit.

E c He

He is extreamly cenforious if he think that Mr. R. Hooker, Bp. Bilfon^ Bp. Grindaly A. Bp. <dbbot 5 Bp. &>£. ^^r, Bp. p*w*/, 6cc. would have been Conformifts had they been now-alive.

X. He faith, [They chofe rather to leave their Livings.^ Anf They chofe not to conform, but fubmitted only to leave their Livings ; Eligere efi agere. They were paffive in this, they re-fufed to conform as fuppofed by them a heinous Sin^ but they chofe not to be filenced orcaft out; but they chofe to endure it . when the Bifhops chofe it for them.

X I. He faith, that fobs Bifhops could not help it any other-wife than as they were Al embers of Parliament.

Anf. i. 1 confefs Scripture ufeth the like Phrafe , Can the Leopard change his Spots, sec. or they that are acctiftomed to do evil learn to do well? And Rom. 8, 6, J. The carnal mind is enmi-*.y again ft God, for it is not fttljetJ to his Law, nor can le.~\ I will not hereitoo much contradict him, 2. But is it nothing that they could have done in Parliament, had they been willing? 3. Is it unlawful for us to know if he know it not, or derry it, how much the Bifhops and Clergy did with the Parliament-Men ? 4. He (hould at leaft have Itayed till Dr. Bates, Dr. facomb, and I are dead, who wrote and difputed with the Bifhops by the Kings Commiffion, before he bad talkt at this rate to the World. Did not the King make his Declaration about Ecclefiaftical Affairs ? And did he not under the broad Seal commiffion thofc Bifhops and Doclorsto treat with us for the making ft.ch alterations as were neceffary to tender Confciences t Did they not maintain that«<? alterations were thereto neceffary, and fo end the treaty. 5*. Did they not in their next Convocation lay alide the Kings Indulgent Declaration, and make the Additions to the Liturgy ? And yet could they not help it ? Nor W3S it none of their doings? 6. Doth not England know that Parliaments fince have by experience perceived their Miftake, and would hive fufpend-ed our Profecution^ and reftored us to Unity, and the Bifhops and Clergy will not content but rage againft ir, and preach and write to have us executed according to the Laws/ and no abatement to be made, and as this man, think that the Ch urches Di-ftrartion is from Projetls of Moderation. What name fhould one give to fuch Hiftories as thefe. ? The guilty cannot bear their names.

XII. He

XII. He faith, {It was the Law that tied them to their choice and not the Bifiops.

Anf. i. Suppofe the word choice were proper here, [ Is it any juftification of the Executioners ? ] It was the Emperour Charles the yth's Edict that tied all the Proteftant Minifterg to conform to the Interim, or be gone : It was the Law that tied rile Martyrs in Qu. Maries days to profefs what they believed nor, or to be burnt. Alas! How could Bonner and Gardiner help it ? 2. But how many Bifhops were againft the palling of that Bill ? And who perfuaded the Lay-Men to it? Muft we not know when it's night if you deny it ?

XIII. He tells you, that [the ancient flenced Teachers before the Civil Wars, were the Injlruments of Antimonarchical and Antiepifcopal Faclion.

Anf. i. Which of them all faid fo much as Mr. Hockir, Bp. Bilfon } Bp. Jewel, 6Vc. have done ? 2. If you make any Conference of the 9th Commandment, prove the Truth of what you fay of thofe that were fufpended and driven out of the Kingdom in the times of A. Bp. Laud, Bp. Wren, Bp. Piercy, Sec. for not reading the Book for Lords-days Dancing and Sports, and that were profecuted for Preaching twice on the Lords-day, and for not turning the Table Altar-wife, and railing it in, which even Bp. Montague as well as Williams was againft. Was Bifhop Miles Smyth ofGloucefter, were A. Bp. Abbot or Grindtll Anti-monarchical or Antiepifcopd i 3. Prove if you are able any Anti-monarchical .Principles, Words, or Deeds by Mr. HUderjham, Mr. Brmjley , Mr. Paul Bame, Mr. Dod, Mr. Knewftubs> and hundreds of fuch I might name. The moft malicious are fain to talk of one Knox, or one Goodman, or one Junius Brutus, (that is, Hubert us Languetus Mclantthons friend) or fomewhat in Buchanan, not the tenth part fo much as k commonly faid by the JPapfts, wich whom our A.Bp. Bromhall and his Companions fo much plead for Concord. 4. Doth not Al. Cope 3 and Sandys, and Patefon in the Image oj both Churches, and lately the nominal Bellamy in his Philanax Anglicus, and many more iucb, fay all the fame of theBilhops and Church of England, and all that they deride *%{Prot eft ants of Sincerity"] as guilty of far more rebellious Principles and Practices, than evjer you can prove by the meer Nonconformifts old or new ? And is it enough to accufe ?

E e 2 " XIV. He

XIV. He faith, The.) wotud preach but they would net conform tethe eftAblifl:ed Religion.

An], i. But why mould they be forbidden to preach (which was good and they were devoted to?) If a man will not do ail that you would have him to do, fhajl he do nothing f

2. What was that which he calleth the hftabUJhed Relighn? It was the Ceremonies, atrd Subfcription, that there is nothing in the Liturgy contrary to theWera of God.~] And was this a Crime worthy the forbidding men to preach'the Gofpel? Or why fhould the Souls ofThoufandsof the Innocent People be fo heavily punifhed for another mans omiflion, even becaufe the Teachers fear Conformity.

3. But ftill we fee what thefe mens Religion is: Had their ReligioLbeen the Scripture, or any Doctrine or Woifhip common to the Chriftian or Proteftar.t Churches, the old Noncon-formifts willingly confented to it. But here they (hew that their. Ceremonies and proper Liturgy forms are their Religion. But then 1. Why do Dr. Barges and all that plead for your Ceremonies and Invention, build all on this, that you make them not any parts of Worfhip or Religion, ( which they confefs man may not invent) but meer accidents ? 2. How old then \$your Religion} Your Liturgy was made fince Luther began his Reformation. 3. It feems then that you are not of the fame Religion with the Protectants that have none of your Ceremonies, Liturgy or Subscriptions. 4. Is not then your Church of a Angular Religion from all the World, and confequenr'y a lingular Church ? And is it the whole Catholick Church then , or a Schifmatical Church ?

I confefs that you (hew more evidently than by fuch words, that your felf made Rules and Circumftances are your Religion : For 1. You make Conformity to them to be de fatlo more neceffary than our Preaching the Gofpel, or our Church Communion or any publick Church Worfhip of God. 2. And you excommunicate by your Rule or Canon every Member of Chrift in England, that doth but think and fay 3 that any thing of your Impofition, Liturgy, Ceremonies, or Government are finful. 3. And yet when you have done you call all your Impofmons things indifferent. 4. And thereby you declare that your Religion in part is a thing indifferent. 5-. And no Man or Woman fhall be of your Church that cannot know all the in*

different

dtjferm things in tne vvqyla wmcn may oc impoiea on ruem, ro be Indifferent and not Unlawful; when you knew for you know not whom you-dwell amongj that we have much adoe to get one half your Church to know things necrffarj, 6. The Papifts that put a greater necefFity on their Inventions will deride you for an Indifferent Religion.

There was a poorPuritane Nonconformift that feared Lying, ^that went about the Streets with Ink to fell, and was wont tru~ ly to cry, ^JTerj good Ink^, very good I n^'] b'ut once his Ink a little milcarried, and he durft not call it \Jfery goodf]bi\t cried, Pretty'good Ink^, Pretty good lr\^ and no body woulj buy ot him 5 and he loft his Ink. And if you cry up [An indifferent Re-ligionf] whatever you have for numbers, you will have for quality but an Indifferent Churchy ( fave our Rulers. )

XV. But he adds, [Many of them weald preach again ft it And their Governours too. ]

*dr,f. i. You tempt them towards it. If I askfne Butcher [Is yo:tr Meat fweet? ] and he fay it is indifferent , I am excusable if I think it (links. 2. They judge by the effects: They thought that when an indifferent thing cafteth cur a necelfary thing, it become-s naught. 3. But yet your Accufation is unfaithful : Why did you not fay then, that it was not for Nonconformity that men were caft our, but for preaching again ft your Religion? Who were thofe? Was it proved? If lb, what was that to the reft ? Dj you punifh many learned moderate men for the fault of a few others that they were not concerned wirh ? You now alledge Mr. Hilderfham, Ball, Bradjhaw, Bdine t Knew-/tabs, and abundance fuch, for being againft Separatitm, and perfuading men to come to the Common-Prayer, (and many of them to kneel at the Sacrament,) and yet when you plead for their Silencing, even other mens words may ferve againft them.

XVI. To conclude, in all he layeth thecaufecf their filence on themftlves for not conforming, and vet will not teiius whar we fhould do to help it. Would they have us Conform while we judge it as finful as I have mentioned in my firft lica for Peace? Noj they profefs the contrary. Would they have 11$ believe all to be lawful ? We cannot: Our Judgments are not at cur Command : What would they have us do to change? Worldly Litereftmaks us too willing! Weftudy as hard as they !

We

we earnettiy Deg uocis illumination to lave us trom krrour We read all that they write to convince us: And the more we read, ftudy, and pray, the more heinous the Sin of Conformity feems to fome. I askt Bp. Morlly the fame queftion when he forbad my preaching, before the ejeftibg Act; and he bid me read Bilfon and Hooker : I told him that was not now to do: and in both of them I found the Principles which are made the caufe of my Silencing, my grcateft Crimes, and in one of them wor(e» He then told me, IfGodwould net give me his Grace he could not help it'. And yet moft of thefe men are againft fatal, repro-. b&ting, nt'cejfttating Decrees.

The imposing Papifts ufe men Worfe : Of whom will you pardon a Fable.

A Bee and a FLe were catcht together in a Spiders Web : The Spider when they were tired with ftriving, claimed them both for her Food, as a punifhment for breaking into and troubling her Web : And againft the Bee (he pleaded that (he was a hurtful Militant Animal, that had a Sting; and egainft the Flic that fhe was noifome and good for nothing. The Bee anfwered that her nullifying Nature and work was profitable, and Nature had armed ber with a Sting to defend it. And theFIie faid, asdic-did little good fo (he did little harm, and could make her felt no better than Nature had made her. And as to the Crime al-ledged againft them, they both faid, that the Net was made by a venomous Animal, (pun out of the Air and the Venom of Iter own Bowels, made for no ufe but to catch and deftroy the Innocent, and they came not into it by malice, but by ignorance and miftake, and that it was more againft their Will than againft the Spiders, for they contrived not to fall into it; but (he contrived to catch them $ and that it was not to break the Net that they ftrove, but to fave their Lives. The Mafter of the Houfe overheard the Debate , but refolved to fee how the Spider would judge, which was quickly done without more words; flic took thern for Malefactors, and killed them both, The Mafter of the Houlc Co dill iked the Judgment, that he ordered that for the time to come, 1. The Bees (hould be fafely hived and cherifhed. 2. And the Flies, if not very noifome, (hould be tolerated. 3. And all Spiders Webs fwept down.

I need to give you no more of the Expedition of it, than by the Spider I mean the Papal noxious Canon-makers, and that by

the

(M5)

the Net I mean their unneceffury and enfiariag Urwi and which are made to catch and deftroy good menyand are the • to<the Inquifition, or Bonner's Coal-boufe, orSmttbfield Bonefires. Bur I mutt defire you not to imagine chat I fpeak againft the Laws of the Land.

§ 27. As to the Conclufion of hi* laft Chapter, I (hall now add no more but this: If what I faid before and to Mr. Hinkley fatisfie him nor., of what Religion and Party both (ides were that began the War , and Mr. Rnjhworths Collections, and other Hi-ftories cf former Parliaments be not herein ufeful to him, let him but fecure me from burning my Fingers with Subjects fo red hot, by mens mifinterpreting and impatience, and I will (God willing) give him fo full proof, that (to fay nothing of latent Inftigators and confequent auxiliaries en either fide, nor of the King himfelf, whofe Religion is beyond difpute,) the parties elfe that begun the War in England d\d differ in Religion , but as A. Bps. Laud, and Neat, and Brombal, and fuch others; and A. Bps. Abbot and Williams, and Bp. Bilfon> on the other fide 5 and as Dr. Mainwaring, Sibtborp, &;c. on one fide, and-Mr. Ri. Hooker and fuch on the other fide differed. An4 if my proof be confutable I will not hereafter undertake to prove that Englijh is the language of England,

But my Bargain muit be thus limited. 1. I will not undertake that from the beginning there was no one Papift on the Kings fide, or no one Presbyterian on the Parliaments: I could i;ever yet learn of more than one in the Houfe of Commons, and a very few Independent?, but I cannot prove that there was no more.

2. You muft not put me upon fearching mens hearts: I unci tt take not to prove what any mans heart in England was $ but what their Profeffion was, and what Church they joined with in Communion.

3. And you muft not equivocate in the ufe of the name [Prcs-f iau t ] or \Nonoonformift , ] and tell me that you take fome

A. Bps. and Bps. and fuch Divines as Ri, Hooker ^ and Bilfon, and Bp. Downame, the Pillars of Epifcopacy and Conformity, for Presbyterians.

And if it may be I would beg that of you, that you will not take the long Parliament for Presbyterians and Nonconform!ft?,

) made the Arts of Uniformity, the Corporation Aft, the

Mi

Militia Aft, and thofe againft conventicles, and for banifhrnent from Corporations^ &c. Notwithftanding their high Votes about the Succeffion and Jealoufies of Popery, and that which they faid and did hereupon : For I confefs if it be fuch Nonconform-ifts or Presbyterians as thofe that you mean, Fie give you the better. And I muft alfo defire that you call not the next Parliament, which confifted moft of the fame Men, Presbyterians or Nonconformiftsj nor the other fince them? Or at leaft that hereafter before we difpute we may better agree of the meaning of our terms.

And I declare to the Reader, that nothing in all this Book is intended againft the Primitive Church-Government or Epifcopa-cy, nor againft the good Bifhops, Clergy, Councils, or Canons, which were many 5 nor againft King, Parliament, Magiftracy, the Laws, or Liturgy, or Church Communion ; nor againft our peaceable and patient fubmifllon where we dare not practically obey : But only againft the difeafes and degeneracy or* Bifhops, Clergy, Council?, and Canons, ana thofe dividing practices, by which they have for 1200 Years and more been tearing the Chriitian World into the Seels of which it now confifteth j and againft the whole afcendent Change from the Primitive Epifco-pacy to Papal maturity: and againft .our fwearing, Subfcribing, declaring, covenanting, profefling, and pra&ifing, where we ■underftard not the Impofers fenfe, and are unwilling by our private Interpretations to deceive them, and where we are per-liiaded that it w r ould be heinous fin to u?, not meddling with the cafe of Lawmakers or Conformifts, who have no fuch fears^ but think all good.

Chryfcfi.me (before cited) in Aft, 1. Horn. 3. p. (mihi) 472. fpeaketh harder than I ever did : £K**A&«vAi}*s Sec. which Eraf~ Was tranflaterh, FNon termre d>co^ fed ut affect w fum & fentio ; ~Non arbitrcr inter Sacerdotes multos efje qui fiirui fiant, Jed mult0 f hues quip+remt. His reafon is the lame which fome give why they think molt Fhyficians kill more than they cure, becaufe there is fo much Wifdom, Goodnef?, Watchfulnefs, and Diligence required to their Callings which few of them have.

Luther is much (harper than! ever was, when he faith, \Hi-tronjmus & alii Patres vixerunt in temper all Sncceffione Ecclef£ t expert es Crsecii & perfecuiio>:is. Epifcopi enim jim inm cceperant -crefecfe r j affgert cpikfts, exifiimathne &'gloria in rnnndo : Et pie-

(xi 7)

rique etiam tyrannidem exercebant in populum cui prterant, utte-ftatur hifioria Ecclefiaftica: Fauci feciebant fit a Officio^ 6Vc. Loc. Com. 4. Oafli p. 79, 80.

Et Cap. 17. p.-j8. de Synodis. In pofterUribu* Conciliis nnnquam de fid*, fed femper de opinionibus & qu&ftionibus dtfputatum ('after the firfty ut mibi Conciliorum nomen pens tarn fufpellum & invi-fitm fit, qxam nomen Libcn arbitrii.

What MeLm&bon though.; of the Papal defign of magnifying Councils, and pleading the neceflity of uninterrupted Succeffi-on ofEpifcopal Ordination, fee in his Epiftles, efpecially of the Conference at Ratisbone.

Dr. Henry Moore in his Mjftery of Iniquity faith, p. 1 32. 1 [ Ct That Principle tends to the ruining of Faith, which fup-u pofeth that without right Succeffion of Bifhops and Priefts, Cs there is no true Church, and therefore no true Faith: and " that this Succeffion may be interrupted by the Mifordination u or Mifconfecration of a Prieft or Bifho'p, the Perfons thus or-" dained being Atheifts or Jews, or ordained by them that are

ecf 0 As if a man could not feel in his own Conference whe-

cc ther he believed or not the truths of holy Scripture, without " he werefirft affured that he was a Member of that Church, Cc that had an uninterrupted lawful Succeffion of the Priefthood Qt from the ApoftJes times till now.

Perhaps Epifcopim and CurcelUus will be more regarded. Read that notable Preface of CurcelUus to Epifcopim Works, p. 12, 1 3. [ Refp. Experisntiam docere nullas unquAm Controver-fias de Religione inter Cbriftianos exortas autloritatc fynodali fx-

liciter terminatas fu ffe---& certiorem mtiltopAcis viam effe

Next he fhews how little good even the Nicene Council did , and how much worfe things were after: Hnrome faying, that the whole World was Arian, And Conflantius reproaching Libe-Yius for being with one man againft all the World: The Vulgar D icier turn bt'mg y Omne Concilium pmt Be Hum. Whence he gathers that Councils , fuch as the World hath hitherto had, non effe idoneum componendis Rehgionis d'ffidiis R;medium : Et quam-diu illud ufufpabitur perpetuus in EccltftA & Republica turbos fore.

Epifcopii & pr&cipuorum emicuit fides & animi mtgnitudo , quod nepremiffo quidem folutionis ejufdem quo an'eA fruebantur Jli~ pendii, inducipo^usrint ut fe adfilentium quod imptrabaxm fervA?,-

F f dum

w V «.v,j,, vue ««i« ***•*» ^ ia ^yv^w,^ v^aj. ^^ t p # ^ 0 D# in main* taining that the Magiftrate hath no Authority to forbid facrcd AfTcmblies to tolerable Diflfenters, and that Minifters and People forbidden them muft hold on to the death, that I will not recite the words, but defirehis Admirers to read them.

An

(a?)

cffia cs* cS-n §£u cX-a caa ffSrf. cffi^J. *?** s§« c#3 5#s s^j B2fr ci*

^C&€^f^C^cfoc^C&JlC^

^ Account to Edward Lord (Bijliop of Cork andRotte in Ireland, of tbefuccefs of his Cenfure of Richard Baxter in England: Detecting his manifold Mn* truths in matter ofFacl.

§ 1. rTIO give my Chara&er of you whom I know not, as you do of me, is none of my work: But t.Your B Stile alloweth me to fay, that by it you feem to me to be a man ofConfcience/earingGod. 2.And yet your Matter aflureth me, that you (peak abundance of Untruths confidently ; I fuppofe, partly by not knowing the per-fons and things of which you fpeak; and partly by thinking that you ought to believe the falfe Reporters, with whom you are better acquainted.

§ 2. The ftrait which you caft us into is unavoidable: Either we muft feem to own all the falfe Accufations brought againft its, which will hurt others far more than usj or elfe we muft deny and contradict them, and that will pafs for an intolerable addition to our guilt, and we fhall be fuppofed fuch intemperate, fierce abufive Perfons as you defcribe me, while you think We give you the Lye, or make you Slanderers. But we cannot cure your Mifrefentments, but muft be content to bear your Cen-fures, while we call you not Lyanr, but only acquaint you with the truth,

§ 3. For my own part my final Judgment is fo near, and lam confcious of fo much evil in my fe\f, that I have no reafonto be hafty in my own Vindication, but much reafon to take all hints 'and helps for deeper fearch, and will not juftifie my Stile. And God knows I am afraid left felfifhnefs or partiality (hould hinder

F f z mc

me from finding out my fin: and I dayly and earned!y beg of God to make it known to me , that I may not be impenitent: But either Prejudice, Converfe, or fomwhatcli> 3 maketb a very great difference between your Judgment and mine, of Good and Evil: And I cannot help it: If I err it is not for want of willingnefs ro fee my Errour, and openly retract it; ncr for want of an ordinary Diligence to know the Truth.

The Sum of our difference, as far as I can underft'and you, is in tbefe particulars. •

I. Whether there be no fin impofed by the Laws or Canorvs on Minifters and People here ?

II. Whether it was well done by the Bifhops and other Clergy-Men to do what they did to caufe thofe Laws, which filenced the whole Miniftry of England, unlefs they would conform to all things fo impofed in the^ft of Uniformity j and actually filenced about 2000, and made thofe other Laws againft their Preaching to more than Four, and againft coming within Five Miles of Corporations, and fuch others, as adjudge Nonconforming to Gaols and Ruine j and whether the Clergy do well ftill to urge the Execution of thofe Laws, and are guiltlefs of the doleful Divifions of this Land, and danger of itsRelapfe to Popery?

IIL Whether it be unpeaceable for a Nonconformift after 17 years filent fuffering, to tell his Superiors why he dare not conform,, when he is by them importuned to it? And to write a Confutation of a multitude of Volumns of falfe Accufations hroughtto juftifie the Executions ?

§4. If you think you have proved all thofe Impofitions fin-lefs which I have mentioned in my firft Plea for Peace 3 I think you might as well havefhortfy faid, [We Bijkop art of fo much Wifdbm and Authority, that you muft hold them lawful^ became we Jay fo<2 And muftall be ruined that would not be fo convinced ? But if any of thofe Impofitions prove to be fin^ and fo great fin as we cannot chufe but think they are., is it a greater fault to. name them (when importuned^ than to impofe them? And a greater fault to feel, and fay we feel, than to ftrike or wound men I

If we had taken it to be our Duty to have called thofe Clergy-Men to Repentance, which we think are ignorantly undoing therafelves and the Land 3 how fhould we do it without

naming

naming their Sin ? Yea, and the greatnefs of it ? And if we think it our Duty to deprecate our Deftru&ion, and beg of you to fpare our Lives or Conferences, how can we do it without telling what we fuffer? If it be well done of you, and be bo perfection, but your Duty for the Churches good, (as no doubt the Executioners think) the Hrilory is your praife, and ycu need not extenuate the Fad: Valiant Souldiers glory in the multitudes they kill: Had you filenced the other 7000 that conformed, when you filenced but 2000, your Viclory had been the more famous. Some think thofe that are here againft your ways, are not half the Land 5 were it murdering of one man, that another is judged for, it were not unpeaceablenefs to fay, that he deferveth to be hanged : But the judge deferveth praife if he condemn an hundred fuch. But when thofe men who fhould be the tendered Peace^ makers, and skilfulleft therein, dial) be the men that bring fuch a Land as this into the Cafe that we are in, and will not be intreated., nor by any Experience be perfuaded toconfent to its Relief, I know not how to (hew mercy to the Land or them, bet by perfuading them to repent. Anil if all fin were made a matter of Controverfie, and many learned men were for it, this would not alter the Cafe with me. If I may compare great things with fmall, who finned more ? The Irifh-for murdering iooooo 3 or Sir John Temple, Dr. Henry Jones, the E.of Or*7,for recording and reporting what they did?Was it the fin of the Savoyards and others to kill and mine the Prqteftanrs in Piedmont f Or of Perrin, and Sir Sam.Mo or eland to write the ftp-ry I Did Thuanuj, Davilah, &c. fin in recording the French Maflacre? Or the French in doing it. ? Is it the French Prote-ftants now that are criminal for defcribing and complaining of their Sufferings ? Was John Foxe the Malefactor for writing the Sufferings of the Proteftants under a lawful Queen? This day came out (Mar. 10.) a Narrative from Bnftol how they are crowded in the Gaol on the cold ground, dx Is the Report the Crime t Do you find a Juftification in humane nature of fuch terms as thefe, [You jhall fuffer whatever we will inflitl on you , but fljJtl not tell any that you are hurt, or who did it, or why ? J

§ y. I have told the World fo often over and over, that it is not ail the Conformifts, no nor all the Bifhops that I impute our Sufferings to, that I muft fuppofe you to underftand it, fpeciaJly when the Prefatory Epiftle of the Book which you fall upon .

tells

\LLL)

-tells it you of many Bifhops by name; Therefore when />. 68. you fay 5 £ / apply to you more than once, i Thef. 2. I j. they pleafe not God, &c. ] and add, [ / believe in my Conference he is miftaken.l Either by [to t§i] you mean, all theuConformifts or Bifhops, and that is not true, as the words tell you: Or you mean, [Vs that procured or own, and execute the aforefaid filencing, fflifting ABsi ] which your words feem to mean. Aritf then I do but fay, Oh I What may temptation bring even good mens Judgment to ? Is the filencing of 2000, the affli&ing of many times more of the Laity, the Jealoufies, Diftra&ions, and Dangers of this Land 5 fo fmall a matter, or fo good, that God is not difpleafed with it t And can you myour Conscience own what the Bifhops did towards it ? No wonder then if Ceremonies be called things Indifferent. Certainly this cannot be Indifferent ? Ic is a moft meritorious or excellent work, or elfe a heinoiu Crime : It is either fuch a Cure as the cutting off a Cancerous Breaft, or elfe if it be a fin, it muft be as great as contributing to the endangering of as many fcore Thoufand Souls as 2000 Miniftcfs were likely to have helpt to fave, and to the corrupting of the Church* and the Introduction of Popery, And few Chriftians think that Nathan finned by unpeaceablenefs more than David by Murder and Adultery, though but once 3 or Samuel more than Saul-, or the Prophet that reproved him more than Jeroboam ; or Chrift Mattk z$. more than the Pharifees ? yea 3 or than Peter, Mat, 16. when he faid , Get behind me Satan , thou favourefi not the things that be of God-, or Paul more than Peter, Gal 2. or than the Jewifh Teachers, whom he called the Concifion & Dogs ; or John than Diotrephes, &c.

Guilt is tender, and they that think God is of their Mind when he is filenr, PfaL 50.21. will think men fhould be fo too; And man dare not bid defiance to God, and openly proclaim a War agaisift him, and therefore hath no way to fin in peace, but by a conceited bringing the Mind and Law of God to his. What fin is there that Learned Men father not on God: And then they muft bepraifed ancj not reproved , and then it's worle than un-peaceable to aggravate that which they fay God ownetb 5 fucft men as I,would think it fcarce crediblegthat the Spanijh Inquifi-tion, the French MafTacre, the Powder- Plot, the Murder of 200000 in Ireland, the Perjuring of a Nation, the filencing of Thoufands of faithful Minifters 3 fhould have one word of Jufti-

fication

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fication ever rpoken for it. But we are miftaken: No doubt men can write learned Volumes to defend any of thefe $ and if one do but fay, They pleafe not God, men may be found that can fay, £/ believe in my Confidence that yon are mifiaken, and fipeal^ un-peaceably: God is pleafed with it all7\ Sure the day of Judgment will be much to juftifie God himftlf, who is thus flandered as the Friend of every mans Sin. What wonder is it if there be numerous Religions in the World, when every felfifh man maketha God and a Religion of his own, fitted to his Intereft and Mind ? But when all men center onely in one God, and bring th^ir Minds to his, and not conceitedly his to theirs, we may yet be One.

And if we could make men know, that Godis net forthtm, and accepteth not of a Sacrifice of Innocent Blood, however men think that they do him good Service, yet they would not have this known : It's long fince unhumbled Sinners turned Chorch-Confefiion into Auricular 5 If 'Saul do fay at laft, / have finned, he would vet be honoured before the People. But the time is near when thofe that honour God he will honour, and thofe that de-fpife him (hall be lightly efteemed.

Few men living can eafier bear with others for different forms and Ceremonies than 1$ but I take not the filencing and ruining of 2030 Minifters for Ceremonies/were that the worftof ir) to be a Ceremony.

§ 6. Pag,.69. You fay, We are not all of one mind yet: A fad-word'from a Bifhop. Do you think that any two Men on Earth are of one mind in all things? Were thofe agreed whom Paul perfuadetb, Rom. 14. to receive each other, but not to doubtful Difputations, and not to judge or defipifi each other, (much lefs to filence, imprifon, and deftroy.) We are agreed in all that is conftitutive of Chriftianity 3 and agreed that all Chriftians fhould Jove others as themfelves , and do as they would be done by. I confefs if you have fuch eminent Self-denial, as to be wil-jing, if ever you differ from the publick Impoficions, about the lawfulnefs of any one thing, to be not only caft out of your Lord-fhip and Bifhoprick, but to be filenced, imprifoned and deftroy-ed, I cannot accufe you of Partiality but of Err our. I have known too many Conformifts who needed no Bilhop to filence them, (they never preached. ) But that will not juftifle their defires that others be filenced.

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I have eft enough told you in how many thing* the Cotl-for milts are difagreed: I now fay the Bifhops rhemfelves are not agreed of the very Species of the Church of England: To fay nothing of their difagreement of the Conftitutive, national Head or Governor j they are not agreeJ 5 whether it be only apart of an miverfal, humane, political Church, fzbjett to an univerfal humane ftipretm Power, who hath the right of Leg;flit ion and judgment over 1 hsm 3 or whether it be a compleat national Church of it fe!f y a part only of the univerfal as Headed by Chrift, but not as by Man, or as humane Politie 5 having no foreign Governour* Monarchical or Ariftocraticaf, (Tope or Council.^

Overdoing is illdoing and undoi g. He that would make fuch a Law of Goncord, as that none fhall live out of Prifon who arc not of the fame Age, Complexion, Appetite, and Opinion, would depofe the King, by leaving him no Subjects. Thelnquifition is fet up in Love of Unity: But we know that we fhall differ while we know but in part: Only the perfect World hath perfect Goncord. I greatly rejoice in that Concord which is a-mong all that truly love God. They love one another, and agree in all that is neceffary to Salvation: The Church of the Con-formifts is all agreed for Croffing and the Surplice , and for the Jmpofed Oaths,FrofeJfions and Covenants: Oh that all our Parifhi-oners who plead for the Church were agreed that the Gofpel is true, and that Chrift is not a Deceiver, and that Man dyeth not as Dogs, but hath a Life of future Retribution.

§7. 1\ 69. Asking, [Were not almoft all the Weftminfter A[~ fembly Ep if copal Conformable men when they came thither?'] He can fay, [ No 3 not in their hearts, as appeared by their fruits, ]J And he cites fome words of thefenfe of the Parliament,^. i%. 1643.

Anf % 1, See here a Bifhop that knew the hearts of hundreds of men, whom he never faw, to be contrary to their Profeillon and conftant Practice.

2. And he can prove by their reporting the Parliaments words what was thefe Minifters own Judgment.

3. And he can prove by thofe words in fun. 1643. what wa* their Judgment a Year or two before, and is fure that the Scots Arguments did not change them.

4. And he can prove that thofe are noEpifcopalConformifrswho are for the ancient Epifcopacy only (defcribcd by Bifhop Vjherf)

and

and take the Englifh frame to be only lawful, but not unalterable, or beft. And if really he do take him to be no Epifcopd Conformift, who is for enduring any way but their own, it is he and not I that gave them fo bad a Character: It is he and not I that intimateth, that thofe moderate Conformifts who had rather Church-Government were reformed, than fuch Confufion made by filencing and hunting Chriftians, are at the Heart no Epifcopa)'Conformifts: Their Hearts I confefs much differ from the Silencers and Hunters.

§ 8. He maketh me a falfe Hiftorian for fixing the War on the Eraftian Party in Varliamtnt. Anf Did I lay it only on the Eraftiansf Have I not undeniably proved that the War here began between two Epifcopal Parties ? Of which one part were of A. Bp. Abbots, Mr. Hookers, and the generality of the Bi-fhops and Parliaments mind, and the other of Bp. Lauds, Sib-thorps 3 Mayntvarings , Heyhns, A. Bp. Bromhalls , Sec. mind: And the firft fort fome of them thought Epifcopacy fure Divtno -, but the Englifh Frame not unreformable: And the other fort thought it was butfure humano, and thefe were called by fome Eraftians. Let him give me leave to produce my Hiftorical proofs, even to fingle men by name, that the EngUJh War began between thefe two Parties, and I defie all his falfe Contradiction : Only fuppofing, i. That I fpeak not of the King, nor of the War in Ireland or Scotland. 2. That I grant that the Nonconformifts were moft for the Parliament, and the Papifts moft againft them.

But when I have faid fo much to Mr. Hinkley already to prove this, did this Lord Bifhop think to be believed without confuting it ?

§ 9. But it tranfeendeth all bounds of Hiftorical credibility, that he anfwereth this by faying, [He and all his Abettors muft know the Catalogues of that Parliament, and Ihtat Affembly are ft ill in our hands, the Copies of their Speeches, and journals of their Fotes, &c. ] Anf They are fo to the Shame of fuch Hiftorians. You have many of them in Whit he kj Memorials 5 1 knew fo great a number my felf of the Parliament, Affembly, and Army, as makes me piety the Ignorant World, which is abulcd by fuch Hiftorian? as yon and yours.

§ 10. As for your affuring me that joh Icok^ nnd day to aufver-for all joh fay, it minds me of the words of your Dr. slflu

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Chaplain to the Duke of Ormond, who (as going to the Bar o f God) undertakes to prove, that it is through Vnde and Covetoufnefs that we conform not. The Inquifitors alfo believe a day of Judgment. And what is it that fome men do not confidently afcribe to the moft holy God ?

§n. Your praifes of me are above my defert: I am worfe than you are aware of: But mens fins againftChriits Church and Servants in England, Scotland, and Ireland are never the lefs for that.

§ 12. You fhew us that you are deceived before you deceive: You do but lead others into the way of falfhood which you were led into your felf, when you fay 3 1 am \_faid to have afferted 9 that a man might live without any aclual Sm.~\ A Lord Bifhop (Morley p. 13.) told it you, and you a Lord Bifhop tell it others, and thus the poor World hath been long ufed 5 fo that of fuch Hiftorians men at laft may grow to take it for a valid Confe-quence, {It is written by them : Ergo it is incredible."] I tell you firft in general, that I have ieen few Books in all my Life, which in fo few Sheets have fo many Falihoods ^matters of Faftdone before many., as that Letter of Bifhop Morleft^ which upon your Provocation I would manifeft, by Printing my Anlwer to iiirn 3 were it not for the charges of the Prefs.

2, And as to your Inftance, the cafe was this ; Dr, Lany impertinently talkt of our being juflified only by the All of Faith, and not the Habit : Iaskt him whether wc are un/uftified in our fleepf which led us further, and occafioned me to fay to fome Objection of his, that men were not always doing moral Afls good or evil: and thence^ {that a man is not always acluady finning 3 viz. In amansfleep, he may live Jometimes and not aBually fin-, as alfo tn an Apoplexy and other lofs of Reajon.~] Hence the credible Bifhop Morley printed that I faid, A man may live without any aclual Sin: Yea, and fuch other Reafons are given for his forbidding me to preach the Gofpel. And now another pious L. ftp.going to anfwer it at Judgment, publifheth it as from him. O what a World is this, and by what hands are we can: down ? Is my Affertion falfe or doubtful ? Dr. Bates and Dr. facombc who were prefent are yet both living. By fuch men and means is the Church as it is: Arife O Lord and fave it from them.

§ 13. You tell me, as Bp. Morley, of being the top of a fafti-cu of my own making, neither Epifcapal, Presbyterian, Independent

dene, or trajttan. uinj. so, to oe agamii an faction is to be the top of a Faction: I am neither anArian 5 nor a Sabellian,nor an Apollinarian, nor a Macedonian, nor a Neitorian, or Eutychian, or Monothelite, or a Papift, &c. Conclude ergo I am the top of a new Herefie, and filence and imprifon me for it, and your Di-ocefane Conformity will be paft all fufpicion ("even at the heart.) But you will one day know 5 that to be againft all Faction, and yet to bear with the Infirmities of the weak, and love all Chriftians as fticb, is a way that had a better Author.

§ 14. P. 73,74. As to your extolled Friend a Nonconformfl; who you fay, told you that [/ am not able to bear being gainfaid in any thing, for want of Academic^ DifpHtes> 6Vc.

^4nf 1. Was your great Friend (o excellent a man, and was it a good work to filence him, with which in your Confcience you think God ispleafed?

2. Now you name him not, he cannot contradict you: Mr. Bagjhavo faid'fbmthing like it of Mr. Herle, Prolocutor of the Aflemblie , which his Acquaintance contradict.

3. Ijuftifie not my Patience; it is too little: But verily if you had filenced me alone, and Gods Church and Thoufands of Souls had been fpared, I think you had never heard me twice complain. Judge you whether I can endure to be gafnfaid, when I think there are Forty Books written againft me by Infidels, So-cinians, Papifts, Prelatifts, Quakers, Seekers, Antinomians, Anabaptifts, Sabbatarians, Separatifts, and fome Presbyterians, Independents, Eraftians, Politicians, &c. which for the far great-eft part I never anfwered, though fome of them written by Prelatifts and Papifts have fpoken fire and Sword : Nor to my Remembrance did any or all thefe Books by troubling me ever break one hour of my fleep, nor ever grieve mefo much as my own fin and pain (which yet was never extream) have grieved tne one day. Alas Sir! How light a thing is the contradiction or reproach of man who U fpeaking and dying almoft at once?

§ 15. P. 7j. As to my Political Aphorifms I have oft told you I wifh they had never been written : But all in them is not wrong which Bifhops are againft. The firft paffage challenged by your Bifhop Morlej is , My calling a pretence to unlimited Monarchy by the name of Tyranny^ adding niy reafon, becaufe they are limited by God who is over all, Minifters were never under Turks thought worthy of punifliment for fuch an Affertion: But Bi-

G g 2 fhop

mop Money is no lurk. It Monarchs be not limited by God, they may command all their Subjects to deny God,or btafpheme him, to take Perjury, Murder, and Adultery, for Duties: and they are unwife if ever they will be fick^ die, or come to Judgment.

§ 16. You fay, [ Cc / was told by a Reverend Prelate, that at " the Conference at the Savoy, Mr. Baxter being demanded what " would [atisfie him, replied, All or Nothing: On this I refletled Cl on what that grave Divine told me."]

Anf. Alas good man! if for all other your hiftorical notices you are fain into fuch hands, what a mafs of Untruths is in your Brain ? But why will you difhonour Reverend Prelates fo much as to father them on fuch . ? I never heard the queftion put [What will fat tsfie you ^ nor any fuch anfweras All or Nothing: When the King commifFioned us to treat of fuch Alterations as were neceffaryto tender Conferences, the Bifhops, i. Would not treat till we would give them in writing all that we blamed in the Liturgy, and all the Alterations we would have, and all the additional Forms we defired. 2. When thusconftrained_, we offered thefe on fuppofition, that on Debate much of it would be denied us 3 or altered $ but they would not vouchfafe us any Debate on what we offered 5 nor a word againft our additional Forms, Reply, or Petition for Peace, jw To the laft hour they maintained, that No alteration at all was neceffary to tender Conferences J\ And fo they ended, and the Convocation doubled and trebled our Burden, and the Bifhops in Parliament together.

Once B\(hop^CouJtns defired us to lay by Inconveniences^ and name only wha't we took for downright Sin, I gave him a Paper defcribing Eight fuch \ We did but begin to debate one of them, (Cafking fuch from the Communion of Ch'ifis Church that dare not take the Sacrament kneeling, though they bemifiaken) and our time ended.

Dr. Pierce undertook to prove it a Mercy to them to deny ' them the Sacramentj and he made a motion to me, that.he and I might go about the Land to preach men into fatisfa.cYion and Conformity: I asked him how I could do that when they intended to filence me f For though I fcrupled not kneeling at the Sacrament, if they made any one Sin the condition of my Miniftry, I mould be filenced, though they abated all the rein It may. be.this went for S^All or Nothing.^ And I am forry that

the

the Bilhops be not ot tne lame mind : bt. fames was, tnat ttud» He that breahth one is guijty of all : And Chrift was, who faid, Me that breaketh one. of the leaft of thefc commands, and t sachet h men fo, /ball be called leaft it} the Kingdom of God.

So that it was not All Inconveniences, but All flat Sins that we craved in vain to have been exempted from : Much lets was it the Eftablijhment of all that we propofed to have been treat* ed of, openly profefTing our felves ready to alter any thing amifs or needlefs upon treaty., and fuppofing there would be many fuch words: But they would not touch our offered additions,. nor entertain any treaty about them.

And now pitty your (elf who have been drawn to believe fuch Reverend Prelates as you fay, and pitty-fuch as your Writings will deceive.

§ 17. That you take it to be contrary to a Chriftian temper to be fenfible of the Sufferings of the Church, and to name and defcribethefin that caufeth them, and that but in a neceffitated Apology for the Sufferers^ is no wonder, the Reafons and your Anfwer I gave you before § 4. and 5*. I think ir no breach of Peace with Perfecutors or Silencers, to tell them what they do$ efpecially when the Sufferers are feigned to deferve ic all $ and not to fin and that deliberately, is made a fin deserving.all that we fuffer and the Nation by ir.

§ 18. But />. 77. tells us yet more whence your Errours come, even by believing falfe Reports., and then reporting whae you believe. You fay , [ Some People have talked of a Combina* tion orVaii amongft tbemfelves, that except they might have their own Will throughout , they would make the World know whata.breac& ■they could make* and how confiderable they were. ]

Anf. 1. Do you not think that Rogers^ Bradford, Vhilpt % and the reft, did fo in Qui. Maries days, and that ic was they that made the Breach by being burnt? What is it that fuch Hi-ftorians may not fay ? So Luther was taught by the DevU^Bucer was killed by the Devil, fo was QecUmpadiw, Calvin was a frig-matized Sodomite, and what not: And even the rnoft publick things are yet uncertain before our Eyes : Godfrey killed him-felf: The Papifts had.no Plot: The Presbyterians have a PIqe sgainftthe King: The Nonconformingfilenced themfelves: An I did not the Citizens of London barn their own Houfes ?• When you that area Bifhop cite other great Bifhops for fuch things as

ysu do, may it not come in time to oe trie taitto $j tnt Lbur*^ and thence to be necejfary to all.

2. EJut how do ycu think all thefe that werefcattered aH over England, and knew not one another by name or Dwelling, fhould fo confederate ?

3. Do but think of it as a man. There were Nine orTenThou-fand Minifters that had conformed to the Parliaments way in pofleflion: They were all to conform or be caft out. The Book and Ad of Uniformity came not out of thePrefs till about that very day Aug* 24. Neither Conformifts, nor ( afterj Nonconforming could fee it, but thofe in or near London : What time was theif to tell them all over England in one day ? How knew we who would conform and who would not 3 when NineThoufand were equally in PoiTeffion ? If we had written to them all, would not One Thoufand of our Letters have detected it? Or at leaft fome of thofe that conformed, with whom we prevailed not?

4. What was it that moved them all to this Confederacy? To fufferRuine in the World? To make tbemfelves confiderable you fay, andjhew what a Breach they could make . ? And for what ? Vnlefs they might have alt their own Wills ? And what was their Will f Was it to be Lord Bifhops ? Or domineer over any ? Or to get great Benefices. ? I think no high-way Robbers do any Villanies meerly to fhew what mifchief they can do, much left ruine themfelves to fhew that they can do Mifchief by Suffering. Some fuch thing is faid of fome odd Circumcellians that they killed themfelves «to make others thought their Perfecutors: But Perfecution was more hated then than now. Did the former Life and Do&rine of thefe Two Thoufand men fignifie a Spirit fo much worfe than the reft ?

5. And do you think that the other Seven Thoufand or Eight Thoufand that conformed did confederate beforehand to conform ? How could they do it who declared AfTent and Content to every thing contained and prefcribed in and by the Book which they never faw, unleft they confederated at a venture, to do whatever was impofed. ? And if Seven Thoufand could agree without confederating, why not Two Thoufand ? I could not then have my Poft Letters pafs without Interception: And it's a wonder that no Letter of this Confederacy was taken.

And Tie tell (not you, but thofe that believe me ) how far We were from it. When we were all caft out and fome new motion

tion was made for our fervice, one weak man moved here, that-we might draw up a contenting Judgment to how much we could yield, that we might not differ. Ianfwcred that it was not our bufinefs to make a Faction, or to ftrengthen a Party 5 nor were we all of one judgment about every Ceremony, and therefore no man muft go againft his judgment for a Combination with the reft : If they would abate but fo much as any one mansCon-fcience would be fatisfied in, that one man muft ferve the Church accordingly. And if any were taken in,, the reft would rejoyce.] This Anfwer filenced that motion, and I never heard any move it more : And I am fully affured there was never fuch a Combination.

But with this exception : How far any thought the Covenant bound them againft our Prelacy I cannot tell, Thofe that I con-vers'd with faid, it bound them to no more than they were bound to before. But I confefs we did all confederate in our Baptifm, againft willful fin: And I know of no other Confederacies bue thefe : which indeed was enough to make all men forbear what they judged to be finful.

§ 19, You add, £" But jet it is not fair to over-reckon know--" ingly, and in ordinary courfe Two Hundred in the fum, as Mr. u Baxter and others do, p. ly^ 210. thereby to fwell the ac-" count to the greater odium, by complaining roundly Two Thou-" fand : This I muft conclude to be done knowingly , for femtimes " he only mentions One Thou fand Eight Hundred^ p. iy i ? Src. ]

Anf I am perfuaded that it is not knowingly that you fpeak fo much befides the truth ; but for want of knowing what and whom you talk of. I never medled with gathering the number, Mr, Calamy did, and (hewed us a Lift of 1800, upon which I long mentioned no more, and feldom faw him afterward : But Mr. Ennis who was more with him, afTuring me that they had after an account of at leaft 200 more, who were omitted; L fometime to fpeak the leaft mention the 1800, and fometime fay about 2000, and by his laft account that was the leaft. Yet with a Lord Blfhop that knoweth nothing of all this, I fyomng-ly over-reckon : But if God be pleafed with their filencing^ why do-you take this ill ?

§ 20. The next and great Accufation is my extenuating theB;~ Jhops Clemency, and aggravating our Sufferings, and that againft tny Qonfcience I impute to the BijKops that bloodinefs which they ne-VCY-

C»Yfl

iwr intended but abhcr. -And he will not believe what I fay oftht death of any by Imprisonment or want.

An[, The good Lady that pittied the Beggars when (he came in out of the Froft and Snow, when (he had warmed her felf, chid them away, and fa id., k was warm enough. I could name •you thofe in London, that travelled out of the North in great want, and took up with fuch cold Lodgings here in great want of all things, that they were paft cure before their mifery was known. How many poor Quakers have dyed in Priforfmany know : It's like you never heard of the death of Mr. Field, a worthy Minifter, in the Gate-heufe-, nor of Mr. Thompfon in the noifome Prifon at Briftol, nor of Reverend Mr. Hughes of Pli-mouth's Death, caufed by his Prifon ficknefs $ perhaps you ne- ' ver read the Life, Sufferings, and Deaih of excellent fofeph Allen of Taunton : I will not be the gatherer of a larger Catalogue, But I believe fome others will. But thefeyou know not of,

§ 2i< The words in my Book which I fpeak argumentatively, (hewing clearly whither their caufe will lead them, if they truft to bring us to Unity by force, you unworthily feign that I fpeak ^as accufing the Bifhops Inclinations. My Argument was', If you think by violence to effeft your ends, it ma ft be either by changing mfns judgments, or by forcing them as Hypocrites to go againft 1 heir judgments 9 or elfe by utter deftroying them till there are no Diffenters: But none of theft three ways will do it : Ergo Violence will not do it. 1. I prove that force will not change their Judgments. 2. I prove they are fuch men as will rather fuffer death than fin againfr their Confciences 5 and fo lefs Sufferings which cure not do but exafperate the Difeafe. 3. I prove that if, when lefs doth no good, you would deftroy them, that would notdo your work but crofs it. And doth this fignifie that I charge the Bifhops with bloody purpofes? They openly tell us that it's pu-<Kifhing us that muft bring us to Concord. I tell them, Lejfer will not do it, andgreater will but hurt themfelves* A man would think that I hereby rather infer that Bifhops will not be bloody, than that they will, when I argue ab incommodo. Truly Sir, I fee nothing in your Book which tempted me to lament, that I mift the happinefs of your Academical Education or Difputes: Nor do I-envy thofe that now enjoy it. God fave his Church from ♦the worfer part of them.

§ 2i. You fay, p. 79, You muft needs loc\on my aggravating

my

tnyown and the Diffenters Sufferings bejond Truth, jou are fure beyond Probability, to have proceeded from want of temper. As for faying that fome have lived on brown Bread and Water.

Anf. I find (till that our difference lieth in matter of Faft, done in the open fight of the World: And if it were whether we are EngU/h- men, I have no hope of ending it! O what is Hi-ftory ! My own Sufferings by them are very -final!, fave the hindering of my Labour: Leave to work is all the Preferment that ever Idefired of them : What I have had hath been againft their Wills, who have called out for my greater reftraint. God hath enabled me by the Charity of others to fend fome fma!I relief to a few of thofe whofe Cafe he will not believe. Some of them have Seven or Eight Children, and nothing at all of their own to maintain them, and live in Countries where fcarce two Gentlemen of Eftates within their reach do befriend them 5 and the People are generally poor; and many of thefe have none to preach to, being not permitted, And when they attempted to meet with fome few fecretly, to fail and pray in fome cafe of need, have had their few Goods carryed away by Diftrefs, Good Alderman AJhhttrft, now with Chrift, took care of many, and hath (hewed me Letters and Certificates of undoubted credit,, in the very words which 1 named. One is now near us, that was put to get his Living by Spinning. Mr. Chadwick^ was the laft of whom I read thofe words in a juft certificate, that he and his Children had long lived on meer brown Rye Bread and Water. It is now above'a dozen Years fince Dr. l r ermnxden told me that Mr. Matthew Hill was his Patient, with Hydropical fvvelPd Legs, with drinking Water and ufmg anfwerable Food through meer Poverty: But God turned it to good ; for necefTity drove him (when a little ftrengthened) to Mtry-Land, where he hath been almoft the only able Minifter they have. We that know them our felves, and beg Moaey to relieve them, are fuppofed to be Lyars: for telling that which all their Neighbours know. Through Gods Mercy few in London fuffer fo much, (though divers are in great (freights.,) But greet numbers in the Countrys who live among the poor, had not fome of them now and then a little Relief from London, were like to beg for Bread, or fall into mortal Difeafes by Food unfit for Nature. Even in London they that knew Mr. 'Farnworth, Mr. Spmage, and fome others, and how they lived and dyed, underftand me, Tie name Mr, Mar-

H h tin

*I>iad tin formerly of IVeedon, * very poor in London, to tell you of pneitbt y 0Ur impartiality; though he loft one Arm in the Kings Army^

rf'tbtif ** e ^ ac ^ noc a ^ a ^ atec ^ ^im * n J^nricJ^Gaol for preaching.

; § 12. As to his repeating all my mention of their dealings,

and my blaming the Bifhops at the Savoy for our pre Tent dhrifi-ons, and my aggravating the evils which Violence will produce if they truft to that way, I judge it all nectifary to be fpoken; Unknown fin will not be repented of nor forborn 5 nor unknown danger prevented 5 nor the unknown needs of the Peoples Souls relieved.

He asketh, Is this the way to be at Teace with m ? I anfwer, There is no other way: What Peace can we have with them that think they are bound to filence us, and keep us fix Months in Gaol for every Sermon, and fo on for the next, and for the nextf Or to pay 40 /. a Sermon, and to banifh us five Miles from Corporations, andmuft not be told of any fuch thing? He was not unpeaceable that (aid, He that feeth his Brother have need and fhutteth up the Bowels of Companion from him, how dwel-leth the Love of God in him? Nor for faying, He that hateth his Brother is a Murtherer: Nor Chrift for telling us how he will judge them that did not relieve and vifit him in his little ones 3 and how he will ufe him that beat his Fellow-Servants. It is with you and not with your fins that we would have peace. Not only MaJfoniusan& Platina, but even Genebrard, and Baro-nim fpeak far fharplier of the faults of many Popes themfelves, and all Hiftoriansof their Prelates, and yet are taken to be peaceable men. Either thofe that I mentioned will repent here or hereafter, and then will fay far worfe of themfelves than I do , And may I not foretel it them, when it is but in neceffnated deprecation of the miferiesof fhe Land ?

§ 23. One of their Champions wrote that he was not bound to deny his own Liberty, becaufe others would pievijloly take fcandal at it. I (hewed the finfulnefs of that Conclufion, and that a mans Liberty often lay in as fmall a matter as a game at Chefs, a Pipe of Tobacco, or a Cup of Sack: andmoft fcanda! is taken by pievifh perfons : and yet even a pievifh mans Soul is not to be fet as light by as fuch things. Chrift and Paul made more of Scandal: And this very arguing of mine is numbred with my unpeaceable difrempered words. 5 24. As to his talk abcuc our Controverfies of paffages in

Conform'**/

Conformity, be confefTeth that he hath not ,read my Plea for feace^ in which I have partly opened them: And much lefs what I have (aid fince of them to divers others; and I confels I have neither mind or leifure to fay all over again in Print, upon the occafions of fuch words as hi?, which have been oft an-fwered.

§25. I named the Martyr-Bifhops Hooper, Ridley, &c. as Nonconformifts to the Laws of their Persecutors, to fhew that fuch Sufferers leave a fweeter name than their Per-fecutors 5 and he feigneth me to have made them Nonconformifts to our Laws, and faith, [Ingenuity and Chriftian Veracity would blujh to own this Art.] Thus It ill falfe Hiftory is that which aflaulteth us.

But I humbly ask his Lordfhip, 1. Whether he think that Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, were more for Conformity than fewel, Bil[on, and Hooker, and Abbot ? And 2. Whether he will fo far reproach thefe men as to fay, that fewel, Bilfon, and Hooker would have conformed by approving that which they moft exprelly wrote againft l I have oft enough tranferibed their words.

§ 26. To fhew that iince my expulfion I drew not the People of Kiderminfter from the Bifhops, I faid that I [never fine~e came near them , tor except very rarely fent them one Line; which he pretends I contradict, by faying, 1 fent them all the Books I wrote. One might have found hiflorical errours enough in his words without a Rack or Quibble. 1. Sure Books are fomwhatrare-lier written than Letters. 2. An ordinary Wit would have un-derftood that I fpoke of one Line of Manufcript, or one Letter, and not of Printed Books, I delivered them to Mr Simmons, or their Neighbours to fend them without Letters. And few of thofe Books were written before this Apology.

§ 27. As a Self-contradidler he faith of me, [omtime I am againft all Subfcribing, as P. 60, 113. ccc. and fometimes not.

An[ Still untruth! P. 60. The words are [If men were not driven fo much to [nbferibe and [wear as they are at this day. ] Reader, is it true that this is againft All Subscribing ?

Pag. 113. The words are, [// we had learned the tricky *f fpeaking, writing, a\d [wearing m univerfal terms, and meaning not wwerfallybut.particularly, as many do , we could [ay, or fit b-fcribe, orfwear as jar as you defire us.~\ And [ Take off the penalty

H'h 2

oj jut>jcrit?wg, aeaartng. crojjwg, occ. wnaj gooa aotfi juojcrwing a Sentence which he believeth not ? ] Is this againfi Ml Subfcri-bing ?

§ 28. Whether to profefs our tendemefs of other mens Reputation, and yet to name the nature and aggravations of the fin which we fear our felves, when we are importuned to it, be contradictory, let the impartial judge.

§29. P. ?\ Hf faith, as my judgment, [Tofubfcribe andde-dare, that it is not lawful on any pretence vphatjoever to tal^e Arms againfi the King, or that an Unlawful Oath cannot bind men to unlawful ABions, is Perjury, fome of the great efi that Hellfuggefieth."] *Anf, Not one true word ? I believe all this to be as he faith r Both in my firft and fecond Plea for Peace, I have largly told him what it is, and what it is not which I own 5 but he hath feen neither, and yet feigneth me to fay or hold what I have fo oft renounced.

§ 30. P. 94. He might have known how oft in Print I have retracted the Book called, "the Holy Common-Wealthy wifhing the Reader to take it as Non-fcriptum: Yet he faith, [ as far as is generally known I have not done it. ] And how ihould I make it generally known more than by oft Printing it ?

§ 31. P. 95-. He pittieth me for calling the Author of the friendly Debate, the Debate maker ': And I piety England for fuch pittiers.

§ 32. P. 96. Whereas the Convocation hath impofed on all Minifters a Profeflion of undoubted certainty of the Salvation of dying baptised Infants, without excepting thofe of Atheifts or Infidels, I ask whether all the young, unfiudiedfort of Minifters have arrived at this certainty any more than I 3 and how they came by it? and crave their Communication of the afcertain-ing Evidence. And what doth his Lordfhip but pretend that I call the Convocation thefc young, unfiudied men, as if they had made this Rubrick for none but themfelves?

§ 33. And he hath found another fault which exceedeth all, and that is, the Title and Dedication of my Methods Theologid, where I fay, that I dedicate it not to the Jlothful, hafiy^ tired Settaries, &c. but tofiudiom, ingenious, humble^fkz. young men, as being theperfons that are above all others born, difpofed, conje" craieiio Truth, Holin?fs z and the Churches Pence, &c] Exceeding bad!

Will

Will you hear the proof that this is exceffive Pride? i.

Book, in the fi-ront indirectly and fitly calls the Reader, Jlothpd, r. foolijh, 6Vc. Anf Is this true f i. It is only thofe that I would not have to be the Readers. Yea, 2. Only thofe that I fay it is not dedicated to.

And do you think there are none fuch in the world f Will not his forefaid Debater, and Dr, Parker, and Dr. Sherlock^, and abun -dance more, tell you that the Nonconforming are many of themfucb, and will you now deny it? If not, ami bound to dedicate my Book to fuch ? By what Obligation ?

But he faiuh fo volmninom and tmboft a Title will deter the Readers. But do you not know the Dedication from the Title, on* ly becaufe it is printed on the Title Page ? Is that unufua! ?

But the odious Arrogance followeth, [Could any thing eafily be faid with more (appearance 0/) Arrogance; in the very Tit Is Page toojhan that hisBookjs above all others of the fame Subject ,(/ know not how otherwife to interpret his fupra omnes, viz.. Metho-dus Theologia? Chriftiana?,] &c. framed, difpofed and hallowed to the propagation and growth of Helinefs, to the Peace and Ho* nour of the Churchy I will now for ever acquit him of hypocritical Modefiy.

Anf I defire Mr. Morrice to compare this Ld. Bp's Tranfia-tion with that overfight of 'Theodoret's words which he fafteneth on in me. What if I had faid that this Bifhop knoweth not how to interpret a plain Latine Sentence,, as he faith it of himfelf7 That which I moft exprefly fay of pious, ingenious Youth, he feign-eth me to fay of my Boot*. Reader^ look on the Book and judge whether Methedus, the Nominative Cafe fingular, agree with nat&, difpofiu, confecratA 9 the Dative Cafe., when ^uvsntuiii Parti fiudiofe, feduU, with many other Datives, went before it: There are no lefs than Twelve Adjectives joined to Parti in the Dative Cafe, and yet he conftrueth the three laft a agreeing with the very firft Title-name in the Nominative Cafe. And is this the way to make me lament my want of his Academical Education? Is it any wonder if thefe men prove us Liars aud proud, and if they fentence usfcr leffer Crimes ?

Yea, here he concludeth that I write [fo puvifoly % fj v. r> onfly and unconftantly to my jelf, fo blindly^ as if willfully blihdan i not penitent of my own guilt, and fo arrogantly, and difdampdly i &c. ] You have heard the proof,

^•54. Pag. 99. He provethmy unpeaceabUnefs from the Peru :on for Peace, and Additions to the Liturgy: The Crime here IF, \Thtttt not one Office, no not one Prayer of the old Liturgy, and is l'tiled A Reformation of the Liturgy, and little more than a Directory.

An[. O miferable World! What cure is there for thy Deceits ? This good man talks as he hath heard, and lb all goes on.

But 1. he knoweth not it feems what Title our Copy had, but judgeth by that which fome body printed.

2. It feems he knoweth not that this Draught was only offered to debate_, expecting abundance of Alterations: We openly declared that it was done on fuppofition of obliterating and altering all that they had any juft exception againft, were it but as needlefs. And for the claufes, [Thefe or the like words! we pro-felr, that we expected an Obliteration of them, but had rather theBiihops did the impofing part, if it muft be done, than we.

3-He knew not it feems that ours we re offered but as additional Forms, that fuch of them as both fides agreed on, might be mixt as Alias's with the old Liturgy. And doth his Lordfhip then exclaim with reafon, that [Net one Office^ not one Prayer of the old was in, when all (after correction) was to be in 3 and none left out. Oh what is Hiftoryl and what men are its corrupters ?

And (that his work may be homogenealj p. 100, 101. having recited my Commendation of their Liturgy as better than any in the Bibhoth. Patrum, he addeth'as an Accufation, [Yet /\ 219. he complains of fuch failings in i> 3 that IT IS A WORSHIP which we cannot in faith be affured God accepteth.~\

Reader, This is one of the leffer fort of deceiving Accufarions. I (aid that (among greater fins which we fear in our Conformity) we fear leaft by AfTent and Confent to all things contained and prefcribed. &c> we fhould be guilty of juftifying all the failings in that worfhip, and alfo of offering to God aWorflnp that we cannot in faith be affured that he accepteth. This Lord fo word-eth it, that the Reader who perufeth not my words would verily think that I had frid this of the Liturgy in the fubftance of Worfhip there prefcribed , which I faid only as to the things xrhich we dare not conform to : And I explained it by faying, \\Ve dare no: juftijie the bjl Prayer we pat up to God in all things.'} E.g. To dedicate Infants to God without their Parents exprelt Dedication , or confent, or their promife co educate them as

Chrifti-

V]9)

jChriftians, and this upon the falfe covenanting of Godfather*: 'that never owned them> nor ever mean to educate them as promifed, ('as is known byconftant experience, neither they nor the Parents intending any fuch truft in the undertakers) and ro dedicate them by the facramental Sign of theCrofs, or a badge of Chriftianity, and to refufe all that will not be thus baptifed, This we fear is a worfhip that God will not accept. But is this therefore faid of the fubftance of the Liturgy ?

And if the Lord Bp. be wifer or bolder than we, and be beyond all fuch fears, mould he not fuflfer Fools gladly, feeing he himfelf is wife ? And if he like not our fearing an Oath, Subfcrip-tion, Declaration, Covenant, or Practice, which he thinks to be true and good, and we think to be falfe and evil, why may he not endure our timorouihefs while he may rufh on himfelf and venture j mould he not rather pitty us, while ScP**/faith, He that donbteth is damned if he eat, becavfe becateth not in Faith.

§ 3y. P. ic8. He queftions whether their communion be my-practice: and p. no. givethme two friendly Councils, i. To perufe my Books, and retract what's amifs. 2. To tell the World now my fober Thoughts, what I could and would do were I to begin the World again.

I heartily thank him for bis Counfel, for it is good and honeft, But alas,, what a thing is it to write of things which men know not! 1. Heknowethnot that I have retracted much already $ partly bydifowning, and partly by large Obliterations: Of the flrft fort are my Aphor. of Juftification, and my Voht. Aphorifms (though not all that's in them.J Of the 2d he may fee many and iarge Obliterations in my Saints Reft t my Key for Catbohclrs, &c e .

2. He feemeth not to know what bloody Books^ to prove me one of the worft men living, their Church Advocates have written againft me, fetcht mainly from thefe retracted Books and Words. Nor how they that commend Augu^ine^ reproach me as mutable for thofe Retractations.

3. It feemeth he knoweth not that I have already performed hisfecond Advice, in my Cvre for Church-Divifions, my Sec Plea for Peace , (about Government) Ye3, Bifhop Alorley before the King , Lords, and B mops at Worcejhr-bottfe, fpeaking of Ceremonies and Forms, caufed my Difput at ions of Charcb-Gc-verntnent, produced and faid, No man hath written better than Mr. Baxter, (as if it v/erc .jgainft my feif) And indoctrinate,

:.ithoL fhetl. and Methcd-a Tbeot. and Cbriflian DireFtoryhiVtcxpref-led my maturcit, calmeit thoughts. But hcthatconnfcls rr.e to it^nows not that it is already done. And more for Reviling and Retractation I would do, ifneceifity did not divert me, even the want of time and itrength.

§ 36. P. 11 y. You fay. {That Reverend and great man Bp. Morley tells ut \_tbe generality of None onj arming Divines Jbewedthemfelves unwilling to enter on Difpute, andfeemed to like much better another way, tending to an

amicable and fair compliance, which was wholly fruftrated by-—— a cer .

tain perfons furious eagernefs to engage in a Deputation.] This was it feems thefnfe of both fides at that time.]

Anf. How far from Truth ? It was the fenfe and Refolution of the reconciling Party, called by them Presbyterians: We all defired nothing but an amicable Treaty— We were promifed by they fhouli

meet us half way. When we met, Bifliop Sheldon declared the Agreement of his Party, that till we had brought in all our Exceptions agatnfl the Liturgies, aisd our additional Forms , they would hot treat with us. IVIr. Calamy, Mr. Claris, and others, would have taken that as a final Refu-ial, and meddled no more, left Difpute mould do more harm than good : I was againftfuch an untimely end , and faid, They will report that we had nothing tofiy: It's better let the cafe befeen in writing, than fo breal^ off. The reft wrote the Exceptions about the Liturgies; ibme Agent of the Bifhops anfwered them without the leaft conceflion for alteration at all. I wrote a f{eply,and the Additional Forms, and a Petition to the Bifiops, and they would treat of never aoneofthem: But at the end, put us to difpute to prove any Alteration necefjary, they maintaining that none at all was neceffary to the ca/e of tender Confciences. (Of which before.)

§37. I had thought to have proceeded, but truly the work which the Bifliop maketh me is lb unpleafant, almoft all about the truth or Falihood of notorious matter of Fa<5t, that I have more Patience to bear his Accufations ( whatever his learned Friend faid of my impatience) than to follow him any further at this rate. But whereas he faith, that \_fome will thinly that many things in his Boof^want truth.'] I am one of thofe, and leave it to the Readers Judgment whether they judge not truly : And whereas he lays fo muchftrefs on Bp. Morley's words, if any Printer (hall beat the charge of Printing it, I purpofe while he and the Witneeflsare yet alive, to publiflj the Anfwcr to his Letter, which 1 caft by to avoid Difplcaiure. And if they will ftill be deceived, let them be deceived. I cannot help it.

It is no wonder that hethat is defcribed, JoL 8. 44. mould carry on his Kingdom accordingly in the World : But muft his Dial be let -on the Steeple of Chrifts Church, and have a confecrated Finger for its Index ? O lamentable Cafe !

FINIS.

DIOCESAN

CHURCHES

NOT

Yet Difcovered in the Primitive Times.

O R

A Defence of the Anfwer to Dr. Stilling-

fleets Allegations out of Antiquity for

fuch Churches.

j

Againfl the Exceptions offered in the Preface to a late Treatife called a Vindication of the Primitive Church.

WHERE

What is further produced out of Scripture and

Antient Authors for Diocefan Churches is

alfb Difcuffed*

. Lift, Vin ; », :

L OZX.D 0 JsQ,

Printed for Thomas ^Parkhhrfl at the Bible and three Crowns at the lower end o£Cheap-fide near ^Piercers Chappel 1682. /

•' 0

■p > %tutt '

JL Age59.1. 4.r.Sirmond. p. 6*7.1. 35.r. to. p. t<5. r. Euodius. p. 80.1. ii»r. oqaro-rum. p.8£.l. itf.r.Congtegations. p 87.1.27.r. Bifhops. p. 9$. 1. 7. r Jlcnv-mms, p. ult. I. 9. r. tefs. befides mif-acceming fome Greek words, and other mif-pointings;

THE.

PREFACE

Iflenters are accnjed of Schifm by fome of this Churchy both thefe and the other are branded not only as Schifmaticks, but as Hereticks by the Papifts ; who upon this account judge its unworthy to live y and had actually dejhoyed both together, if God in Mercy had not difco-verd their devilifh Plot. The difcovery gave them fome interruption, and put them upon an after-game 3 to retrieve what had mifcarryed. And this was fo to divide m, as that our (elves fbould help them in their defign to mine us all, when they had lefs hopes to do it alone. In pur fiance hereof fuch influence they have had upon too many, as to raife in them a greater aver fat ion to DifTenters than to Papifts. Thefe the Conlpirators count their own, and thinly they may well do fo, fince

The Preface.

they are too ready to concurre with them in then defign to exterminate thofe, who are true Prote-ftants in every point, and differ no more from this Church than thofe in France do, who by the fame Counfeh are at this time in extreme danger to he utterly extirpated. Others are fo far f retailed with as to mafy ufe of one of the fiarpejl weapons they have again]} diffenting Proteflants, and that is the charge fl/ochifme, lately renewed and re-inforced.

In thefe hard circumflances, while we do what we can againfl the common Enemy, we are put to ward off the blows offuch as (notwithstanding fomeprefent diflemperj we will count our Friends. Amoiigft other expedients, fujficient to fecureusa-gainfl this attaque, it was thought not unufeful, to anjwer the allegations out of Antiquity, concerning two pints, wherein only Hoe Antients were madenfe of toour'prejudice, vi^. i. FtfrDioce-fan Churches, and then ily. Againfl the Election of Bifhops by the people in the primitive times. Something was performed and publifloedin reference to both thefe in a kite difcourfe. One half

of which, where the latter is dijcujjed, concerning the popular Eledions of Bifliops^ hath yet faffed without any exception that I can fee or hear of; yet this alone is enough to defend us againfl the of or efaid charge: For thofe who will not makg the primitive Church Schifmatical, mutt not condemn any as Schifmaticks for declining fetch Biftiops as that Church would not own.

Agamfl the former fart of the Difeourfe, concerning Diocefan Churches., feme exception hath been made, but very little; a late Author in his Preface to a Treatife of another Subjeli, hath touch-ed about 5 pages in 40. butfo as he hath done them no more harm, than another, who to fend one fault therein, runs himfelfinto two or three, about a*<w, render d indefinitely according to the mind of the Author who ufesit,andthe moft common ufe of it.

I difyarage not theGenthmmsLearningwhoat-taques me in his Preface,he fljews that which, (with anfeverable care and Judgment^ might befervice-ableiu a caufe that deferves it. But much more than hejheivs, would not be enough tofupport what he would effablijh. And he might have for bom the vi-

'Vilifying of thofe y who ate haiown to be Mafters of mhcb more valueable Learning, than appears in cither cf us. The negleB of fome occur atenefs in little things, remote from the merits of the caufe, in one mho is not at leifurc to catch flies., is no argument that he is destitute of Learning

I complain not of his proceeding with me ; hut am obliged by him, that he treats me not with fo much contempt as he does others, who lefs deferve it. I wijh he had dealt more temperately with M. B. it would have been more for his rcputatim, and no prejudice to his undertal^n^; 0: good caufc, when it hath a Sufficient Advocate, does not need any undec cutfimplements.

After 1 have cleared my Difcourfe from this-Gentleman's exceptions, I thought it not impertinent to few what in reafon Cannot be counted competent proofs cfDhcckn Churches;^// if any will pnrfne this debate farther, instead of oppofng w, they may not beat the Air, and amufe thofe that enquire after truth, with what is infgnifcant. PVithal i have given an account of what other allegations out of Scripture and Antiquity this Author

hath

The Preface.

hath brought in other farts of his Treatife for fifth Churches ; and jhe&> d that there is no evidence in them, at to thepurpofe they are alledgedfor*

Injhorty I find nothing in this Author, ,or any other before him, which mayfatisfe a judkiom and impartial man, that in the two nr&AgesofChri* Hianity any Bijhop had more than one particular Church or Congregation for his proper charge ; <or that in the third Age, there was any Bijhop which had a Church confiding of more than are in feme one of our Farifhes, unlefs it was the Church ,ofR ome Cnor is there fuffcient evidence produced for that :J Or that ir; the middle of the fourth Age there were 4 Churches 3 eacb of which ccmprifed more than comU ajfemhk in one place {though if they had contained more y that might he far enough from making them P&cefans \ J Or that afterwards , within the time <£ die four firft General Councils, where there were feveral Churches belonging to one Bifloop, he did exepcife juris diBum over them alone, or only by bfflfeJfmd Ms Delegates. It will he ti^ie c-nough tow$nre m M Schifmaticks for declining Diocefan Churches, when they have made it ap-

tiear.

The Preface. fear, that there wasfuch, in the bett ages of Christianity : (which not appearing, the cenfure falls upon the primitive Chrittians, from whom it will Aide of Jipon themfelves.J If they will forbear us, till this be performed, we need defire no more. Vn-lefs we may prevail with thofe who ft'merely profefs themfelves Proteftants, to regard the fecuring themfelves and their Religion from the deUruBive defgns of the Papifts , more than thofe things which are not properly the concern either of Pro-tcRantorof Religion.

As for thofe who prefer the Papifts before Di£ {enters, and revile thefe as-worfe, though they differ-in no one point of Religion from other true Prote-ftants: We need not wonder if we meet with no better treatment from them, then from declared Papifts; fince by fuch preference they too plainly declare r^eProteftant Religion to be worie than Popery., in their accountXbe following fheets have lain by me many Months, and bad done fo tfill; but that the importunity offome, and the mifreprefenting of my filence by others, forced me to pnblifh tbem^

»•-

Diocefan Churches not yet difcovered in the Primitive times.

TO fhew that many Presbyters in one Church was not enough to prove it a Dioce/an, I I made it manifeft that it was ufual in the anti-ent Church, to multiply Presbyters, beyond what we count neceffary^ (not. beyond what is neceffary, as it is too often mifreprefentedO For this I offer'd two Teftimonies, one aflerting it to be fo in the Fir Si <Age, the other in the Fourth, and thought thefefufficient, if they could not be denied, (as they are not J to evince it to have been fo in the Third: For who can reafonably fiippofe, but that had place in the Thirds which was ulual both in the Ages before and after ? The firft was that of Tiifoop Downham, who (ayes, at the firjl Conver-ftonof Cities, the number of people converted were not much greater than the number of Presbyters placed amongji them. hut this, its fayed can be of little uje$ 'becaufe, i. This ' was not the cafe of the Church of Carthage, it was * not a new converted Church, but fetled long before, e and in a flourifhing condition.

The Church of Carthage by the fierce perfections in Cyprians time(which is the time we fpeak of) was brought fo low, and reduced to fo very few, as if it had been but new converted, and how was kin a fetled and flou-rifhing condition, when it was fo lamentably wafted, and ftill harrafiedone year after another $ or who can be-

B lievc

CO

lieve it, that reads Cyprian lamenting, Treffuw jjiittt tarn turbidam uaflitatem, qua gregem noUrtim maxima ex parte populataeft, adhuc & ujque populatur, and that they were po(iti inter plangentium ruinat, et timentium reliquias inter numerofam & languentiumflragem, et exiguamftanti-nrnpaucitatem .<? ("a) Was not this much the cafe of the ^Apoflclical Churches, unlefsthis of Carthage was worfe, and fo lefs for our Author s advantage ? Or if this were otherwife, the Churches in Nazianzens time were not newly converted, but Jet led long before, and in a flour'iflj-ing condition 5 which yet cannot be denyed to have had more Presbyters than we count needful. So that this was the pra&ifein every condition of the Church, whether flourishing or not.

2. c He (ayes, many more Presbyters may be ordain* *edin a City, than is neceffaryfbr the firft beginning of 'a Church, with refpedt to future increafe. e>v.

And who will queftion, but the many Presbyters in the Church of Carthage were for future increafe both in City and Country £ So that herein the cafe is not different h And the defign of that number of Officers might partly be for other Congregations, (Epifeopal Churches, though n6t Dioce(an) to furnilh them with Officers. This is apparent afterwards in the praftice of the Jtfri-canChurches, who when a new Church was erefted, (up-plyed it with aBifhop or other AfEftants from places better ftored with Officers \ And it is exemplyfied particularly (as we (hall fee hereafter) in the provifibn which St. Auflin made for Fuflala.

c He (ayes further, the multitude of Presbyters belong-£ ing to one Congregational Church, might be occafi-c on'd by the uncertain abode of mod of the Apoflies

* and their Commijjtvners, who are the Principal, if not

* the»onlyOrdainers of Presbyters mentioned in Scrip-

* ture.

But

(3 )

But herein he does but guels, and had no reafon to be pofitive, unlefi the Apojiles and their Commijjiomrs^ (as ha calls them,) had been then the only Ordainers, which he will not venture to affirm, knowing what evidence there is againft it.

'Laftly, he (ayes, if this opinion of TSijhop Downham c had any certain ground in Antiquity, we (hould pro-'bably hear of it with both eares, and we (hould have 'it recommended upon antienter Authority than his.

This of BiJIwp Dovpnham hath certain ground in the beft antiquity, if the^cmTefiament befuch 5 v where it is plain there were many Presbyters in diverfe Churches, (uchas are not yet, nor ever will be proved to be Diocefatt.

To\\\zto{y\(jizianzen^ he (ayes, c it hath received 'its anfweiv and adds, he that cannot an(wer it to him-'fel£ from the great difference between the condition of 'theChurch in Cyprian^ and in J^azianzeris time, hath 'a fondnefs for the Argument.

This is the an(wer it received, T*ag. 51. and this difference was thus expreffed a little before 3 ' But that any e Church fixt and fetled, having its Bifhop alwayes pre-c fent, (houldmultiply Presbyters beyondIneccjfity, in the ^circumftances of the Primitive Chriftians before Con-'Jiantwe, is altogether incredible 5 for the neceflary ex-c pences of the Church were very great, the poor nu-'merous, the generality of Chriftians not of the Rich-'eft, and the Eftates they had being at the difcretionof 'their enemies, and mind with perpetual perfecution, &c He fayes, multiplying Presbyters beyond mccjfity^ and without neceJJIty^ while he alters my words (b as to change the fenfe, he difputes againft himfel^ not me 5 But this looking more like an Argument than anything before, I ihall take a little more notice of it. t. Is not all this applicable to the Churches in the Apojiles times,

B 2 when

wnen it cannot oe aenyea rresvyiers were muitipiyea beyond what we count neceffary ? The poor numerous, the generality of ChrilJians not of the Tfychejl, afid the EJiates they had beingat the difcretion of their enemies, and mind with perpetual perfection.

Further, the Church before ConBantine and Carthage particularly, fuppofing thefe to be its circumftances, might have many Presbyters without any great charge: For i ft. the Church Stock was referved only for thofe in want, r&i JtotMoit, as is determin d in one of the Canon* b)can. 4. which pals for jipoftolic&l, fb) and the lame decreed in c} can. 25. the (ynod at jintioch. (c) ^ntbrofe even in the 4th. Age, will have none to have a ftipend wha hath other revenues, Qui fidct exercet militiam, agelli fki fru3ibus y fi habet, debet ejfe contentus 5 Jinon habet, Stipendiorum ft-d) ogki L. 1. orumfruUu. (d) And Chryjbftomtdh us that in Eleftions, • * 5, thofeof the Competitors that had Eftates did carry it,

becaufe the Church would need to be at no charge in maintaining of fiich, ** & /lo/ro tfh&m c* ?w t« owKhtm'** 1) ve factrd. *p#Aw 2ly. When they had no Eftates, andtheC^rrA tiLSaviu* could not maintain them, they were ta provide for tbemfelves by fome honeft imployment. The Council of Elvira allows all forts of Clergy men to drive a trade, for their living, provided they did it only in the Pro-: ) Can. 19. vince where they lived, (f) and in the 4th. Council of Carthage it is ordered, that the Clergy, though they be learned in the word of God, flail get theirlivingbya trade. 0 cm. $11 (gj and in the next Canon that they flail get food and raymentby a Trade or Husbandry, with this provifo, that it be not a prejudice to their Office* Our ^Author (ayes in* *) Va&* 154. deed, (h) that this is contrary to theufage of all other Churches 5 how true this is may be (een by the Canon before cited. He fayesalfb, that this is forbidden by the ^d. Council of Carthage 5 but neither is this fo, that Canon adds but another rcftri&ion, viz. that they get not their liviug*

by

(5 )

by an employment that is fordid or difljonejt, where the (j) can. i 5 . in Latine and Greek both agree in it. gly. The Church Cod * l6 < was to allow none of them, no not Bif/jops more than*e-ce/Jary>even zitetConftantims time. That Canon call'd the ApoJilesyZnd the other Antioch forecited, exprefs this in the lame words, the Bifljopmay have of the Church Stock what is neeedfitll, if he be necejjitous, rd </Wr«« JWt* ©e/s *V*Jxca-•f;c?«ifltft for necejfary ufes, and thefe are afterwards ex-plain'd to be food and rayment. Zonaras expreffes it fully and clearly, whom he that the Canon doth not fatisfie, may confult.

Having fhew'd out of Jujiinian, that 60 Presbyters belonged to the great Church in Constantinople , and thence inferr'd they were numerous in Conjiantines time, the 6 number ((ayes he,J was become extravagant in jf«-*Sfinians time 5 but what is this to their number in Cy-l prians}

He (taould have asked the Dean this, who to prove Diocejan Churches from the number of Presbyters, immediately after Teftimonies out o£ Cyprian, brings this of JuStinian.

c For this very edift of Jujlinian (hews that this multiplying of Church Officers was an innovation, m&therc-c fore would have them reduced to the firft eftaWifh-raent.

Jujlinian took order to retrench the numbers of Presbyters, not therefore becaufe it was an innovation, but becaufe the Church revenue could not maintain fo many, which is exprefs in the Novel.

c But that firft eftablifbment it (eems admitted grear c numbers, for one Church had 60* True 5 butitmuft alfb c be noted firft, that thefe 60 were to ferve more than * one Church.

Some may be ready to ask how it can be true, that one Church (hould have 6o, and yet more than one had thefe 60 amongft them, c For

* tor tnere were tnree more oenaes at. Sophia to be c fupplyed by theft Presbyters. &cl

True 5 but this ftill confirms what I anfwer'd to their argument from the multitude of Presbyters, that in the antient Church the Officers were multiplyed above whai we count needful: For it is not now thought needful that any 3 or 4 Churches in a City, (hould have 60 Presbyters, 100 Deacons, 90 Subdeacons, Readers no. &c.

c Yet after all, there is no argument to be drawn from 'this number, for thefe were Canons o£ a particular foundation, defigndfor the fervice of a Collegiate Churchy 'and no meafure to be taken from thence concerning the c numbers of Presbyters belonging to the Diocefi. This c is evident from the Preface of the (aid Novel.

If no argument is to be drawn from this number, why did the Learned Dean draw one from it .<? 2ly. This feems fcarce confident with the former Period .- there, thefe Presbyters were for 3^4 Churches, here they are but for one Collegiate Church of which they were Canons, and this faid to be evident in the ^Preface, where I cannot fee it. 3ly. Since no meafure is to be taken from hence concerning the numbers of ^Presbyters belonging to a Dio-cejs 5 it feems there may be this number of Presbyters in a place which cannot be counted a Diocefi, (as this one great Church never was, nor can be) and then no argument drawn from thenumber of Presbyters at Rome, Carthage, SdeJJa, <&c. will prove a Diocefan Church 5 for here was the greateft number, which any where we meet with.

Dr. St. to prove Diocefan Churches from the nume--roufhefs of Presbyters, mentioned 60 in C. P. in Jujli-maris time? from hence on the by, I thought it reasonable to fijppofe they were numerous in Conjiantine'stime, when yet Theodoret fayes, all the Brethren met together with the Bijhop. That the number of Presbyters is no

Proof

(7)

proof of a Diocefan Church was evinced fufficiently before: this fell in occafionally, and was added cxabun-dantt 5 Yet upon this (upernumerary ftragler he turns his main force, (pending about 12 Pages on it. lam little concerned what becomes of it, fince the main Hy-pothefis is already (ecured by the premiffes 5 but that this Gentleman may not quite loofe all his labour, I am willing to loofe a little, in taking fome notice of it.

c I muft confefs that what is added concerning the c Church of C. P. is fomewhat furprizing, no doubt c (ayes he, that the Presbyters were more numerous in C CP.

Indeed it might have been furprizing if I had (aid as he reports me, that they were more numerous $ but I (aw reafon not to fay (b, though what reafon there was to impofe it on me I know not: I cited Soc : mifprinted Soz. (aying, Conjiantine built two Churches at C. C P. , but laid no ftrefi on it at all. f k) It is true, he fayes not that (k; to U he built no more than two, but his expreffion plainly im-c% I2# plyes it, and he v^as concerned if he had known any more to have mention d it, when in the fame Line, he (ayes Conjiantine intended to make it equal to T\ome. Eufebi-us's words agree well enough herewith, he (ayes Confian-tine adorn d it , *r*rfww, -coith more Churches , and that's true, if he built but two more, or any more than was there formerly, or any more than was ufaal. And theft more Churches were not in the City, but ("as the Hijlorian (peaks ) partly there, and partly ^f3 wars®-, which as the word is u(ed, may denote places many Miles di-ftant from the City, as the Gentleman elfewhere observes after Valerius. Sozomen (ayes he built toaaw, many Churches, (not very many as he will have it) but if he thereby meant more than are named by Socrates, we need not underftand that done before the time Theodoret ipeaks of} Norfhould a lax expreffion be more relyed

(8)

on, than one that is pun&ual and definite 5 unlefswc have a mind either to be milled, or to fet the two Hifto-rians together by the ears. Sozomen names but one Church more than Socrates did, and that not *>, but a good diftance from the City, (70 Furlongs by Land,) and 3 may pais for many, when it was a rare thing for any City to have more than one. The heft Authors, as they fometimes exprefs^er^ few by none, and a generality by all0 fo they exprels tffore than ordinary by many 5 and twoo* three fuch Churches in one City were more than ordinary at that time, when one City in an Hundred had not two Churches, and one in a Thouland had not three Churches, that could be ftyled **Wfc ^//that Conjiantine built here were fuch, both Eujebius his more, and Sozo-mens many, are laid, by them to be very great, i&yw* But no confiderable Author that I meet with in that Age, or fome Hundreds of years after, names more than two very great Churches ere&ed by ConBantine in that City. And if companion be made, thece is no Hijiorian of thole times, to be more regarded in matters which concern C. *P, than Socrates who tells us, that he was born and educated in C. P., and continued there ("as an advocate ) when he wrote his Hiftory.

But if we (hould luppofe that Sozomen intended more than 3 or 4 Churches, or that the Emperour built no more than was requilite, and only conlulted convenien-cy, anddefignd not State or Magnificence, (which yet our Author a little after layes he did 5 and we know nothing is more ordinary than for great Cities to have more Churches than are needful: it was lb in London before the Fire, and the retrenching of their number fince fhews it:) yet this will be lb far from proving sAlexan-der's Church in C. 7\ to be Diocejan, that it will not prove it greater than fome fingle Congregations: for there were 12 Churches in Alexandria, when yet the Church

(9)

in that City adhereing to .Athanafius confifted of no , % more than are in fome one of our Parifhes. For which ftch Evidence has been brought, as is not yet, nor I think, can be defaced. c Npr can we imagine that two c Churches, much lefs one, could fuffice all the Chrifti-c ans in C. T. when the City of Heliopolk being converted to Chriftianity required more, and Conftantine c built feveral for them, **xM9**t o ml**t.

The word plurally exprefled is much improved by our ^iitthor, he makes out of it diverfe Churches^ and all tkefe Churches^ when yet all tkcfe were but one Church, as Socrates himfclf makes it plain a little before/5 for isoc. i.i.c.iB. having related how Conftantine ordered a Church to be built near the O^at Mambre^ he adds, that he ordered another Church ("not Churches ) to be ereclcd at Helio-polis, M&v UMwieut y47*titdsa&ivcu. And to put it pad doubt, Eufehius whom the Emperour employ'd about thofe ftru&ures, and from whom in all likelihood So-crates had the Relation, gives an account but of one Church there founded by the Emperour^ which he calls l7x»?luK7iigMG4uttoiolat0f, and that it was furnifhed with a ml.$.c.$6.t>f ^Btfrjop^ 'Vresbyters and Deacons. So that the Bifhop of lM Con i iiint -Heliopolk had but one Church for his Diocefs, which our [Author fhould not be fb loath to own, fince it cannot be proved that at this time one Bilhop in an hundred, had more.

Valefius (whom our Author much relies on) in his VSj>ies upon this place, is fo far from thinking that Con- « fiantine built more Churches in Heliopolis^x. he judges this one at prefent was not neceffary for it, the Town haviug then no Chriftians in it: and affigns this as the reafon why Eufebhis fpeaks of it as a thing unufual, that it fhould have a Bifhop appointed, and a Church built in it. His words are, Fortajfe hoc novum & inauditum ftiijfe intelligit^ &c. He may think, this new and unheard

C to J of, that a Church fiwuld he built in-a City, where as yet there were no Chriflians but all were alike idolaters. Therefore thk Church was built at Heliopolis, not for that there*was any nccejfity of it, but rather in hope that he might invite all the Citizens to the profejficn of the Clyrifiian Religion. So that the Bilhop here had none for his Diocefe but one iniib^Mvk. Church, and that empty, there being then no Chrifti-?^' °' 58 ' ans in ^at one Parifh 3 which yet was all he had to make him a Diocefan.

The better to confute Theodoret, whofaies (Tor they are his words, not mine ) that Alexander with all the ^Brethren met together, he endeavours to (hew the (Vote of that Church about the latter end of Conjlantine, Sec. this he does here and after by an undue Application of feme paffagesin Sozomen. For the account which that Hijlorian gives of that City is not confined to Conftan-tines time, but reaches beyond it, ay, and beyond Julians too, which appears, as by other paffages, fo by his mentioning the heathen Temples in the time of that Emperour. And with refpeft to the time after Con-Jlantine muft that expreffion be underftood, which makes C. C P. to exceed Rome, not only in Torches, but in the number of inhabitants, otherwife it will be apparently falfe. For when Chryfijlome was Bifhop there, about 70 years after (when it is like the number of the Inhabitants were doubled, it cannot be queftioned but they were far more numerous) he who beft could do it, rec-n in ab. mm. kons the Chriftians then to be an 100000 n 5 our Au-1 i.pag.6^ tkor will have us look upon the Jews and Heathen there to be inconfiderable but let us count them another icoooo. Yet both put together will fall incomparably {port of the number in old Rome, which by the compu-o m Ma'gnit. tation of Lipjius was at leaft two millions p. And in Rom. nb. 3.C.3. Confiantines time new Rome was as far fhort of the old

as

(-II)

as to its greatnefs in circuit, for whereas Hcrodian declares that Severus quite demolifhed ^Byzantium for tiding with ^Qger, and reducing it to the if ate of a Village fetbjetfed it to Perinthus, *"V« ^W ntoivtion J8&* *Adn p, ? lib. 2.. p. 62. we cannot in reafon fuppofe it to be extraordinarily fpacious 5 yet as Zofimus reports, all the inlargement which Contiantine gave it, was but the addition of 15 Furlongs, *»<#•'* ^m^V^'^. Now (uppofe it was 30 q//^. 2.;. 62. or 40 Furlongs in com pais before fand fo larger than one City in an hundred) yet this addition will leave it lefs than Alexandria^ which, as Jofephu* defcribes it, was 80 Furlongs, that is,ten miles in circumference r, yet A- rpeBeih Jud. lexandriawas four times lels than'Z^We, forby Vopifeuas ll0 ' 2 * caf ' l6% account, in Aureliaris time, not long before Confiantine^ the walls were made by him near 50 miles in circuit. So it will be in comparifon of Confiantinople when firft built, rather like a V^ation than a City^ as ^iriftotle fa id of the Other Babylon, %X H myyesiVkS pahhov ?$»* i-dhsm j. s Pol. lit.$.c.2. If then we will have this paflage ofSozomen to have any appearance of truth,itmuft be extended far beyond Conjlantinesume, when, as Zofimus tells us, many of the flicceeding Emperours were ftill drawing multitudes of People to thatCky,fothat it was afterwards encompafled with walls far larger, wd*a» rfo^^ than thofe ofConJian-tine t. And in an Oration of77?e^7/ri^itismade a que- t lib. 2. p. 6$. ftion whether Tkeodofius junior did not add more to C.P. than Confiantine did to Byzantium.

c Many of the Jews and almoft all the Heathen were | c converted and became Christians.

The expreffion of Sozomen does not hinder but as the 'main body of the Jews remained, fo the numbers of the Heathen might be confiderable. Tcrtnliian fpeaks of Citizens in his time as if they were almoji all christians^

C " J>

u Apol. c. 37. y en ± otnnes elves chrijliani u 5 yet no inftance can be given of any one City where the Chriftians were the major part of the Inhabitants .• thofe that take his words in a ftri<S fenfe are very injurious to him, and make him (peak that which no antient Records will warrant. Sozcmm alfo may fuffer by ftraining his -ex-predion} but I will not digrefi to take farther notice of what is not material 5 forldeftgnnot, nor have any need,to make any ad vantage of the numbers of the Heathens in this City.

He tells us of 950 Work-houfes whofo rents were allowed to defray the Funeral expences of all that died in the City (for fo it is exprefled in the Conftkution,

W Novel. 43. TT&f 1 rlw YMviuj a,7idv7wv dv&$cv7mv ooidM 70 <7az£yyu8 t <s^JHmv VP ) thefe

being performed with great folerrjnity, and multitudes of Attendants maintained by thofe rents for that pur-

x Nov. $9.c.z+ pofe x. How this here makes the Chriftians in C. 7 J . to be fo very numerous as he would have them, he fhould have (hewed us 5 I am not yet fo fagacious, as to difco-ver it. The number of the Decani was determined

y cod. deLed. by Ronorhts to 950 y. Our Author thinks it probable they were fo many at the firft eftablifhment, but there's more ground to believe, they were much fewer in Conftaniims time \ for about 800 were counted Efficient in Jvjhmaris Reign, 200 years after, when the City was both larger, and much more populous and

% *bvtL$9j.& j n j ts g rea teft flourifti z. Thofe that confider the premises, may well think, he might have form'd his conclusion in terms left confident, to (ay no worie of it.

Next he forms an Obje&ion againft himfelf: c not-c withftanding the number of Chriftians in C. P. might c be much too great for one Congregation, yet the ma-4 jor part might be Hereticks or Schifmaticks^ fuch as c came not to the Bilhop's Church, and therefore all

that

(i3 )

c that adhered to him might be no more than could 1 meet in one Aflembly.

To which he anfwers, that the number of Heretic^ and Schifmaticks was inconsiderable, and will not except the Arians or V^ovatians. For the Arians, he faks, they had not yet made a formal Separation.

But if they did not feparate themfclves, the Church would have them feparated, and did exclude them from communion, and withftood Conjlantines importunity for their admiffion, both here and in other places : Athanafws was threatned by Eufebius of ^Qcomedia a, zSQcdib.icn and banifhed by the Empcrour for this caufe among o-thers. And Alexander being fecured by Arius his death from admitting him to Cothmunion, was the oc-cafion of this paffage in Theodorct which gives our Author fb much trouble. Now the Arians being debarred from communion, leflened the Bifhop's Church, both here and elfewhere, as much as if they had fepa-rated themfelves. And they were numerous here, this being the place where they had greateft favour 5 in Conjiantines Edid againft the Hereticks whofe meetings he would have fuppreffed, the Aridns were not mentioned when the other are named/'. Socrates writes bzufeb.de vitx-that the People in this City was divided into two confUnt.vk^. Parties the Arians and the Orthodox, they had contimi- _ ( ally fiarp bickerings, but while Alexander lived the Orthodox had the better 5 as foon as he was dead (which was 4 " while Conjlantine lived J it feems they appeared * Vales obftw. equal,for the conteft fixes he, ivas dubious, *wfaiwri p*w c f tnSUn &Sc ~' In ^{aziznzens time fb far they overtopt the Orthodox, Q s'ocAlb.i.c^,. that this great Diocefan Church appear'd but in the form of a private meeting, held in a very little honfe, where he kept a Conventicle with them, ^^^V^^x^^ah^s^ fb Sozomen d, and Socrates agrees with him in the ex- dz./fc. ? . ^, 5 , prciiion, «WJ»K? tam»^ fuch a diminutive place feemsas

un-

unproportionable for fuch a Diocefan Church as a 5Yut-Jfje/J for Howcr's Iliads, or a Keyhole for a Witch^ to ufe our Author's Elegancies.

As for the Novations to which he will have no more allowed than a Conventicle, they were numerous in o-ther places, they had once diverfe Churches in ^Alexandria, many Churches in Rome and in other places. It is like they were numerous here, for here they had as much favour or more, and longer too, than in the Cities forementioned, here Socrates fayes they had three <Lcap.$o. Churches e, and if three Churches w 7 ould but make one inconjiderable Conventicle $ it is poffible the other Orthodox'Churches (though he will have them to be many) might be comprized in one vaji Congregation.

I might obferve how much Sozomeu is mif represented in what he fayes next of thofe concerned in the £dicf, the V^ovatians efpecially. He fpeaks not mincingly as our Author would have him, but fully that the iN^ova-tians did not fuffer 'much by the Edift 5 he does not fay only that it was probable they fuffered little, but (ayes this only of a reafbn himfeff gives, why they fuffered not much. He gives other reafbns for itthanf/>e opinion, the Novatians had of that Bifhop. He does not fay the other Hereticks were altogether extirpated. He does not confefs that the Novatians fffircd the fame meafure with ethers every where, no, nor any where elfe, it is the ^Montanifs that he fayes this of. He dares to affirm they had a Conventicle or more, for he affirms they had an eminent Bifhop in C. 'P. and were not only numerous therebefore the Edidt, but continuedfoafter. The Gentle-wan was in too much hafle here, as himfelf will perceive, by obferving how much his account differs from the Hiftorians.

At laft he comes to that paflage tff Theodorct which occafioned all thefe lines, but Theodorct affirms they

•were

were no more than could meet in one Church, and that they did a&ually do fo, c I anfwer, fayes he, th.it Theodoret * does not-fay fo, and the paffage cited does not con-c elude it.

I did not fay Theodoret affirms they were no more, than could meet in one Church, but he (ayes the fame in effect, viz. that all the Brethren ajjembled with Alexander. His words are, Alexander, the church rejoycing, held an Af-femhly with all the 'Hrethren, prajing and greatly glorifying God. The words are plain, and the fenfe, I take them in, is open in the face of them. Nor do I believe that any difinterefted perfbn would put any other fenfe upon them than this-, that the generality ofChrijlians of which the Church at Conftaminople confijied, ajjembled together with their TZ/fiop Alexander, to praife God joyfully for their deliverance by the death of Arius. But he will not have the words taken in a generalfenfe, but will fuppofe them taken with refpeli to that particular Congregation^ in which Arius was to be reconciled. Yet this fup-pofition hath no ground either in the words, or in the contexture of the Difcourfe, or any where elfe that I know of, or our ^Author either } for if he had, we fhould have heard it with both ears, as he fpeaks elfe-where. He will not have all the Brethren, to be all the Believers at C. P. yet he knows that Brethren and Believers are Synonymous terms both in Scripture and an? • cient Authors. vAnd thofe were the Believers or Brethren of the Church of C. T 3 . which had occafion to re-jovce, and that was the whole Church there .* as for ■attVJs*, render'd Z)niver(i, Ido not take it jw- all and every one of the Chriftians there} for in all AfTemblies,of great Churches efpecially, mwy are alwayes abfent. He had dealt more fairly with Theodoret, if by all he would have underftood the generality of Chriftians adhereing ta Alexander at C. P. or the greateft part of them, and

about

• r to

about fuch an abatement of the full import of the word, there had been no need to contend , but his reftraint of it to a particular Congregation agrees not with the words, nor the occafion of them, nor hath any fupport tUewhere.

Nor is that better which follows, unlefs you will fay that with all the Brethren, does not Jignifie their perfonal pre fence, hut only their unanimity.

This looks more like a fhift than a plain anfwer, and therefore he was well advifed in not venturing to own it.

c Theodoret could not think that all theBeleivers of C. c P. could come together to the Bifhop's Church, for he c cites a Letter of Conjiantines a little after, where he * gives an account of the great increafc of that Church. In the City that is caWd by my name by the Providence of God\ an infinite multitude of^Pcople have joined them/elves lo the Churchy and all things there wonderfully increasing, it feems very requifite that more Churches flwu Id be built 5 nnderflanding therefore hereby what I have refolved to do, I though fit to order you to provide 50 'Bibles fairly and legibly written.

He does not fay an infinite multitude, the words of the Letter are vhwv n$Sos 9 that there was a very great multitude pf Chriftians is not denied, nor that he intended to build more Churches 3 but this confirms what is fig-nified before, that thefe very many Churches were not yet built, but only in defign, and that with a profpect of Chriftians there (till increafing. And the Bibles, if they were intended only for C. P. might be for the future Churches, not the prefent only.

His Conclufion is, c where Chriftians were fb multiplied that it was neceffary to build more Churches, c and to make fuch provifions for the multitude of their c Affcmblies, it could not be that they fhould all make e but one Congregation. He

He (hould have concluded that which is denied, o-therwife all he hath premifed will be infignificant, and to no purpofe: it is granted that all the Chriftians at C.P. did make more than one Congregation, and for their conveniency met atother times in feveraiChurches. That which is denied is, that the main Body or generality of Chriftians there could not meet in one Aflembly, or did not lb meet at this time with their Biftiop Alex-under, as to this he hath proved nothing, and therefore did well to conclude nothing againft that which is affirmed to be the plain import of Theodora's expreliion.

And it may be fuppofed that Tkeodoret, if he had not exprefled it, might well thinks (though the contrary be iuggefted ) that as great multitudes, as Conffaxtines Letters fignified, might meet together at.the Biftiop's Church 5 for himfelfdeclares what a vaft Congregation he preached to at dntioch, having an Auditory of many Myriads f. I will not ask him what Uttfebius could thinks f Ep. 8$. when he tells us the Chriftians had mwh*< Zfofwai"}**, djfemblies confining of ^Myriads g. Nor what Socrates g ^-8. Cap. u thought, when he tells us long after, of C. P. that the whole City became one ^ijjembly, and meeting in an Or a-tory, continued there all day h, ''okvtkxk rf&lKKKmdt.iyknTihUb.'j.cap.ii. h o t4 ivwsico w'Q/ufyQt 9 <&c. But I would have him tell me how he underftands that paffage of Chryfoftcmc^ %w

TpJh /. vVhat is the import of thefe words ? Do they i mm. 8$. h fignify that ten ^Myriads were affembled in one place Mat -Tm - z -h to hear Chryfoftome? Iffo, there will be no queftion 52p * but that the generality of Chriftians might meet in one -Church with Alexander in Confiantines Reign $ for that then, (about 70 years before J there was any thing near fo many Chriftians as an 100000, adhereing to one Bifhop in this City, cannot with any reafon be iroagin-

D ed.

C i8J-ed. Or does he mean only, that there were fo many ^Myriads of Chriftians contained in that City.<? If fo, then he faies here no more than in another Homilyfoxt-cited, where the number of Chriftians in C. P. is computed to be an ioooco, reckoning all he fides Jews and Heathens. Now if they were no more in his time, they cannot with reafon be fappcfed to have been above half fo many in Covftantines (unlcfs any can imagine, that their'numbers advanced more in 6 years than in 7c, when the fucceeding Emoerours multiplyed the Inhabitants exceffively, y ^f rfe^ x?"** 0 as Zofimus tells lt-L/k 2*. us 4, crouding the City fo full as that they could fcarce ftir without danger : ) and a great part of thefe were fallen off to Artus while .Alexander was Bifhop : the y^Qovatians alfo, were numerous, having feveral Churches s and thefe with other Se&s being dedu&ed, the Chriftians there that communicated with .Alexander will be no more (if fo rnanyj than belong to fome one of our Parifhes.

* It would fwell this Preface to too great a Bulk, if I * fhould anfwer the reft fo particularly.

Since he defigned to be fb brei£ and to have fo fhort a Preface, I wifh he had employed more of it a-gainft that which is the ftrength of the Difcourfe he oppofes, and of more confequence to the main Caufe 3 and not have fpent (b many leaves upon a by-paflage, for which we have little reafon to be concerned : for if he could make it appear, that the Chriftians at C P. in Conjlanttnes time were more than could meet in one Congregation, yea, or in two either 5 that would be far from proving it a Diocefan Churchy unlels fome one or two of our Parifhes can be counted fo.

Let me add in fine, that our Author has done juft'nothing towards the difproving of what Theodoret was al-ledged for 3 unlefi he fhew, that C. P. exceeded old

Rome^

C 19)

Rome, was furnifhed with ftch an infinite number of

Chriftians, Co many ("more than two J) magnificent

Churches there ere&ed, the 50 Bibles thought needful

to be provided, and almoft all the Heathen befides many

Jews converted } before Alexander (who is faid to hold

this Affembly with all the brethren) deceafed 5 and (b

unlefs he prove that all this was done (which himfelf I

think can fcarce believe) in lefs than a year. For Vale*

Jius (uyn whofe authority this Gentleman takes much)

proves at large (^making it the bufinefs of one of his

Tiooks) that Alexander died (and yet muft live fome

while after this panegyrical Affembly) in the year 331. l. 2. ohferv.h

Anditsmanifeft, that C.P, was not built, nor had that Soe &S9 *

name till 331. For tho' it was building the year before,

yet it was not finifhed till 25 of Conftantines Reign (as

Jerome and others:) and the beginning of his Reign \s chronic.

reckoned from the death of Conflantius his Father, who

was Conful with Maximianus in the year 306, and V4conful.

died in the middle of it. There needs not a word more

to (hew that all his difcourfe on this fubjeft is wholly

infignificant, and not at all for his purpofe, tho' this be

the moft confiderable part of his* Preface.

c This Author gives feveral inftances of feveral Rifliops c being in one City at the fame time, in anfwer to the c Dean otT^aul*^ who affirmed that it was an inviolable c rule of the Church to have but one, &c. Jerufalemh c thefirft inftance, &c. I wonder to find a manofLearn-c ing cite this paflage, than which nothing can be more 'disadvantageous tohisCaufe.

There is one who I fuppofe paffes for a man of learn-ing who for the fiime purpofe makes ufe of this inftance, fince mine was publifhed 5 We have, faith he, Examples in Ecclefiajlicaljlory of of two Bijfwp's at the fame time in the fame See$ and yet this was never thought Schifmatical^ when the fecond was advanced by the conjent of the firfi.

Thus Alexander a Bifhop in Cappadocia torn made Bijfjop . of Jerufalem while Narciflus wo* living, but very old: and Anatolius at the fame time, fate in the Church fl/Caefarea with Theotecnus, and this was St. Auft'in s own cafe, who )££%$ Drk rcas r,tade Bifiop tf/Hippo while there was another Hijjjop living /. He (ayes alfb, Nothing can he more difadvan-tagcous to my caufe than this pajfige. If it had been no advantage to my caufe, I fhouM have thought it bad enough 5 but if nothing could be more difadvapt.ige-ous, I am very unhappy : let us fee how it is made good.

c VH^arciffus having retired, and the people not know-c ing what had become of him, the neighbouring Bi-4 (bops ordained Dins in his place, who was fucceeded c by Gordius and after by Germanico, ( it fliould be by c Germanico, and after by Gordius ) in whofe time <-Narciffus returned, and was defired to refume his c Office, and did fo. What became of Germanico (he 'means Gordius,*) is not (aid but probably he refigned ' or died prefently.

There is nothing to make either of thefe probable, it is altogether as likely, if not more, that he continued Bifhop there with Narciffus for fome time 3 but becaufe izitfebius fayes nothing of it, I infift not on it. But be-fides he tells us, Narciflus took Alexander, into the par* ticipation of the charge. That fignifies Narciffus was not excluded from the Epifcopal charge, both had their parts therein. No, but fayes he, Alexander was the Tiiflwp^ Narciflus retained but the name and title only, that is, he was but a Titular, not really a Bifhop., and why fo £ becaufe Alexander, fayes he, joined with him in prayers, and the Hi fieri an fijes he was not able to officiate by reafon of his great age. He was not able it may be to perform all the Offices of a Bifhop, but what he was able to do no doubt he performed. Now if they muft.be but titular Bifhops, who perform not perfonally all the 0£

fices

fices of a Paftoral charge ( when they cannot pretend Mvatfv yk?f) how many real Bifhops fhall we iind in the World .<? But betides the V^jime and Title, did he not retain the Power and Authority of a Bifhop f If not, how came he to loofe it I Did he rcjign, or was he depojed <? That he refigned there is not the leaft intimation in this Hijiorian or any other 5 nor any in-ftance in the antient Church, that ever any Bifhop diverted himfelfof all paftoral "Tower upon this account. To have depofed him for his great age h id been a barbarous Ad, andfuch as the Church in thofc times cannot be charged with. No doubt but he retained the Epifco-pal power, though through Age he could not exercife kin all inftances} and if he had not only the Title but theTWer, he was really a Bi(hop 7 and there were two Bifhops at once in one Church, and then this inftance is (b far from being n/oji dijadvantageous, that it (erves me with all the advantage I defigned in alledging it. , As for the words o^Valedm cited by him, if they be taken in the fenfe which our Author would have them, that learned man will not agree with himfelf For but a very few lines before, he fays, thefe two were Co-Epijcopi, TSifiops together in that City, juperjiite epifiopo adjutor & coepifcopus eli adjunttus, And tho' he (ays (but fays it doubtfully with a rd jailor ) this was forbidden at Sardica (above 100 years after )} yet he adds that, notwithjianding it was jiill ufoal in the Church, nihil ominus ider.tidem in ecclejia ujurpatum eji, which is all that I need defire. And afterwards, where Sujebius in/. 7.^.32. again mentions two Bifhops in one City, he obferves y that in one of his Copies, the Scholiaji lus this note up; on it in the Margin, A)*" 7 ™^^** mvwmifvonswwe&^here alfo there were two Bifiops of one Church. Vaiejiw adds, the Scholiaji nnderjiands Alexander, who w#$ Tiij/wp of ]exufalcrmtogether with Narciflus.

The

The next inftance is oiTheotecnus and Jlnatotius who were Bithops of Cafarea together. Againft this he hath little to fay, I fuppofe becaufe nothing can be (aid againft it in reafon. Only he feems willing that Anato-lius (liould pafs but as Epifcopus dejignatus^ whereby iF he mean one, who is not yet aftual'ly a Bifhop, but de-figned to be one hereafter, as Eradius was by dugujiine, it is inconfiftent with what Izufebius fayes and hirnfelf quotes, but one line before, viz. that Theotecnus ordained him BiJJjop in his life-time , for if he was not actually Bifhop after he was thus ordained, he was never

m Euftb. 1. 7. Bifhop at all m.

c -l 2 Another inftance was of ^lacarius and ^Maximns

both Bifhops at once otjcrufalem.

He would not have ^Maximus to be Bifhop while ZMacarius lived, becaufe it is (aid he was to rule the Church after his Death.

But £Maximus was to govern the Church not only after his death, if he furvived him (as he was like to do being much younger) but while he lived 5 and fo did aftually together with him, ™wsp£d«/ 3 which denotes

n^./.2.f.i9.theexerci(e of the fame Fun&ion together n : befides the Hijiorian fayes, ^Maximus was before this ordained Bifhop ofDioJpolis, and if he had officiated at Jeruja-lent, where they were fo defirous of him, in a lower Capacity =, their kindnefs to him had been a degrading him 5 which it cannot be fuppofed they would either offer, or he yeild to.

I alledged epiphanius, who fignifies that other Cities had two Bifiops together, and excepts only Alexandria. To w.hich he anfwers, that Epiphanius cannot mean that all other Cities had two Bijfjops at a time, nor did I (ay that he meant this, but his expreffion imports no le(s than that it was ttfualfor other Cities to have two Biftops. Nor is there any reafon to think that Epiphanius refj^&sonly

the

Car)

the cafes alledged $ it was quite another cafe that was the occafion of his words 5 and diverfe other inftances might be brought of a different nature and occafion, though this be fufficient to (hew, that the rule againft two bifliopsinone City was not inviolable : He adds, c I c do not fee what advantage can be made of this paf : 4 lage.

This pajpige (hews that there was commonly two Bi-(hops in a City at once, ^Alexandria is only excepted as varying herein from other Cities. And this is advantage enough for me, and it is enough againft him too $ and leaves no reaibn for his pretence that it was only in extraordinary cafes. I affirmed it could not be Epiphanius hk meaning (as a great Antiquary would have it) that Alexandria ww never fo divided, as thatfeveral parties in it f/oould have their rejpetfive Bijlwps there, .and brought feveral Inftances to evince it .• for Jo it teas divided in the time of Epiphanius, when the Catholicks had Athanafius, the Arians had Gregorius, and then Geor-gius 3 and afterwards the cne had Peter the other Lucius, and the Novatians had their Bifiops fuccejfively in that City till CyrilV time.

c He anfwers however I do not fee why that learned 4 Antiquaries opinion may not be maintained againft this

* Gentleman's objeftions, he (ayes that Alexandria was s c divided before epiphanius his time between feveral Bi-

>c (hops (I faid in epiphanius § time) it cannot be denied. c But that is not the thing Epiphanius fpeaks ofj but that ; before the Eleftion of Theonas againft Athanafius ,

* there were never two oppofite Bifhops as in other 4 Churches.

But this doth neither agree with the one nor defend the other 5 it agrees not with Epiphanius, but makes him contradict himfel£ for he tells us there were two . oppofite Biftiops at Alexandria before Theonas was cho-

fen..

fen. For this was not till Alexanders death,but he (ayes Tijlus was made Bifhop there by the .Avians while o Her. Sv.yum. Alexander was living 0. And he could not be ignorant I'huantt. ofwhat Sufebius declares/>, that upon the divifion in /. 3. ap. 4. ' Egypt occasioned by Arius,\n every City, n<fih&?iw mhtf there was Biftop againft Bifiop, and People againft People. Nor doth it defend the Antiquary, for he (peaks . univer(ally without limiting himfelf to the Election of TkeonaS) &cclejiam Alexandrinam nunquam in partes fcif Jam quorum (ingulf £pifcopum fuum habebant, that Church was never divided fo as to have oppojite Biftops.

c Theinftances are all later than this Fad:, and there-c fore are infignificant, (ayes he.

They are fully Significant, both in reference to the Nff: ^Antiquary againft whom they are brought to prove that he miftook cpiphanius^ when he would have it to be his meaning, that Alexandria was never (b divided as to have two oppofite Bifhops 5 for they (hew it was often (b divided: and alfo in reference to Epiphanius, they were fb late as his time on purpofe, to (hew more un-<jueftionably, that could not be his meaning, which was againft his knowledge, and notorious inftances in his own time.

But he will not deny the infta?2ce of the V^ovatians to he fignificant, only Socrates does not fay that they had their TiiJ/jops fuccejjively to Cyril/ time.

Nor do I fay he does 5 but he (ayes Cyrill JImt up the 9 Novatian Churches there, and tool^ away all the facred 0 treajure in them^ and deprived their Tiiffjop Theopom-

pus of all he had* Now when our Author meets with Churches, and a Biftop over them} he is not wont to queftiona Succcjfwn, unlcfi it appears he was the firft.

4 It may be they began there after this time, for there ' is little Account in Church-Hiftory, that I know, of * any ^ovations in Alexandria before Athana(ius 7

We

We are little concerned about this, yet it may be they began before this time, for there is no account at all in Church Hifiory, that the Novatians began there in, or after Athanafius his time.

I had produced evidence that many African Tiifiops declared, in the cafe of Valerius and Aufiin, that it was nfual in all parts, to have two Bifhops in a City at once 5 to this he anfwers, ' but fuppofc all this true, that this c might be. maintained by the Examples of feveral c Churches, what is it that two Bifhops may be in one c Church ? no, that is not the matter, but that a Bifhop c when he growes old, may appoint or ordain his Suc-c ceflbur, to prevent the mkchiefs, that are ufially produced c by popular Ele&ions.

If what the African Bifiops did alledge, werereftrain-ed to that particular cafe he contends for} yet this is enough to make good all I intend, viz. that ufially in the antient Church, there were two 'Uifiops together in one place. For when one is ordained Bifhop in the fame place, when another isftillliving, with whatever defign, upon what occafion foever this is done, yet there are two Bifhops at once in the fame place.

I fee no reafon why this fhould be reftrained to that particular cafie, the occafion of what the Bifhops affirm may clear it, and that was Aujiins feruple, not to fuc-ceed Valeria but to be made Bifhop of Hippo, while his Bifhop there Was living, Epifiopatum fifcipere, fuo vivente Spifiopo, recufibat, for fo there would be two together, which he took to be againft the Cuftomof the Church, contra morem cZcclefw 5 but they all perfwade him that this was ufually done, id fieri fiolere, and prove it by examples in all parts q. And Valerius his defire q Poffloa.viu and propofal was, that jlufiin might be ordained Bifhop A wfl- ty& of Hippo, Quifu£ Cathedra non tarn fiuccederet fed Confii-cerdos accederet, not as one that was to ficceed him only, but to be Hifiop together with him. E When

(26 )

When he affign9 this as the reafon of appointing a a Succeffour, to prevent the mifchiep that are nfitally produced by popular elections, he (peaks his own fence, not theirs 5 for they were better advifed than to brand the general pra&ice of the ancient Church as mifchievous, and how this fuggeftion becomes one, who undertakes to write a vindication of the primitive Churchy let him-felf confider. Others may judge it, a more intolerable Jefleftion upon the univerfal Church in the beftand after times, than any £M. 13. can be juftly charged with. However the reafon affigned for it by 'Vojjido-nius is another thing than appears in this Authors whole. account, it was becaufe Valerius feared left fome other Churchy flwuld feeh^ him for their BiJIwp, and get a per-fonfo approved, from him.

Whereas in fine he fayes, c Thefe Cafes (pecified * were not thought to violate the Rule that allowed but c one Bifhop to a City. Yet it was thought fo by St, yiufiin, when heexcufes his fuffering hiitifelf to be made Bifhop with Valerius, by this, that he knew no: it was forbidden by a rule of the V^Qcene Council, Quod Conci-lio ^Qceno prohibitum fuiffe nefciebam, and gives this as the reafon why he would not fo ordain Eradius.

Next he would prove, that this provision for a Suc-ceffour does not dejlroy that 7(u!e, by an inftance, I need not tranfcribe it at large, the fum of it is this, when the Government is ^Monarchical, ifit fall out once Cin many Ages, as it did in England once in above 500 years) that another King be crowned, beftdes him who hath the Throne } yet it will be true enough, that it is the rule of thoje Kingdoms to have but one King. To which I fay briefly, if it be ufual to have two Kings in fuch a Government, it will fcarce be thought true, that it is the inviolable Ttyle of thofe Kingdoms, to have but one King. And then how this inftance will fate his pur-

pofe,

pofe let thofe judge who take notice, that, I have already proved it ufaal in the antient Church for Cities in all parts to have taw Tiifiops at once.

From pag. 12. he paffes to pag. 23. To (hew there were more Bifhopricks than one in the Region or Diocefs of Hippo I brought feveral inftances 5 and might have produced more, but that I confined my felf to thofe which the learned Dean alledged to the contrary. Fujfala is one of them 5 and that alone this Gentleman takes notice of. St. Auflin calls it Cajlellnm diverfe times in one Epiftle. He finds fault that I tranflate Ca-ftellum a Cafile. I did no more expeft to be blamed for this, than if I had render'd Oppidum a Town. But I (uppofe he counts it no great crime, fince he runs into it himfelf and in a few lines after calls it a Cafile.

c But thefe Caftles, fayes he, were Garrifon Towns, c with a good dependance of Villages belonging to c them.

They were Fortreffes, and fbmetimes had Villages depending on them, and might contain fo many buildings as there are in fome Village or little Town 5 however he calls them Cajiles, and may give me leave to do (b too.

He adds, cc It was 40 miles diftant from Hippo, and c was in St. An/lines Diocefs, and never had aBifhop of its own.

It is faid indeed to belong to the Diocefs of Hippo, but I do not find it faid to be in St. Auftines Diocefs or Bifhoprick 5 thefe are two things and (hould not be confounded. When it is faid to belong to the Diocefs of Hippo, fb farr diftant, Diocefs is not taken as an £ccle-fiafiical fenfe as it is with us, for part of a- Countrey under the Government of 0#e Bifhop 5 but as it wasufed in Africa in a civil fenfe, for part of a Province, without refpeft to one Bifiop, or to any one Bifoop at all. Some

E 2 parts

(28)

parts there call d DiocefTes had no BiJI)Ops,t;or were to haze

i con. earth. 2. any by Decrees of the African Councils r. Other places

fr?c'. S $z.° dl A ^~ ca " Cc ^ a Diocefs had more Bifhops than one. T^ctilian

(ayes, that in the place where his Collcgue Januarius

was Bifhop there were 4 Bifhops befides, all five in una

{coii.cartb.D.i Diarcfi s. And thus it was in many other places, parti-

jtoB.117, cularly in that called the Diocefs of Hippo, as I fhew'd

by diverfe inftances, and St. Aufiins own Teftimony.

Hereby it appears that in Africa, a Diocefs and a Ttifjopricl^were not the fame thing, though they be wjth us. There were diverfe Dioceffes and no Bifhop-ricks and many Bifhopricks where but one Diocefs 5 fb that Fujfala and 20 other Caftlesand Towns might be in the Diocefs of Hippo, at 40 Pities dijiance or more 5 and yet St. Anflins Bifhoprick, not one jot the larger for it, nor he more a Diocefan.

Whereas he adds, that it never had a Bifljop of its own. It is unqueftionable that Fujfala had a Bifhop of its own in Aufb/s time 5 and this renders it wholly unfervice-able to their purpofe \ for the Bifhoprick of Hippo, faid to be of 40 miles extent, will not upon the count of Fvffala be "40 yards larger. Nor will either of thefe Bifhops, nor any other inthat Region be Diocefans 5 un-lefs there can be two Diocefans, and I know not how many more, move Diocefs.

I affigned this reafon, why Fuffala had not a Bifhop iborier, becaufe Auflin declares, there vcas net one Catho-lichjn it, and fuppofed this might ferve the turn, not dreaming that thofe who count all the people in a very large Parifh, or in an 100 Pari (lies little enough for a Diocefan 5 could think his Diocefs competently furnifh-ed when he had not one Soul (or but fome few) in communion with hirii.

He fayes, the Town or Cafile indeed had none, hut the County belonging to it had fome 5 he will have the Territory

t 29)

tory or Parifli depending on this Caflle to be a County. I cannot but obferve the admirable power of a fancy tinctured and prepofTefled. It wilPturn a Party into a Countyi and a Caftlc into a County Town 5 and fincc a County with us, was a ''Province with them, one 'Province muft be as much as all Africa 5 and a very (mail part oiJfytnidjfa muft be far greater than the whole. But there are fome Hypothefes, which may ftand in need of fuch imaginations.

However he likes not my reafbn, and why .<? becaufe, though it had no Catholicks in it then, it might have fome before and concludes it had, becaufe it belonged heretofore to the Diocefs of Hippo.

" But that it formerly had Catholicks, ((aies he) we " may conclude by Mr. Baxters reafoning, becaufe it " belonged heretofore to the Diocefs of Hippo.

If Diocefs be taken in a civil fenic ("as it is frequently in African Authors ) this will be no proofj that there had been any Catholicks in it, becaufe in this fenfc Fuffa-la might belong to that Diocefs, though there had not been either Chriftian or Bifhop in the whole Region: Nor will it be hereby proved, taking it in the Ecclefi-aftical fenfe 5 for that part of Hippo, which was under the Don at if Bifhop, had no Catholick 3 and yet de jure, as he tells us, belonged to the Diocefs, (as he calls it,) or charge of St. ^fitjlin. Yet fince he allows Mr. ^Baxters Argument, he muft admit what it concludes, viz. that a place that hath no Chriftians or Catholicks in it, belongs to no Bifhop $ and then Fujfala never belonged to St. Aufin as its Bifhop 5 either before it had Catholicks,for againft this the Argument is admitted to be conclufive .\ not after, for then it had a Bifhop of its own. And fo all they have to alledge for the largenefs of St. Safins Bifhoprick comes to nothing.

s<.

So

" So that I conceive the reafon will not hold, for its " having no Bifhop of its own, fince the fame reafon " deftroys its dependence upon the the Diocefs of Hippo, " which isexprefly affirmed.

The reafon I gave for its having no Bifhop, was, becaufeSt. ^nfiin declares there was no Catholickjntt. This reafon will hold, unlefs they think a place may have a Bifhop where there are no Chriftians at all 5 when as yet they judge, that a place which hath Chriftians enough to make a good Congregation, or many, ought not to have a Bifhop. Whereas he fayes this reafon deftroys its dependance upon the Diocefs, I wonder what dependance he imagines, fince it is foch, as both the not having of Chriftians, and alfothe having of them, deftroys it. The former he here affirms, the fame reafon (which is its not having of Catholicks) deftroys it 5 the latter is undeniable, for when Fujfala had a competent number of Catholicks, a Bifhop was there conftituted 5 and then it depended no more on the Diocefs of Hippo, than one Bifhop's Church depends on another, when both are independent*

The dependance of Fujfala upon Hippo was (uch, as that of a Countrey place upon a greater Town well furnifhed with Officers for their help, to convert and reduce the Inhabitants, and when enough are converted to help them to a Bifhop or Paftor. This St. Aufiin did for Fujfala, he imployed Presbyters to reduce the Donatifts there, and when they were reduced, he adds them not to his own charge, would not have them £-pifcopo cedere^ but advifes them to have a Bifhop of their own, and procures one for them. This was the practice of the primitive times, in thefe methods were Churches and Bifhops multiplyed} it was not out ofufo in the fifth Age, this of ' Fujjala as managed by St. .Aufiin is a remarkable inftance thereof and if otherBifhops had

imitated

(3i )

'mitated him, as he did the Apoftles, and beft Ages, the Church would not have been troubled with debates about Diocc/ans.

That ^fuftin would not take the Charge of a Place lb far off as Ft/Jfala, he will have it afiribedto his £Mo-delly. But it was flich ^ModcSly as this excellent Perfon made Conference of, being convinced certijfma ratione, by moji certain reafon, that he was not (ufticient for it. If all other Bifhops had been (b modefi, fo confeientious, there might have been, as ^(azianzen fpeaks, when Bifhops were multiplyed in Cappadocia, ^x^ v Sa^WwxeW, a much more defirable thing, to thofe that love Souls, than a great Diocefs.

He gives a reafon why this muft be afcribed to St. lAujims modejly, becaufe he di/charged the Office of a Tlijtwp there, in more difficult times, while the presbyters he imployed there, were barbaroujly ujed.

I need not deny that he performed the Office of a Bi-fiop there 5 for it is the office of a Bifhop to endeavour by himfelf or others, the converting or reducing of all that he can. Only this will not prove FuJJala to be then a part of his Bifhoprick, no more than it will prove ^Athanafus to have been Bifhop of Indian becaufe he encouraged, and fent Frumentius with others thither, to convert the Indianst. t soc. lu c.v

The learned Dean had cited ^Aufin as calling himfelf So \* ^ 2 f - 2 \ the Bifhop of that Diocef( underftanding by it a Region of vaft extent J I obferved that in the Epiftle quoted he onely faith he had the Epifcopal charge of Hippo. By this the Gentleman changing my words, will have me to fignifie, that he was the Bifhop ofcheTown only. This I did not intend, but that, he was not the only Bifiop of that whole Region. But whether he was Bifhop of part of the Town only, or of that and fome part of the Region alio, I am not much concerned. His words are

as

C v )

" as if he had beenBifhop of the Town only, nay, but " of part of that neither, for the Donatifh had their " Biftiop there : fo this will ftrangely diminifti the Bi-" (hoprick of St. Aufiin which at firft appeared folarge. Then/ he anfwers, for the Donatifis htving a Bifhop there, itfigniji'es little to our prefent purpofe, (ince he wa>s but an Ufurper.

But this fignifiesas much *o my purpofe as I need 5 for the Donatifis having aBiftioprickin Hippo, St. ^Aufiin s muft needs be diminiftied thereby, and altogether as much leffened, as if they had not been Ufurpers. And they were counted no otherwife TJfurpcrs, but (b that if the Donatitf Biftiop had been reconciled 3 by a Decree of the African Church he was to continue in his Bifhop-there, as a rightful Toffejfcur, and there would have been ftill two Diocefles (fuch as they were ) in one Town.

He would have us believe Aufiin as if he declared, that he was not the Bifhop of the Town only 3 but his words are, Ut modum dijpenfationjf nte<e non fupergrediar hoc Ecclefis ad Hipponenfim Regionem pertinenti prodeffe contefior, which, (ayes our Author, plainly fignifies, that all the Church belonging, not only to the Town, but but alfb to the T^egion of Hippo, belonged to him.

But if he pleafe to view the words again which him-felf hath quoted, he will find it plainly fignifyed, that Auflin's Church belonged to the Region 0/Hippo, but not that all the Church both in Town and Region, belonged to hint. ^Antonitts Biftiop of Fuffala might have (aid this as truly of his Church there,as Aufiin did it of his Church at Hippo 3 it did ad Hipponenfem T^egionem pcrtinere,bc-long to the Region of Hippo. And it may be as juftly inferred from hence,that all the Church both irt the Town and Region of Hippo belonged to the Biftiop of Fuffala. If our Author will allow of this ("as he muft if he will

ftand

r 33 j)

ftand to hisown account of this paffage^z/tf/Z/Vs Bifhop-rick will bejlrangely diminif/jed indeed, it muft be confined to a part of Hippo, and made Iefi than I reprefent it. For I did not fay, nor had I any need to afleit, that he was Bilhop of the Town only. We may allow him befides his part of the Town, diverfe Villages in the Countrey (though I have not feen it proved) without any danger of affigning him a Diocefan Church. For Kidderminfier ("as one tells us, who very well knows it J hath 20 Villages belonging to it, and fome thoufands of Souls therein, yet according to our modern meafures will fcarce make a Diocefan Church u. a M. B. of £-

To (hew that there were more Bifiops in the Region rf%[ e *£ h Part Hippo, than St. ^fujlin, befides particular inftances ("which he paffes by) I alledged a paffage of his where the Donatitls were defircd to meet together with the Catholic!^ Bifhops, that were in that T^egion, and who there fitfferedfo much hy the 'Donatiiis : to this he anfwers, " That thefe Bifhops who are (aid to be in Regione Hip-" ponenft, were not the Bifhops of that T^egion^ but " fome Bifhops of the ^Province met together there.

But that thefe were Bifhops of the province met together there, is a meerconje&ure of his own, without the leaft ground either in this paffage or any other in that Epijile. It will not be hard to anfwer any thing at this rate. If there had been a Provincial Council then held in that T^egion, there might have been fome pretence for what he fayes} but there is not any hint of this in the whole Epijile. That which is defired is a ^Meeting for conference, Hoc eft ergo defiderium nojlrum y &c. Vrimum ft fieri poteji ut cum Epifcopis nojlris pacificc

confer at is , ideo nos conferre volumus- , and the

prime occafion of it was the outrages committed in that Region by the Donatifts, wherein the Bifhops of that place were particularly concerned. This is figni-

F fyed,

(34) fyed, as in other parts of the Epiftle, Co particularly in the paffage cited, £pifcopos nojiros qnijunt in Regione Hip* poncnji, ubi tanta mala patimur. This Meeting was to be with the Catholic^ Bifhops upon the place, b Regione Hipponenfi, not any to be call'd from other parts. And thefe words feera brought in to prevent an objection which the Donatifis might make againft a more genera], or more publick meeting,as that which might bring them in danger of the Laws in force againft them^An forte i(l<e leges Imperatoris vos non permittnnt nojlros Spijcoposconvc-vire,and then immediately follows thefe words in anfwer to h,Eccc interimipifcopos nofiros qui funt in Regione Hip-ponenft, &c. Co that this to me feems the plain fence of both Objection and anfwer 5 If becaufe of the Laws you dare not meet us in a more General or Provincial Council, yet give a Meeting to the Bifhops of this particular Region, where there can be no apprehenfion of danger. All which makes me judge, what he fayes concerning the Bifiops of the Province as here intended, to be no better than an Evafion.

To prove that there was but one Bifhop in the Region of Hippo, he tells us, cc That the Clergy there cal-" led in the Infcription of an Epiftle, Clerici Regionk " Hipponenjium, fpeaking of the Bifhop of Hippo, do call " him their Bifhop, and not one of their Bifhops, &c.

But the Clergy fo called, way be only the Clergy of Hippo, and Co they are in the Title of the Epiftle Clerici HipponeCatholici: and well may they of Hippo be called the Clergy of the Region, both becaufe they were in that Region,and were theClergy ofit^T «&xk"\But if theex-preffion fhould be extended to more or to all in j:he Regi-on,their calling him Epifcopns noJ}cr,w\\l be no proof that they had no other Bifhop, but him at Hippo. For that

phrafe

C 95 )

phrafc Epifiopus noffer ovEpifcopi nofiri^W along in this Epiftle, doth not denote the Bifhop of that particular Church to which they belonged fas he would have it J but a Bifhop of their party or pcrfoafoiu So they call Valcntimis noftrum Catholicum tzpifcopum, who yet was not Bifhop of Hippo. So they call them £piJcopos ?ieftros, whom they dcfircd the Donatifts to meet once and a- -gain ip, and thrice in another page, where our 'Author w/><#. 37?. finds £pifcopos twtfros x. He may have many more in- x pag. 571, fiances hereof in that Epiftle. If there was (b many Bifhops in Hippo or in that Region, as the Clergy call Spjjcopos nojlros, he muft grant many more Bifhops in that Region than 1 need defire. So that this l?hrafe however it be underftood, is a medium unhappily cho-(en : if it be taken in my fenfe it is impertinent and can conclude nothing for him 5 if it be taken in his ownfenfi^ it will conclude direftly againft him.

He paffes to Alexandria, and to pag. 32. Theinjlance of Mareotis hefayes little to, fo our Author, I might think it enough, where there was fo little occafion.

"He infinuates asifc^/rfra?/7.r might not have number " enough of Chriftians tp have a Bithop, but this Atha-" nafius does fufficienriy {hew to be a groundlefs con-jetture.

I had no intention or occafion to fignifie that Mareotis had not Chriftians enough to have a Bifhop, I knew that it both had many Chriftians, and a Bifhop alfb, and named him too 5 and therefore the groundleftconjt-Sure may be fixed fomewhere elfe.

cc And even before Athanafius, the generality of the " People there were Chriftians.

How long before ? Dionyfius in the latter part of the third Age declares it 2?w^w«VU?£r 5 quite destitute of Christiansy, and the gaining the generality there, to yzuftb t tfj,c.i\\ the Faith, required fbme confiderable time, and it is

Car)

like proceeded not far, till Chriftianity generally prevailed.

Befides Ifchyras, 1 had mentioned Dracontius^ both Bifhops in the Territory of Alexandria fas Agathawmon z4pol,2.p.6i2. alio was&) of Dracontius he takes notice, and (ayes, pojfibly he was a Chorcpijccpus.

But a Chorepifcopus is elfewhere with him a D/<?a> ^ *, and here he (ayes that he did accept a TSiJJwprick. Now the(e put together will go near to make a Dioce-fan Bilhop. But then if there were two or three Bifhops in the Diocefs of Alexandria, befides Athanafms^ they will (carce be fo much as half Diocefons.

He (ayes Athanafius prejj'd'kimto accept it. If (b this great Perfon was no more unwilling to have another Bifhop in his Dioccfi and in a Countrcy place too, than AitUin was to have one at Fujfala, He fayes further this was an extraordinary cafe, though what was extraordinary in it I cannot imagine j to prove any thing there mentioned to be fo, will be an hard task.

"And allowing this man a Countrey Bifhoprick, " that of Alexandria would be a great deal too bigg for " the Congregational meafunci

And fo it might be, and yet be no Diocefin Church 5 if that will (atisfie him which is too big for thofe meafures^ he (eems content to drop his caufe, and may leave it in the hands of ^Presbyterians. And he is in the more danger, becaufe he (eems not apprehenfive of it, but counts it enough if he thinks a Church is any where found larger than one Congregation.

I had given inftances of feveral Towns that had Bifhops, and were but two or three or four &c. miles diftant one from another this he denies not: but asks what does this conclude? might not thofe Diocejfcs be yet much larger than one Congregation $

(37)

I might conclude that thefe were juft fuch Diocefies as our Countrey Parifhes are 5 and had fuch Congregations as thofe Parifh Churches have. And fome of them in time might have provifion fas fome of ours have J for more Congregations than one. And if our modem DioccJJes were of this proportion, they would be much more conformable to the antient Modells.

" Suppofe the chief Congregations of Holland had " each a Bifhop, yet I conceive they would be Dioce-" fans,though thofe Cities lie veryclofe together.

He might have laid the fcene at home, where we are better acquainted, and fuppofed this of our Countrey Towns 5 or of both the cf.iefi and lejjer Towns in Holland 5 if he had defigned what would be moft paraUel. But to take it as it is formed, though thofe Cities lay not further diftant, and had each of them a Bifhop, yet if their Churches were governed in common by Bifhop and Presbyters, as the antient Churches were 5 they would not be Diocefan, but more like the Model of the Churches and Government which Holland hath at pre-fent.

cc And now after all this, though we have feveral in-" fiances out o(Egjrpt, how near Cities were together "in fome parts, yet upon the whole account the Dk> " ceffti do appear to be large enough, from the num-"berofthem.

He would have us think where Cities arey& near together (as I had (hewed) yet becaufe of their number the Dioceflcs might be large enough. But where they were fonear together, they could not be large enough to make any thing like the modern Dioceffes, no, no? larger than our Countrey Parishes if they had Bifhops in them. And the Ancients thought themfelves obliged by the Apojlles rule to have a Bifhop, not only in fome but in every City, ftmJimvZfti'inHJSv % fayes Chrjifi-*

Home*

C 38 )

b in i rim. tfome^ $ ><$ * y &* v *»'*" '®^»>»«v«W £, and Thecphilutt ex-How, ii. preffes ^w^r by ^' t^^, without exception of the fmallnefs of the place or its nearnefs to others. The reafon diverfe Cities had none, was the want, or the inconfiderable number of Chriftians in them. Nothing but this hindered any City from having a Bifnop in the four firft Ages 5 though the greateft part of their Cities ( as may be made manifeft ) were no greater than our Market-Towns or fairer Villages. And upon this account many Cities might want Biftiops, and it may be did fo, in Egypt particularly 5 Heathenifae prevailing in many places there, even in Jhhamfyus his time 5 for which I could produce fufficient evidence 5 but will not now digrefs (b far. Afterwards the affe&a,-tion ofgreatnefs in fome, was the occafion of new measures 5 and orders were made that Towns which had no Bifhops before (hould have none after : though the reafon why they had none before was gone 5 and thole places had as many or more Chriftians in them, than mod Epifcopal Cities had of old.

" For in Athanafms his time there were not an hun-cAthan.Apol.2. " dred Bifhops in all Egypt, Lybia and Teniapolk c.

I was a little furprized to read this, and fee dthana-fius cited for it. For I knew that lAthanafim reckons 95 Bifhops from Egypt befides himfelf, at the Council of Sardica^ and others from Africa, wherein Ljlia and T^entapolis are ufually included $ and it was never known that a major part or a third of the Bifhops in a Countrey, did come to a Council at fuch a diftance as Egypt u was from Sardka. It is fcarce credible that A-th0^Ljms would fo far contradict himfelf, as to fay there were not fb many Bifhops in all thofe three Countreys, when he had fignifyed there were many more in one of them. Some miftake I thought there muft be, and confuting the place I found it not intirely reprefented.

There

(39) There is this Claufe (immediately following the words he cites ) left out, «<^«* r*™* »(**< w 77 * 70 , vonc of tkefe ac-cufed mc 0 whereby it appears that the meaning of the whole paffage is this, thervwas an hundred BiJJjopsin the Diocefs of 'Egypt who appeared not againfi him y or that favoured him. But thofe who favoured ytrim (whom he calls Hufebians) and ^Melethis^ to fay nothing of Co-luthus (for into fo many parties was that Countrey then divided) are not taken into the reckoning 3 otherwife it would have amounted to many more than an hundred. Sozomen (ayes the Bifhops there, who took Arius his part were many, ^aao/ w Zhtn-nw d, and in Atkanafius dLib.i. f.14. there is an account of many ^MeletUn Bifhops by name e 5 and in Spiphanius it is laid, that in every Re- e^;»/.2.^.514. gion through which <5Mcletius paffed, and /// every place where he came he made Biflwps f (Ep, far. 6d.

The next thing he takes notice of is the defence of Mr. Baxter's Allegation out of Atban'aft W, to (hew, that all the Chrijlians 0/Alexandria (M. TJ's words are, the main body of the Chriftians in Alexandria ) could meet in one Church,

cc It is to be confefTed that the expreffions of that cc Father feem to favour him, yjx*'**f\at \C^m and that " the Church did ™U A?^/ hold all, &c.

I am made more confident by all that is faid to the contrary, that the evidence is really fuch, as will need no favonr, if it can meet with Juftice.

" Now fuppofe that all the Chriftians in Alexandria^ " the Catholicks at leaftwife, could meet together in " that great Church, yet all the Diocefs could not.

All that was undertaken to be proved by the paffage in queftion, was, that the mam body of Christians in Alexandria adhereing toAthanajius could, and did meet in that one Church. If this be granted nothing is denied that he intended to prove. As for a Diccefm the

Countrey,

k 40 J

Countrey, if he will (hew us what, or where it was, and that it had no other Bijhcpin 7/, he will do fomething that may be confidered } yet nothing at all againft what this Teftimony was maJe ufe of to evince.

He (ayes 2dly, " Suppofe this great great Church "could receive all the multitude, yet if that multitude " was too great for Perfonal Communion it is infignifi-"cant.

Upon this feppofition it might be too great for an ordinary meeting in the Congregational way, yet not big enough for a Diocefan Church. But the fuppcfition is groundlefs and contradifts Athanafius who (ayes they had Perfonal Communion, they all prayed together, and did not only meet within the Walls, but concurred in the worjhip, and/aid. Amen.

He (ayes 3dly, " Before the Church of Alexandria "met in diftinft Congregations, but we are told that " thofe places were very finally port and fir ait places.

All thefe five one, I faid, which he ought not to have omitted. And they were Cofmal/, becaufe thofe who were wont to meet in them feverally, fo as to fill them, could all meet in one Church, and did fo as Athanafius declares.

" But that they were (uch Chappels or Churches, as "fome of our Parifhes in England have as great a num-w ber as Alexandria, is hardly credible.

I know not how thofe places could be well expreffed with more diminution than Athanafius hath done it, he (ayes they were not only Jlrait and [mall, but the very fmalleSl. If he will make it appear that our Churches or Chappels are Ie(s than thofe that were C&xfr*™, I (hall underftand that which I could never before, that fomething is lej? than that which is kali of all. But he will prove they were not (b fmall, becaufe firft the Church 0/Alexandria was very numerous from the beginning

(40 tilng. Why it fhould be counted fo very numerous from the beginning, I know no reafon, but the miftake of an Hiflorian who will have a Se& of the Jem (which was numerous in or about Alexandria) to be Chriftians.

" And if they met all in one place it muft confequent-"ly be very large.

The ground of the confequence is removed, Vaky>is his own Author (ayes they had but one Church to meet in, in Dionyfius hk time, almoft 3 Ages from the beginning^. If that one was large, yet it is not like that it gpsg. 64. flood till jithanafrus his time \ after fo many Edicts for demoliftiing of all Chriftian Churches, and a fevere Execution of them in Diocletian s Perfecution.

" Nor is it likely they (hould divide till they were " grown too numerous for the biggeft Meeting-place " they could conveniently have.

It is as likely as that ^Athanafws {peaks truth, in a matter which he perfectly knew 3 he tells us they did divide, and yet were not too numerous for one great Church, in which they met conveniently too 5 yea, better than when difperfed in thofe little places, as he fayes and proves, w*° Ci\mv nv, &c.

2dly, He (ayes, cc Though before the Umpire was con-" verted they might be confined to litde places, and " forced to meet Severally 5 yet zfevConfiantine became " Chriftian, it is not likely that the Alexandrians would " content themfel ves with fmall andjirait Chappels.

Nor did they content themfelves with thofe little ones, for befides this built in Athanajius his time, there was one greater than thofe finall ones finifhed in Alexanders time, where the body of Catholicks aflembled with Alexander, the other places being too ftrait, m&roPTw tLMavTWTi'mat l) this is that one I excepted, when I (aid (after Athanajius) that the reft, alljave one, were exceeding frnaU. But is it any proof that thefe were not

G very

(40

very imall which Athanajius represents as fiich, becaufe there was one (exprefly excepted from that number J (bmething larger ? As for what he adds, that then every ordinary City, built very great and magnificent Cathedrals, it is eafily faid, but will never be proved.

" 3dly, Some of thefe Churches had been built with a a defign of receiving as many as well could have per-" fonal Communion in Worfhip together.

Neither will this hold, unlefs fome of thofe Churches could have received all, which had l?erfonal Communion with tAthanafim in this greateft Church 5 which he denies, and makes ufe of to Coxjlantius as a plea why he madeufe of the greatejl.

" As Theonas is laid by Athanafius to have built a " Church bigger than any of thofe they had before.

Where Theonas is (aid by sAthanafius to have built a Church, &c. I find not, nor does he direft us where it may be found, I fuppofe for very good Reafon. Indeed Athanafius in this Apology (peaks of a Church called Theonas fit's like in memory of a former Bifhop of that place) where he (ayes the multitude of Catholicks met with ^Alexander, *wmyww£tf**£*>$&& 5 in like Circum-ftances, as a greater multitude affembled with himfelf in the new Church, which was greater, and pleads Alexanders example in defence of what he did. But Theonas could not build this Church, for he was dead many vears before, being Predeceffour to 'Peter whom Achil-

tuttdom *' * as and Akxander fucceeded h.

L ic, 2. " And yet this and all the reft were but few and ftrait

a in comparifon of the great multitude of Catholicks " that were in Alexandria.

I expe&ed another Conclusion, but if this be all, he might have fpared the premiffes } for one part of it we affert,. the other we need not deny, only adding with Athanafiu*, that the greateji Church was capable M*&» &*P*i °f receiving this great multitude* But

But here he fticks,and will wriggle a little more," But " I conceive, (ayes he, after all this, that the expreffi-" ons of Athanafius do not conclude that all the Chrifti-u ans in Alexandria were met in this great Church.

That rf//and every one did come, was never imagined. It is but the main body of the Catholicks that M.jB. intends, as our Author obferves a little before.

" For the tumultuous manner in which they came to cc their Bifhop to demand a general Affembly, makes it " probable that not only Women and Children, would " be glad to abfent thcmfelves, but many more^ either " apprehenfive of the effefl: of this tumultuous proceedings " or of the danger of fuch a crowd.

The Women he will not admit, but was it ever known that fuch a great and folemn Affembly for Wor-fhip confiited only of Men ? Were not the. Women in Communion with Athanajiuss Chriftians, that they muft be left out, when he (ayes all the Catholicks met.*? Can all be truly (aid to affemble when the farr greater part QVomen^ Children and his many more) were abfent £ Are not the Women in the 'Primitive Church often noted for fuch Zeal for the Worftlip of Chrift, as made them contemn far greater dangers, than here they had any caufe to be apprehenfive of .<? The fuppofed danger was either from the Crowd or the Tumult. For the former, did the Women and many more never come to Chri-ftian Affemblies, when there was any danger of being crowded .<? I think there was as great danger from a crowd in TSafilifcus his Reign, when the whole City of C. *P. is (aid to have met together in a Church with the £m-perour, but yet the Women flayed not behind but crowd* ed in with the men^ as Theodoras Le&or reports it, ™tm

civadpctdiim i Befides Athanajius here (ignifies the' dan- i collttt* lib. v ger of a crowd was in the lefler Churches, (not in this J

G 2 where

T44) >

where they could not meet but *$ *aM* 9wv%^ and fo prefers their affembling together in the great Church as better. c As for the Tumults (which might have been conceal-

ed in a Vindication of the primitive Church) if there was any thing tumultuous, it was over when Athanafius had complyed with their defires to meet in the great Church. And (6 no apprehenfion of danger left to women, or any elfe, upon this account.

" And even thofe that did affemble there were too " many for one Congregation, and was an aflembly " more for Solemnity and Oftentation than for Perfonal " Communion in Worfhip, and the proper ends of a " religious Aflembly.

Here he runs as crofs, to the great Athanafius and the account which he gives of this Aflembly as if he had ftudied it, debafing that as more for Oftentation than for ^Perfonal Communion in Worihip, and the proper ends of a Religious Kffembly, which Athanafius highly commends both for the more defirable communion which the Chriftians had there mWorfiip, and for the greater efficacy of it as to the proper ends of a T^eligions Sjjembly. k ^*/.2.M3i. Let any one view the paflages £and judge. He ftts * 52, forth the harmony, and concurrence of the multitude in

worfnpwith one voice. He preferrs it before their afjem-blies, when dijperjed in little places, and not only be-caufe the unanimity of the multitude was herein more ap-parent, but becaufe God would fooner hear them, *™ *} i*.y$m © 0205 tmKxei. For if, iayes he, according to our Saviour s promife, where two full agree concerning any thing it pall he done for them by my Father, &c. how prevalent will be the one voice of Jo ?7umerous a people, ajjAmbled together and faying kmen to God? and more to that pur-pofe, by which we may perceive, htkanafus being Judge, how true is it that this Aflembly was more for

Svlemnity

r 45)

Solemnity and OJlentation , than for Terjonal Communion in Worflrip and the proper ends of a Religious Ajfem-bly. And thus much to let us fee through the Arts ufed to cloud a clear paffage alledged out of Athanafius 5 if M. B. hid betaken himfelf to fuch little devijes, in like Circumftanccs} our Author would have taken the Liberty to tell him, th it he was driven to hard Shifts.

Before we leave Alexandria I am to take notice of what is faid by our Author^ to part of a Letter writ by a Friend to M. 15. concerning this City and the number of Chriftians therein in Conftantiits his time. The Writer of it obferves a grofi abufe put upon him in the Vindicators Anfwer to it, and defires his defence may be here inferted. It contains an argument to confirm what was concluded from that paflfage in Athanafws here infilled on, that the Cathoiicks then could meet in one place. After that paffage and to this purpofe M/B. introduced it, as is very apparent /. This our Author 1 church Hiff. leems to obfcrve when he begins with it 5 he adds^ (ayes * ag% 9% IO ' he, to this oj Athanafius fthe very paflage mentioned J another argument given him by a learned Friend m. And m Pag. 58, after he hath done with it;/, becaufe *JH. B. has endea- n Pag. 6$. vowed to reprefent the Church of Alexandria^ inconfidera-ble even in Conftantius his dayes, &c. And yet, how it comes to pais I know not, it is quite out of his thoughts while he is examining it. He was fo hafly for confuting, that he ftaiesnot to take notice what hj was to confute, though the intent of it be mjft plain and obvious, both by the occafion and words of the Letter : But Forces that fenfeonit, and makes that the defign of it} which I was far from thinking, would ever come into any mans Fancy, when he was awake. The words of the Letter are thefe 5 The City 0/Alexandria, fayes Strabo, is like a Soldiers Cloak^ &c. and by computation about ten miles in compafi a %d. or ^th. part of this no as taken up with

publicly

C40 fublick buildings, Temples and Ifoyal 'Palaces $ thus is two miles and an half or three and a quarter taken up. He anfwers," I will not fay this learned friend hath impofed " on M.jB. but there is a very great miftake betwixt them. But the miftake is his own, and fuch a one, as I wonder how he could fall into it. He takes it for granted, that the Argument is brought to prove what Chriftians Alexandria had in Strabos time. Here is not the leaft occafion given for this, unlefs the citing of Strabo (hewing the dimenfions of that City .• but ^Primate Vfocr is quoted too, on the lame account $ and fo as much rea-fon to fancy the defign was to fhew what Chriftians A-lexandria had in the 'Primates time. Jerome, Epipha-nius, Theodoret, Socrates, Sozomen are alfo cited there} why could not thefe as well lead him to the right Age, which their words plainly point at, without the leaft glance at any Age before, as Strabo alone (cited without any relpedi: to the time when he writ) fo far miP lead him ? Nay, the 4th. age is exprefly mentioned in the Letter $ and the numeroufhefs of the VH^ovatians and Brians in ^Alexandria at the time intended , is infilled on 5 could he think any man fo ftupid, that had but the leaft acquaintance with thofe things, as to fpeak of Brians, and ^(ovatians in Strabos time ? But it may be, though I would hope better, our Examiner was too inclinable to fix an abfurd thing upon the Wri-ter of 'the Letter 3 that he might be excufed, from giving a better anfwer when it was not ready.

But let us hear what he (ayes to it 5 yet what can be expe&ed to be (aid by one who makes his own dream the Foundation of his Difcourfe .<? However let us try if we can find any one claufe that is true and pertinent in the whole, and begin with the beft of it.

Though Strabo fayes that Temples and great Palaces took up a 4th. or a 3d. of the City, yet our Examiner

will

(47^ will have us think there might be inhabitants there $ when Hpiphanius (ayes, as I cited him, that part was W®*, deftitute of Inhabitants, fo he tells us 'Uruchium was. The Examiner denies not Bruchium to be that Re-

fion of the City which Strabo fayes, was taken up with *ublich^ Ttuildings, but adds, what all the publick^build-ings of the Town in one T^egion .<? But who (aid all the Publick Buildings ? This is his own fancy ftill.

" And that an outer skirt too, as it is defcribed by " the Greek ^Martyrology in HiHarion, &c.

If he mean it was not a Part or Region of the City Sirabo and lipiphanitts will have Credit before a Siory out of the Greek JUtrtyrology, or him that tells it, when it appears not in the words cited. In Strabo it is m®" part of the City, in Epiphanins it is a Ifegion, l*i*Cs*%» igwdv* df ^ M KhjLuiAv. For as T^onte was divided into 14 Regions, and mm p. i66i C. T\ in imitation of it, fo Alexandria was divided into 5, whereof Bruclmm was one, and the greateft of all. So I underftand Antmianus ^Marceliinus, who upon the lofs of Bruchitwt faith, amiQt regionum maximam partem qu£ Tiruchhtm apellatur 5 Alexandria loji the greateft of its Regions, which wis called Bruchium.

u This Qpiphanits (ayes was deftitute of Inhabitants in 16 his time, and not unlikely, and perhaps deftitute of " Publick Buildings too, for it was dejiroyed after an £ obftinate (lege in the Reign of htrelian as kmmtanus " ^Marcellinus, or otClaudius as Sf/febius.

When he hath granted all that I defigned, that this part was deftitute of Inhabitants, and more too, that it was dejiroyed, yet he wo aid have the City no lefi, no t7ecejjity of this, (ayes he, fare we are not yet awake j? can a City loofe 7*?*%™? n x) r{trov rk 7ntvr©' m£/£oA« /d§& in the Hiftorians words, a \th.yea, or a third part of its largenefs, and yet not be (b much the lefs$ He hath nothing to (alve this 5 but it may be, and it might be y

ground*

(48;

groundlefs farmifes, without either reafon or authority, " They might inlarge upon another quarter, being it "may be forbid to build Bruchium-—— they might f dwell cloftr than before, and fo their multitude be un-<c diminifht.

How far it is from being true, that their multitude was vndiminiffit } and how necdlefs either to inlarge — or to dwell clofcr, may (bon appear. The multitude muft needs be much diminifhed in fuch a War, and a clofe (lege of many years continuance, for fo it is reported

in chronic. both by Eufebius and Jerome 5 and it was much wafted and in a conlumptive condition, before it was thus be-fieged and difmantled by Claitums 2. or Aurelian.

It was greatly diminifhed in numbers by CaracaUa who Maffacred a great part of the inhabitants. Herodian (ayes, ^^T(^-$^67o^V(^^f«^o/^W^*, &c. theflaughter was juch that with the jirearns of b loud, which ran from the place, not only the vajiejl outlets 0/Nilus, hut the Sea, all

oHift.tib.4. along the Shore of Alexandria was difiolonred 0. Towards the latter end of the third Age, Dionyfus gives an ac-

p m Eufeb. lib. count of the ftrange diminution of the Alexandrians p,

7. cap. 22. fignifying that informer dates the elderly men were more numerous, than in his time, both young and old, comprising all from infancy, to extream old age, *™ vnwav dfZ&pfyn

" However certain it is, that this City long after the ci deftruftion of Bruchium, retained its ancient Great-" nefi 5 and is reprefented by no Author as diminifht ei-" ther in Number or Wealth.

This is certain no otherwife than the former, i.e. quite the wrong way. For not long after the deftru&ion of TSruchium, in the Egyptian War made by Diocletian upon Achilleus, which Eufebius, Sutropius and othersmen-tion: It was greatly diminiffjt both in numbers and wealth. For Alexandria after a long fiege, was taken by force

and

( 49 )

and plundred, great Execution done upon the Citizens, and the Walls of the Town demolifhed.

A great part oft he City (fayes the Letter^ was a Jfig*' ed to the Jews, fo Strabo indefinitely as Jofephus quotes hint, others tell us mere punctually, that their pare was two of the five divisions ; though many of them had their habitations in the other divifwns, yet they had two yh. parts in-tire to themjelves , and this is Ifiippofe the ***©- M©" which Jofephus fayes the Succejfors 0/Alexander, fit apart for tkem 5 thus we fee bow 6 or 7 miles of the 10 are dif pofed of To this he (ayes, cc * The number of thofe " Jews> was much leflened within a little while after %

" Strabo by an infurre&ion of the Alexandrians againft " them.

I fuppofe he means by that (laughter of them which -Jofephus mentions?, where 500c o were deft royed} but %%*[£ }*~ u what were thefe to the vaft number of Jews in Egypt, which Thilo r fayes amounted to no lefi than a mil-n^t. u lion? CAim >

" The civil Wars afterwards under Trajan and his " Succeflbr had almoft extirpated them.

It was in 'ValeBine where thefe Tragedies were afted, and was (b far from extinguifhing them in Sgypt or A-lexandria, that thereby, in all probability 5 their numbers were there increafed 5 for being diverted of about 1000Towns and Garrifonsby Severus (Adrians General) as Dion reports, and forbidden all acce(s to Jeru-falem as drilio Tclleus in Sufebius f, this made other f£*M* CA h 6 ' places more defireable, thofe particularly where they might have good entertainment as they were wont to have at Alexandria, and what Dion Chryfoiiome (ayes, confirms it.

But all this which he (ayes, if there were truth in it, is impertinent 5 for the Letter is not concerned what Jews were there near Strabo or Adrians time, but in

H the

C5o) the fourth Age. Yet this is all that he hath to (ay to the reft of the Letter, befides the publifhing and repeating of his own miftake, and upon no other ground making himfelffport with the Writer of it.

Thus he begins, by the fame rule he might havedijpojed cfall at once, and concluded out ofStrabos divifion of the Town, that there was not one Chriftian in it: and repeats it thrice in the fame Page, ^(j> matter what number of

Jews or Heathens it had in StraboV dayes , it is kindly

done to provide for Chrijlians before they were in beings furely Strabo, who makes the diftribution, never intended the Chriftian s one foot of ground in all that division, and this learned Friend might have fpared his little Town cf8 or IO Furlongs, which hefo liberally beftows upon the r Bifoop ^/Alexandria, before our Saviour was born , and he

tp^.^.94. is at it again feveral times in the following difcourfe t. How defirable a thing is it to have M. T?. and his Friend render'd ridiculous/ when rather than it (hall not be done, our Examiner will publifh his own indi£ cretion fo many times over to effeft it. But I will forbear any fharper refleftions upon this Author, for taking him to be an ingenuous Perfon, I may expeft he will be icvereupon himfel£ whenhedifcernshiserrour^ which 1 doubt not but he will fee clearly by once more reading that Letter.

Next he would difprove M. T3 sreprefentation of the Church of Alexandria in Conftantiuss time, by giving a view of that Churches greatnefs from the firft Founda-

u Pag. 61. tion of it n 5 which becaufe it may concern ihtLctter duly underload, I (hall take fome notice of it very briefly. But there is fomething interpofed, between this and the Letter, which requires fome obfervance 5 there we may have an inftance of this Gentleman's jfeverity upon M. J5. and how reafonable it is 5 " His remark, (ayes he, " upon two Bifhops living quietly in Alexandria is fo

* difeige-

C*0

" difingenuous a fuggeftion, that he hath reafon to be " afliam'd of it,'

But what is therein thisfo difingenuousandjhamefitl} Does not Epiphanius fay this, 'and our Examiner acknowledge it b i Ay, but M. B. means that there were b pag. io 7 . not only two Bifhops, but their diftinci Churches in this City. Well, and does not oipiphanim give him futfici-ground for it .<? Does he not tell us that ^Mcletius made Bi(hops,who had their W«* &Ktod*t in every place where he came ? Does he not fignifie that the ^Meletians in Alexandria had their dijiincl Churches or Meetings both in the time of \Akxander and Athanafws ? (ayes he not particularly of ^Meletius that being familiar "wixh^Alex-ander he flayed long in that City* having )&** nv*Z*v <*»' wuMtti a difiinU ^meeting with thofe of his own Tarty $ Were there not innumerable Cities in that Age which had two Bifhops and their Churches, fbme three or four at once (thofe of the Arians, the Donatijis, the£\W-tians, the ^Meletians, &c. befides thofe who were ftyl-ed Catholicks) Would this Gentleman take it well if M. 1?. fhould tell him, that he who denies this is difingenuous if he know it, and hath fbme reafon to be aftiamed if he know it not $ Ay, but Epiphanius was deceived in this account of the ^Meletians, and miPreprefents them. Indeed our Examiner makes as bold with epiphanius (a Bilhop of great Zeal and Holinefs, a Metropolitan, a famous Writer fas he does with M.-B. charging him with much weakpefs (as one eafily impofed upon,) many overfights, grofi miftakes, diverJe abfurd things, and fitch Stories, that he will fcarce with worfe to his Adversary, than to believe him c. Nor does epiphanius alone fall cP4g.u2.113. under his cenfure in his Vindication of the Primitive &c * Church (as he calls it) he goes near to accufe more particular Perfons ("Bifhops amongft others) of eminency in the antient Church, than he defends 5 fo that one

H 2 may

may fufpeft his defign was, not (b much to defend eminent ( "Bifl)ops, as great Biflwpricks fuch as the antient Church had none, and to run crofi to M. 5. more than to vindicate any.

" In §t.£Marl(s time Alexandria had feveral Churches, dEMfibJ.2 c.i6 though but one Bifhop, &c d.

What Sufebius (ayes of Churches in Alexandria at that time, is grounded upon a miftakc, as appears, becaufe immediately afcer the words cited, he adds, Jo great was the multitude ofBeleivers at Marks firfi attempt there, that Philo /;/ his writings thought fit to give an account of them, »<$y&$* dfyuwnv $ikZm. tufcbius conceived that the Effenes, as Scaliger, or the Tkerapeut£, as Valerius, whom Philo defcribes, were the Chriftians of Mark's Converfi-on 5 and there being Aflemblies of that Seft of the Jews in T?hitis time, the Hiftorian (peaks of Chriftian Churches at Alexandria in Marl(s time 5 but thofe who believe that he erred in the former, can have no reafon to give him credit in the latter. Our Examiner does not deny that he was miftaken, but (ayes, it is not material whether they were Jews or Chriftians 3 yet thofe who inquire after Truth fincerely, will think it material 5 and little value a Teftimony which hath no better ground than a miftake. e?*£.62. The next is no better c, that is an Epiftle of A-

drian, which others are puzzled to make fenfe ofj or (uch fenfe as can have any appearance of Truth. That very paffage in it, which is the only ground of our Authors Argument, himfelf acknowledges to be falfe $ for he would fnew the Chriftians in Alexandria to be numerous enough for his purpofe, becaufe it is there (aid that feme (whom be takes to be Chriftians) did force the Patriarch ( whoever he be ) to worfiip thrift, and yet adds, there is no doubt but Adrian does the Chriftians wrong in this point, for they never forced any to their

Religion.

C 53) Religion. Will he have us to rely upon" reasoning?, which have no better Foundation, than what is //#-doubtedly falft by his own Confeffion ? He (ayes alfo it is not material to our purpofe whether this ^Patriarch were Tiifiop of Alexandria, or chief Governour of the Jews. If (b, then it is not material with this Gentleman, either to argue from that which is not true, or elfe from that which is nothing to his purpofe. For if this Patriarch was the Bifhop of Alexandria, that they forced him to worfhip Chrift, is not true, he did it of his own accord : and if it be not one, who was no Chriftian, that they forced } then is not any thing in this paflage to his purpofe, and Adrian's Epiftle might have been waved as a meer impertinency.

That which follows^ hath not the (hew of a reafon, f pag. 6$. " the great Catcchifts of Alexandria, as T^antenus, Cle-" mens, Origen and Heracles, did not a little advance " the growth of Chriftian Religion in that place, <&c.

Muft there needs be a Diccefan Church there becaufe the Catcchifts did advance Religion not a little .<?

The next concerning Dionyfius his Church meeting at Chebron (Cephro it (hould bej and Colutlio, is already fully anfwered, as it is offered with better improvement than our Examiner gives \tg. It cannot eafily be ap- g^oEvidence prehended how a larger Church meeting with Diony-f or r ai; 'l*>& fim^ made up of thofe banifhed with him, and others from feveral parts of Egypt, at Cephro, a Village in Ly-bia, a diftmct Province 5 fhould prove that he had a Diocefan Church ifi Alexandria, to any, but thofe who are very inclinable to believe it without proof Nor will others underftand that D/^//;/j-<fe better proved to be a Dioceftn by the Chriftians which came from Alexandria to Coluthio in ^Mareotes-^ (there being none there befides) for the Believers in Alexandria it ftlf, were no more than one Church could hold, as Valejins collefts

from

C54) from this very place to our Examiners regret, Ex hoc loco coliigitur, £tate % [qjiidem Dionyjii, tmicam aclhuc fttijjh Alexandria Ecclejiam, in quant cntnesTJrbk il/ius fidelcs,

h Vet. in Eufeb. Orationk causa, conveniebant h.

Ub. 7. Mj>.if. j n t j ie next p ara g ra ph our Examiner argues for the great numbers of Chriftians at Alexandria, from the multitude of Martyrs at Thebes.

" Under the Persecution of Diocletian what numbers cc of Chriftians might be at Alexandria, may be judged

1 Pag. 64. « by t jj e mu i t i tuc i e of Martyrs that fuffered at Thebes i, "&c.

But here he miftakes £ufebins, who gives an account not of the Martyrs which were *» ©«&«*, in the City Thebes, but *? ©«&»«<&-, the province Thebak : which W3s half ofthat large Kingdom,according to the antient divifion of it into the upper and lower Sgypt. The Supc-riour Sgypt was Thebak, the inferiour was called fome-times the Delta, fometimes Egypt in a reftrained fenfe, and this divifion in thefe terms we have \r\Eufebius(\.o go

k cap. 6. no further)a little before ^, *? enCa,iJk >&T 'A/y^w, where he begins his account of the Martyrs in this Countrey. Now if the Chriftians in that Provice of large extent, and comprifing very many Cities may be concluded to be very numerous from the multitudes of Martyrs which fuffered there 5 yet nothing at all can be inferred for any numbers to his purpofe in the City Thebes, by which he would conclude their numeroufnefs in Alexandria. But if M. t ~B. had miftaken one City forfb large a Countrey with multitudes of Cities in it, and made that miftake the ground of his reafoning , it is like our Examiner would have expoled him for it in his Preface, as he does forfbme leffer matters.

i Fag. $5. In the following Paragraph /, there is a groundlefs

fiippofition, that the divifion of Alexandria into Varices was antienter than Arms, there being no mention of it

by

r 55 j

by any antient Author: as alfo an accusation of Peta-

vius as miftaking £piphatiius his words, without any Stm. of Septra-

caufe that I can difcern in thofe words, though he tio *P2 * •

(ayes, it is plain there. That which he (ayes is plain,

the learned Dean of "'Paul's could not difcern, but un-

derftood Spiphanius as Tetavius and others did before

him. Thefe I took to be preliminaries and expe&ed his

Argument, but found it not, unlets it be couched in

the firft words.

" The Divifion of Alexandria between feveral Pres-" byters, as it were into fo many Parifhes, &c.

But this fignifies nothing for his purpofe, if thofe in Alexandria thus divided could all meet in one place, as Athanafius declares they did 5 and that fo plainly that any one will judge fo, whofe intereft is not too hard for his judgment. Valefius Cwho had no byafs unlefi what might lead him the other way^) underftood it as I do 5 and exprefles it in thefe words. ( deciding the matter fo long infifted on, againft our Author) ^Afterwards in the times 0/Athanafius, when there were more Churches halt by diverfe HSifhops of Alexandria, the Citizens affembkd in fever al Churches fiver ally and in parcels^ as Athanafius/yej- in his Apology to Conftantius } but on the great Feftivals^ Rafter and T^entecoji^ no particular affemblics were held, fed univerfi in majorem Ecclefiam conveniebant, ut ibidem teftatur Athanafius, but all of them affembled together in the great Church as Athanafius teflifies.

So that there can be no pretence that the Church in Alexandria was Diocefan at this time, unlefs thofe who could meet together in one place might make fuch a Church. Yet this was then the greateft Church in the Empire fave that at T(ome r) and what he adds makes that at Rome very unlike Juch Diocefan Churches, as are now aflerted.

u Vakiius

t 5^ J

" Valefius inferrs from the fame paffage of Pope Inro-cc cent's Epiftle to Dccentius, which 'Vetavius brings to " prove the contrary, that though there were feveral " Titles or Churches in Rome then, and had been long " before, yet none of them was as yet appropriated to " any Presbyter, but they were ferved in common as cc great Cities in Holland and fome other reformed cc Countreys, that have feveral Churches and Mini-" fters, &c.

The Advocates for thefe Churches, who affign the bounds of a Diocefs with moft Moderation, will have it to comprize a City with a Territory belonging to it 5 but there was no Church in the Territory which belonged •to the Bithop of Rome, he had none but within the City, as hinocentius declares in the cited Epiftle, whereas now the greateft City with a Territory larger than fome antient Province is counted little enough for a Diocefi. Further it is now judged to be no Diocefs which comprifes not very many Churches with Presbyters appropriated to them $ but he tells us none of the Churches in Rome were appropriated to any Presbyter, but they were ferved in common. How ? as greater Cities in Holland and fome other reformed Countreys, and then they were ruled in common as thefe Cities are.. The Government of many Churches is not there, nor was of old, ever entrufted in one hand 5 and thus the Biftiop of Ttyme was no more a Diocefan than the Presbyters of that City.

He concludes m with two AfTertions which will neither of them hold good. The firft that it is evident out of Athanafius how the Bifljop of that City had from the beginning feveral fixed Congregations under him.

This is fo far. from being evident in kthanafws, that he hath not one word which fo much as intimates that the Bifhop of Alexandria from the beginning had any fuch Congregations under him. » The

C57)

The other is that thofe of ^Mareotes tnuft he Juppofcd to receize the faith almoli as early m Alexandria.

How true this is we may underftand by Dionyfius Biftiop of Alexandria towards the latter end of the third Age, who declares that then iMarectes was *f»f*©- «*«Av qurii) <rjv£<iiw<Lvfyc!>7mv tr^ it was fo far from having any n Eufeb. t. 7. true Chriftians in it, that it had none of our Authors c lu oldchrijlians, i. e. virtuous, good men 0. Nor is it like- °'* 6o ' ly that the faith was there generally received till many years after 5 and therefore not almoft fo early as Alexandria, unlefs the diftance of above 200 years will con-fift with his almofi. For Alexandria received the Faith by the preaching of Mai\, who arrived there, (ayes Sujehius, in the 2d. of Claudius /?, others in the 3d. of P cbr§ *' Eh f tb -Caligula q. But in the time of Dionyfius it dotH not ap- q chron. Aitx. £ear that Mareotes had fo many Chriftians, as Biftiop Ifchyras his Church there confifted o£ though thofe were but (even, * ***» W\* w »w^»r %%v r. But enough r ^&a». jpok of Alexandria, though our Author is far from bringing a-w-^s-enough to prove it even in the 4th. age a Diocejan Church. He may be excufed for doing his utmoft to this purpofe D confideringtheconfequence of it,for if this Church was not nowfo numerous zstobzDiocefanjt will be in vain to expeft a difcovery of any fuch Churches in the whole Chriftian World in thofe times 5 for this is acknowledged to be the greateftCity and Church in the Roman Smpire nextto Rome. So that there cannot be fo fair a pretence for any other inferiour to this, fiich as JeritJalem,Carthage,Antioch,&c.m\ich\efs for ordinary Cities, which were 10 times lefs confiderable than fomeof the former, as may be collected from what Chryfejiome fayes of one of them «^^ wfosa* vivimf <h>vA-nv v bjj £?*4<# 3 that it was able to maintain the poor of ten Cities/ fa Mat. hoik.

So far the Writer of the Letter. Let me now return ^' to our Authors "Preface 5 To (hew that the Chriftians

( 53 ) in Alexandria adhereing to ^thanaflus were not Co exceeding numerous as is pretended, * and not to be compared with the Chriftians now in London, I had (aid, that the greatefl part of the Inhabitants of that City were at this time Heathens or Jews 5 ofthofe who paffed for Chri-

u P&. 34« fiians, it is like Athanafius had the leffer flure u, the No-vatians and other SeUs, the Meletians efpecially, and the Arians, did probably exceed his flocks in numbers, it may be the Arians there were more numerous. This laft claufe f which appears by theexpreffion, I was not pofitivein^) he alone fixes on, and would difprove it by a paffage out of \Athanafm. But the Greek is fal(e printed, and and the (enfe defe&ive for want of fbme word, and fo no Judgment can be well paffed thereon, unlefs I (aw it 5 and where to (ee it he gives no diredion. My con* cern therein is not (b great as to fearch for it through (b voluminous an Author. It willferve my turn well e-nough, if the Jfrians were but very numerous, or as

w Uk. 1. CT4: sozomen expreffes them, «t*Aiyw &'& *S *** w, which cannot be denied, though they alone were not more numerous. The laft thing he would take notice of, is the Dioce(s of Theodoret, but this is remitted to the Dean 0/Paul's, yet one thing he fayes he cannot omit 5 though fome may think that he had better have paffed it (as he had many other things) 5 than being (b much in hafte, to flip at almoft every line, as he does in thofe ftw which concern it.

Iftheje 800 Churches, not 80 as this Gentleman reckons them ("it was not he but the ^Printer that (b reckoned them, as the Errata fhewj belonged to him as Metropolitan, and they were all Spifcopal Churches (I never met with any before, that took them for Spifcapal Churches, and how he (hould fall into this miftake I cannot imagine 3 I will not believe that he creates it, to make himfelf v/ork) this poor Tfegion of Cyrus would have more

Tlijljops

C 59 ) Biflwps than all Africa (not Co neither, for by the f&& fercnce at Carthage, and the abbreviation of it by St. An-Jlin, much more to be relyed on, than the ^Qtitia publifhed by S(mond, which is neither confident with others, nor with it fel£ Africa had many more Biftiops than 800) notwithfianding they were more numerous there than in any part of the World befides. Nor will this pafs for true with thofe, who take"his own account concerning their numbers in Africa (which he reckons but \66 Vhdit*t»n taking in thofe of the Schifmaticks too 3 about 66 for each Province one with another, counting them as he does Jeven :) and the account which others give of their numbers, in the antient T(oman Province, the King-dom 0/Naples, the IJland Crete, Ireland, to fay nothing of \Armenia, and other parts of the World.

That which follows, is I fuppofe, inftead of an An-fwer to the other part of my difcourje concerning the popular ele&ion of Bifhops, which this Gentleman was as much concerned to take notice of, as of the few pat fages he hath touched in the former part 9 why he did not I will not enquire further, but fatisfie my felf with what is obvious 5 efpecially fince he tells us he intends a difcourfe of fuch a Subjeft. If in this defigned work he Satisfies roe, that it was not the general pra&ice of the antient Church, for the ^People to concur in the choice of their Bishops, he will do me a greater difpleafure, than the confutation of what I have writ, or any other that I can fear he intends me 5 by taking me off from further Conversation with antient Authors, as perfons by whofe Writings we can clearly know nothing. For if that point be not clear in Antiquity. I can never expeft to find any thing there that is fo.

I intended to conclude this difcourfe here, without giving the Reader further trouble 5 but considering there are mifapprehenfions about the Subjefl: in que-

(6o.)

ilion,thofe being taken by diverfe, for Diocefin Churches which indeed are not fuch, and arguments ufed to prove themfb which are not competent for that pur-pofe, f of which there are many inftances, as elfewhere lb particularly in the latter end of this Authors dip courfe ) : I thought it requifite for the rectifying of thefe miftakes, and to (hew the infufficiency or impcr-tinency of fuch reafbnings, to give an account what mediums cannot in reafon be efteemed, to afford competent proof of Diocefin churches.

In general, Thofe who will fitisfy us that any Churches, in the firft Ages of Chriftianity, wereD/^-fin, fhould prove them to be fuch Diocefin s as ours are, as large or near as large} otherwife what they offer, will fcarce appear to be pertinent. For the rife of this debate is the queftion between us, whether the Bifhops of thefe times be fuch as thofe in the primitive Church. This we deny, becaufe modern Bifhops will have another fort of churches or Diocefes, than were known in the beft Ages. Not that we rejeft all Diocefes or Diocefin Churches, for both **d?'*"* and toeUnw are ufed by the Antients for fuch Churches as we allow. It is thofe of a later Model, that we approve not, as vaftly differing from the antient Epifeopal Churches. The modern Diocefes, and Churches thence denominated are exceeding great and extenfive, confifting of many feores, or many hundred particular Churches, whereas for the three firft Ages we cannot find 3 Bifhops that had two particular Churches in his Diocefs, nor in the 4th. one in 50 (if I may not fay one in a hundred) that had more. So that the difference is exceeding great, and more confiderable in the confequence thereof which I had rather give an account of in the words of the very learned D. St. than mine own. Diocefes generally, fayes he, in the primitive, and tlaftcrn Churches were veryfmall

and

(6i) and little, as far more convenient for this end of 11 em in the Government of the Church under the Bifiops charge x, x imf.n*. and elfewhere, Difiipline, (ayes he, was then a great deal more flriff, Preaching more diligent, Men more ap-pre hen five of the weight of their Fund ion, than for any to undertake fitch a care and charge of Souls, that it was im-pojfiblefor them even to k$ow, objerve or watch over, Jo as to give an account for them y,Men that were imployed in the y p a g. 332. Church then did not cor?fult for their eafe and honour, and thought it not enough for them to fit fill, and lid others ziV *-333-worl[z. St.Auftin fpeaking of the 3<iAge,makes account of many thoufand TiiJIwps then in the World a. Our tcontra Cnfcon. ^Author (eems to treat that excellent Perfon (bmething ltb ' 3 ' courfely on this occafion, and goes near to queftion his judgment or veracity for it, b (bme may think this b ?*£• $34-not over decently done ( to fay no more ) when it is his bufinefi, to vindicate (bme antient Bifhops who need it,to reflect upon one,(b untainted,as to need none.How-ever fince he (ayes that Father judged of other Ages by his own, when Dioccjes were exceedingly multiplycd c, we c Pa£ ? may fuppofe he will grant there were many thoufand Bifiops in the 4th. Age. Yet among (b many thoufand Bifhops I do not expeft that any can (hew me 20 f if I may not fay 10.J who had (b many Churches in their Diocejs, as (bme r Pluralifls amongft us may have, who yet never pretend to have a Diocefan Church. Thofe therefore who will make proof of fuch Diocefan churches f as are in queftion, mad fhew us (bme in the primitive times fomething like ours in largenefs and extent. A-mongft the inftances produced for this purpofe by former or later Writers, I find none any thing near to ours, (ave that only o?Theodorct in the 5th. Age. But this in the former Difcourfe was (hewed to be fb inefficient to ferve the ends it is alledged for, that I may hope it will be preft no more for this Service.

More

(62 )

More particularly, i ft. It proves not a Church to be Diocefan becaufe it confifts of more than can meet together in one place, for there are Parifhes in this Land that contain many hundreds or thoufands more than can meet in the Parifh Church, and yet are but counted fingle Congregations. Though multitudes in fuch Churches be far from proving them to be Diocefan^ yet I think two inftances cannot be given in the third Age of more in one Church than are in fome fingle Congregations amongft us 5 nor many afterwards, till A-rianifm&vA Donatifm were fuppreffed} which the latter was not in Africa till after the famous Conference at Carthage^ Anno 4105 nor the former in other parts during the 4th. Age 5 for though Theodofius made fome fharp Declarations againft them and other Hereticks, yet none but the S.unomians were profecuted, if we believe Socrates d 5 that Emperour gave not the leaft trouble to the reft, forced none to communicate with him^ but allowed them their ^Meetings , and even in CP. when afterwards the Arians divided among themfelves, each party had feveral Congregations in that City e 5 both that which adhered to ^Marinus^ and that alfo which followed Dorothius^ thefe keeping the Churches which they had before and the other erefting new Churches.

I know there are thofc 5 who from fome paflages in i ^c l l',}^ & Tertullianf would infer that the Chriftians in his time were the major part of the Inhabitants in all Cities, and fo enough not only for vaft Congregations, but forD/'-ocefan Churches. But Tertullian was a great Oratour and frequently ufes hyperbolical expreffions, which ought not to be ftreined. Such are thofe infifted on, and by regular conftru&ion they import no more than that the Chriftians were very numerous in many parts of the Empire. Thofe that will have them ftreined, and un-

derftood

derftood as they found, offer great injury to Tertullian ) making him intend that which hath no warrant in any Records of Antiquity, Civil or Ecclefiaftical, that I can meet with. Before they impofe fuch a fenfe on him, they ought in reafon to make it manifeft, that the Chriftians were the major part of the inhabitants in fome confiderable Cities at thai: time § when I believe they cannot produce two inftances in the whole Empire, I never yet could meet with one.

Our Author from thefe Oratorical expreffions flicks not to conclude, that it is evident that the Christians were the major part every where, but in Rome more eminently Jo , and Dr. Downham fignifies that Tertullian Jpeal{s chiefly of the City 0/Romeg, this Gentleman (ayes, g Defence l, 2, that by hk account it is made very probable, that they were c ' 5 * ?' ^ the better half of the Roman Empire, and tells us, it is p g% w certain that the number ofChriJlians at Rome was propor-tionably greater than in any part of the Empire. Now how fir the Chriftians at T{ome were from being the major part of the Inhabitants, we may judge by the vaft di£ proportion between the poor in the Church at T(ome y and thofe in the whole City. Cornelius near 50 years after Tertul/ian (when it was of more growth by half an Age) reckons the poor of his Church to be 1500 $ whereas out of Suetonius and others, the poorer forts of Citizens, qu£ e publico vi&itabat^ are computed to be

32000O £. hlippusde

JVlany take occafionfrom the thousands converted at Mag.^Rom.i.$* Jerufdcm, Acts 2. and 4. to conclude the vaft number ca ^ 2 " of Chriftians and exceeding largenefs of Churches elfe-w here. Our .Author hath nothing from Scripture for Diocefan Churches but this, which is confiderable/5 ipas4$$,&c* nor will this appear fo, if but a Cnall part of thofe thou-fands can be counted inhabitants of Jcrufelem, and fo fixed in that Church. And this is as dernonftrable as

any

C *4 ) any thing of this nature can be. For this miraculous Converfion was at T^entecoSi, one of the three great Feaffs, when there was a vaft concourfe of Jews and Profelytes from allparts to that City. Thefe converted were not only Inhabitants of Jerufalem but Forreigners} and in all reafbn more of thefe proportionably, as they exceeded the Inhabitants in number. And then thofe of the City will fcarce be a 20th part of the 5 or 8cco Converts. For the Forreigners that refbrted to Jerufalem at thefe great Solemnities are reckoned to be three mil-kjofepbde Bel. lions, ** Sa*t7« Tf/ajworV ^tajtav ^ whereas the Inhabi-Lf. a u. Ub ' 2 ' tants °f ^at City were but about an 120000 wifJ «&'«&** pvitdft^ butofthiselfewhere more fully.

The Author of the Vindication will not have fb great a part of thofe Converts to be Stranger j, and to return home when the Feaft was over, and afligns fbmething like reafbns for it.

" ift, That the Scripture gives no countenance to this " Conje&ure, but fayes all thofe ftrange Nations were <c Inhabitants of Jerufalem, and the Original word in-cc clines moft on this fide.

That he fhould fay the Scripture gives no countenance to thk, is fbmething ftrange. It is plain in Scripture, that God injoyned the Children of IJrael to repair to Jerufalem from all quarters of the Countjcey where they dwelt thrice a year, for the obfervance of the three great Feajis. And it is apparent alfo that they were wont to come up to Jerufalem at thofe Solemnities, both Tews and Profelytes «^*to 7id^a. ffi/vsto*v$*<m.t7itt<m.tti{t yvkcuf/p *; vSpiMta. And it is evident in that Chapter cited, Ac7s 2. The Fcaft of Pentecoft being come, there was a refbrt of Jews and Profelytes from all thofe parts of the World to this City. Ay, but the Scripture fayes, all thofe Strange Rations were inhabitants of Jerufalem.

He

He can't judge that the Scripture fayes this, but upon a fuppofition that the word wMrfrrx, Acts 2. 5. can fignify no other thing than inhabitants, but this is a mi-ftake, for the word denotes fuch as abide in a place, not only as inhabitants, but as firangers or Sojourners. Thus Dr. Hammond will have it tranflated abiding, rather than dwelling b, thofe that were there as strangers c, and b m lot. here expreffes thofe abiding at Jerufalem, to be Jews c ln Aa * 10 ' 2 ' which came up to the Feafi of the PaJ/eover, and T>rofe-Ijtes which had come from feveral Rations of all Quarters of the World. Thus alfo Mr. ZMead d, for the word &i*Exercit.i* ^twxSVtk, faith he, which 1 tranjlate fejourning rather '* than dwelling (for Jo I understand it, that they were not proper dwellers, but fuch as came tdworjhip at Jerufalem from thofe far Countreys, at the Feafi of the Pajfeover and Pentecoji, and Jo had been continuing there feme good time) it is true that in the ufual Greeks, onuo and ^twxa* fignffy a durable ntanfwn, hut with the Hellenifls in whofi Dialed; the Scripture Jpeafyth, they are ujed indifferently forafiayofajhorter or longer time, that is, for tofojourn as well as to dwell, as theje two examples out of the Septu-agint will tnak$ manifefi, Gen. 27. 44. 1 Kings 17.20. there w™*&v is tofojourn only. In a word °*m* and x&nma anjwer to the Hebrew Verb 1>W which Jignifies any flay or remaining in a place. Grotius faith it anfwers the Hebrew word which is render d not only by wmmv but mauny, & c . adding, therefore it is not laid only of them who had fixed their habitation, but of thofe who were come to the City for the celebrating of the ^Paffeover or Ten-tecofi, fiaying there fen a while. The beft and moft learned Expositors generally take it fo in this place, as denoting, not fettled Inhabitants, but fuch as redded there only for a time. Indeed when this Author would have the Scripture fay all thefe firange Rations were inhabitants 0/Jerufalenij he makes it fpeak things inconfiftent.

K For

an occafional recourfe of ftranger?, who inhabit remote parts or fbrreign Countreys.

If there had been more Chriftians in the Church of Jerufalem than could meet in one place, that would be no Evidence that it was a Diocefan Church, whereas i An. 2: 44. the whole is (aid in the Alls to meet in one place /. He 6.2. &c. f^h nothing to fay againft this which is confiderable, m Pag. 441. but that the all\ may denote only thofc that wereprefent m, and fo the fenfe will be, all that were in one place, were in one place, if this can pleafe himfelfj I think it will fatisfie none el(e. Let Dr. Hammond decide this bufi-nefs, for in fuch a caufe we may admit a Party to be n Anfwtr to L. Umpire *, What follows, faith he, of the paucity of Tie* Miniftirs. pag. fevers, and their meeting in one place, is willingly granted by us. What they fay of the point of time, Ads 2. 41. that believers were Jo numerous, that they could not conveniently meet in one place, thk is contrary to the evidence of the Text, which faith exprefly ver. 44. that all the believers were &* riwri, which in the laji ^Paragraph they interpret-cd meeting in one and the fame place: the like might be faid of the ether places, Adts 4. 3. and 5. 14. for certainly as yet, though the number of Believers increafed, yet they wen not distributed into feveral Congregations\ pp. 44a.443. Concerning the difperfion, ^ftfs8.i. 0 he tells us, " Though they are all (aid to be fcattered befides the " Apoftles, yet it cannot be underftood of all the Be-" leivers.

No, but of the generality of them, all that could commodioufly fly as ftrangers might do. Nor muft it be confined to all the Officers only, the generality of Ex-pofitorsare mifreprefented if this be made their fenfe, nor doth it appear that £ujebius (b underftood it, ^nreJ is ufed in Scripture and other Writers, and Eufebius him-fclf, to denote Believers and not Officers only. As for

the

(69 ) the time of the difperfion (though I need not infift on it) probably it was nearer this great Pentecojl than fome would have it. On the firft day of the week in the morning were the three thoufand converted, the next or ( as fome tell us) the fame day afternoon, at the ninth hour p, the number of the Converts was increafed p d. l. to five thousand. While this Sermon was preaching the Apoftles are apprehended and committed to Cu-ftody till the next morning. Another, it is like the day after, they are imprifoned, but enlarged by an Angel in the night, chap. 5. In or near that week were the feven Deacons chofen, prefently after the Di-fciples were thus increafed and the Apoftles imprifoned and difmiffed. The expreffion fignifies it, chap. 6. 1, It is not k ^«<, in thofe daies which may admit a latitude and fome good diftance of time, but & wW^ in thefe dayes, which denotes the time inftant, or that which immediately enfiies, without the interpofiire of any (uch diftance. And fo the phrafe is ufed by St. " Ijtkg both in the Gofpel and in the A&s. It is Dr. " Hammond's obfervation upon Luk. 1.39. The phrafe «c* Twj<jta< *mt w«*, in thefe dayes, faith he, hath for " mod part a peculiar fignification , differing from "Unwept WKa*, in thofe daies. The latter fignifies "an indefinite time, fometimes a good way off, but the " former generally denotes a certain time then prefent, " inftantly, then at that time 5 fo here, that which is " (aid of <£Marys going to Elizaleth was fure immediate-" ly after the departing of the Angel from her, and u therefore it is (aid (he rofe up & evMs, very haftily, cc fo ver. 24. ^-w invrai w iut^y i.e. immediately Sliza-" beth conceived, fo chap. 6. 12. o'mil.ai^WTB/^ j.e* then, at that point of time he went out to the Mountain. See Chap. 23. 7. c. 24. 18. Atis 1. 5. c. n, 27. and 21.15.

Q 70 ; Immediately after the choice of the Deacons, Stephen. one of the Seven is apprehended *w w x«#7w<*, ^ feon as ever he was ordained, as if he had been ordained for thfr alone faith Eu/ebius (1.2. c. i.) And at the fame time the Persecution began which difperfcd that Church. Whereas he faith, c whatfoever numbers were forced away} it c is likely they returned, if he underftand it of the fir an-gcrs driven from Jerufalem, that they returned to fix there, or otherwifc than occafionally 3 it is no more likely nor will be (boner proved than what he aflerts a little after ( pag. 444.) viz. that the empty Sepulcher preached with no lefs efficacy than the .Apofiles.

This is enough to fatisfy what our Author would draw out of Scripture concerning the Church of Jeru-falem. After fome trifling about Objeftions which he forms himfelf, and then makes fport with, he comes to prove that Jerufalem was a Diocejan Church in the A-poftles time. But firft he would have us believe that James was the proper Bifijop of that Church, and would evince it by two Teftimonies, that of Clemens and He-gefippm. But what fayes his Clemens ? He faith not only that James was ordained Ttifiop of Jerufalem pre-fently after our Saviours jifcenfion, but what I think our Author was loth to mention. If he had given us the intire fentence it might have been better underftood. After the ^fcenfion of our Saviour, Peter, James and John, the moji honoured by our Lord, would not yet contendfor the firft degree of honour, *«? %fo&)&{i&e.i J&fy^ but chofe James thejufi TSifljop of Jerufalem, ^ipofiolorum £-pifcopum. Ifyffinus reads it, This feems to fignify that his being made a Bifhop there, was fbme degree of Honour above their being Apoftles. A learned Roma-ntfi tells us q, that the books where £ujebius had this did fo abound with Errours, that they were not thought

worth

C7i J> worth preferving, and fo are loft ("as thofe of Tapias and Hegiftppus are for the fame reafon) this may prove one inftance of thofe many Errours. That which (eems to be the fenfe of his words is more fully expreflfed by one who goes under the name of Clemens too r, James r l.i.Kuognk. the Lord's Brother was *Vrince of~BiJJjops, and by his E-pifcopal Authority commanded all the Apoflles, and fo the former Clemens in Ruffinus calls him the TSifiop of the Apoflles f. If he means fuch a Bifhop as ours ( and chW. 1.2.C.2, otherwise his meaning will not ferve our Authors pur-pofe) then the Apoflles were but the Vicars or Curates of James. This is bad enough if James was an Apoftle y the abfurdeft Papift will fcarce aferibe as much to Teeter. But if he was not an Apoftle, it is yet more intolerable. If our Author can believe his own WitneG, fome may admire, but I thiak few will follow him.

Let us hear Hegefippus f not quite fo antient as this Gentleman makes him, fince he was alive in the Reign ofCommodus') he (ayes, James ruled that Church wn& ™v *fm&K»t % If we take this as it is render'd in Jerome after the Apoflles^ it is not only againft Grammar, but without Truth, and makes James to be Bifhop when he was dead, for he was martyred about the 4th. of ZftQro, and all the Apoflles but the other James furviv-ed him. But if the meaning be that he ruled that Church with the ^ojlles, it (peaks him no more the Bifhop ofjerujakm than the reft of the Apoftles, who were not fixed or topical Bifhops, but Oecumenical Officers of an extraordinary Office and Power ancl accordingly ;is James defcribed. One antient Author (ayes that he no lefs than Peter did &tT&7r1w -wt qdl^k *t>*. J%<L&uj t And Spiphanius reports t, that Hyginus after t Hires, ctrdon. James, Teeter and TW was the ninth Bi/ljop of Rome fucceffively, fignifying that he was as much Bifhop of

Rome

(70 Tfyme as Paul and Teeter. I need not quote that other Author who fayes he ruled the holy Church of the Hebrews, u Ep. to Jams, as alfo he did all Churches every where founded u.

M However certain it is that James was Bifhopof jfe-" rujalem, not only from Hegijlppus and Clemens ^Alex. u but alfb from St. Paul, who mentions him as one of " the sfpojlles that he had Converfed with in Jerufalem, " and it is likely there were no more there at that time " but he and *Petcr.

This is no way certain from Clemens and Hegefippus, and fb far from being certain by St. Paul, that his mentioning him as an Apoftle makes it rather certain that he was not a Bilhop $ for the Offices of an Apo(lk and of a BiJIwp are inconfiftent, as is acknowledged and proved w Dr. Bmow by an excellent Perfon of your own. w " The Offices sufrmtMo, a ofan Apoftle and of aBiftiopare not in their nature " well confident, for the Jpojilefoip is an extraordinary " Office, charged with the inftru&ion and Government " of the whole World, and calling for an anfwerable " care ( the Apoftles being Rulers, as St. Chryfijiom a faith, ordained by God, Thiers not taking feveral Na-" tions and Cities, hut all of them in common intruded "with the whole world ) but £pifcopacy is an ordinary " ftanding charge affixed to one place, and requiring a " fpecial attendance there, Bifhops being Paftors who, cc as Chryfoflome faith, do jit, and are imployed in one "place. Now he that hath fuch a general care can cc hardly dilcharge fuch a particular Office, and he that " is fixed.to fb particular an attendance,can hardly look " well after fb general a charge, &c. Haronius faith of " St. Peter, that it was his Office not to flay in one place, " but as much as it was pojfiblc for one man to travel over " the whole world, and to bring thofe who did not yet believe "to the Faith, and throughly to eflabliJI) believers. If fb " how could he be Biftiop of Rome, which was an Office

(73) " inconfiftent with fuch vagrancy. It would not have " befeemed St. r Peter the prime Apoftle to alTume the " charge of a particular Biftiop, it had been a degrada-" tion of himfelf, a difparagement to the Apoftolical cc Majefty for him to take upon him the Bifhoprick of " Rome, as if the King ftiould become Mayor of London, " as if the Bifhop of London ftiould be Vicar of Pan-"crM. And little before, St. Peters being Bifhop of " Rome (it holds as welI'of]amQss being Biflwp of Jeruft-"lemj would confound the Offices which God made di-" ftin&,forGoddid appoint firft Apoftles, then Prophets, " then Paftors and Teachers,wherefore StHPeter after he " was an Apojilc could not well become a BiJIjopjt would "be fuch an irregularity as if a Biftiop ftiould be made a " Deacon.

" Ecclefiaftical Hiftory makes James the ordinary Bi* " fhop and Diocefan of the place.

There is nothing in Ecclefiaftical Hiftory for it, but what is derived from Hegejippus and Clemens, whom o-thers followed right or wrong.

" It is ftrange to fee Salmajius run his head fb vio-" lently againft fuch folid Teftimonies as thofe of Hege-"Jippus and Clemens.

: That great perfbn underftood things better, and di£ cerned no danger in running his head againft a ftiadow, and there is nothing more of Solidity in what is alledged from thole Authors.

Further he would prove it a Diocefin Church by a paffage in Hegejippus, who fayes, " that feveral of the " J e ™ifi Se&aries who beleived neither a Refurre&ion " nor Judgment to come, were Converted by James^ " and that when a great number of the Rulers and " principal men of the City were by this Miniftry " brought to believe the Gofpel, the Jews made an " Uproar, the Scribes and Pharifees faying, that it was

(74;

" to be feared that all the people would turn Chri-

x Pag, 445. ftians x.

He (ayes many of the prime Se&aries were converted by James, but this will fcarce prove fuch a Diocefan Church as he contends for. That which would fcrve his turn (that all the people would turn Chriflians) was not effeUed, but only feared by the Jews, who took a courfe to prevent it by killing James. But if this were for his purpofe, Hegefippus is not an Author to be relied on, part of the Sentence cited is falfe, that the Se&s mentioned (and he had mentioned fevenj did not believe the T^efurreUion nor Judgment, whereas the Pharifees

in EiM.2.c.2$. and others of them beleived both, which Valejius observes. One falfe thing in a Teftimony is enough to render it fufpe&ed, but there are near twenty things falfe or fabulous in this account he gives of James, ma-

y Animad. h ny of them marked by Scaligery, divers by Valejius z^

Ttoktfeu'i. an d fome acknowledged by Petavius a.

cap. 25. He would not have us fufpeft that the numbers of the

l^f dHs ' Church at Jerufalem were not fo great as.he pretends, becaufc Pella, an obfcure little Town, could receive them all befides its own Inhabitants, cc but we muft un-" derftand that Town to be their Metropolis, and the " Believers all Scattered through the whole Countrey, ? and this as £piphanius writes.

But where does Spiphanius write this ? Not in the place cited, he writes the contrary both there and elfe-

bEpipb.Her.$o. where, that all the Believers fin one place V) that all the Difciples fin another place ) immwpAn-m wncm* h

c De Ponder.& ii4aah c , what he adds is but to defcribe where the

MmJ.cap.11. Town wasfituated5 a]1 the Difciples, all the Believers

dwelt beyond Jordan in Telia. Archbifhop WLitgifi brings this as a pregnant proof that the Chriflians at Jerufalem were but few in comparison ( and no more than could all meet/;; one place, as a little before he affirms

(75;

firms again and again ) his words are how few Chri-

" ftians was there at Jerufalem not long before it wasde-

" ftroyed, being above Forty years after Chrift £ Does

" noxEnfebius teftifie d that they all were received into a d L *^s- ^;

" little Town called Te//# ? yet the Apoftles had fpent

" much time and labour in Preaching there } but the

" number of thofe that did not profefi Chrift in that

" City was infinite e. This might be farther cleared by t Defence of *.

what Spiphanius faith of that Church in its return from $i r £"i' f'

Pella, but I defign briefneis.

Our Author adds one Teftimony more, to (hew that under the Government of Simeon great numbers were " added to that Church, many thoufands of the Cir-<c cumcifion receiving the Chriftian Faith at that time, " and among the reft Jujlus, &c. pag. 448.

But thofe who view the place in Sufebiits will fee, that he does not fay thofe many of the Gircumcifion were converted by Simeon^ or were under %is Government^ or belonged to that Church 3 and fb it fignifies nothing for his purpofe. And fb in fine, the account wherewith he concludes his Difcourfe of jerufalem will not be admitted by any who impartially confider the Premifles.

As for his other Scripture inftances, there is not fb much as the fhadow of a proof {hewed by him, that there were near fb many Chriftians as in Jerujalem, or as are in fbme one of our Parifties, yea, or more than could meet in one place, either in Samaria ("where he fay es'it appears not what kjnd of Government was eSiablifi-ed 0 /tog. 451.) or in Lydda 9 which was but a Village, though a fair one, and far from having Saronfor its proper Territory, that being a plain between Joppa and Cajarea$ or xn^intioch, pag. 452. muchlefs in Corinth and Ephefus which he advifedly pafles by, pag. 456.

(7*)

Our Author does in effeft acknowledge that in Scrip* ture it appears not that thefe Churches were Spijcopaf, much left Diocefan 0 " It is to be confeffed, faies he, " pag. 461. that the Scriptures have not left fo full and " perfect an account of the Conftitution and Govern-"ment of the/r/? Churches, &c. Thus we have no " more notice of the Churches of Samaria and of]ud<ea " (]erufalcm excepted) than that fach were founded by " the Apoftles 5 but of thdr Government and Conftitution <c we have not the leaft Information. What information then can we have that they were Diocefan or Epifeopal j? He goes on, " And the.profpeft left of .AntiochmScvvp-" ture is very confufed, as of a Church m fieri, where a " great number of eminent perfons laboured together " to the building of it up 5 but only from Ecclefiaftical a Writers, who report that this Church, when it was " fettled and digefted, was committed to the Govern-cc ment ofSuodw, and after him to Igratius, &c. So that after what form the Church at Antioch was confti-tuted does not appear (It may be Congregational and not Diocefim, for any thing this Gentleman can fee in Scripture J but only from Ecclefiaftical Writers.

But his Ecclefiaftical Writers do fo contradift one another as renders their teftimonies of little value. Nor is there much more reckoning to be made of the traditional account they and others give concerning the SucceP lion and Government of the firft Bifhops, than this Author makes, of Eufebius his traditional Chronology, pag. 454. Some make Suodias the firft Bifhop and he being f Eu<eb.!.$.c.22. dead Ignatius to fucceed him/5 on the contrary fome will have Ignatius to have been the firft, and make no %cbrtf.oht.in mention of £«odmg$ others will have them to have if ctmens con- governed that Church both together h 3 fome will have fto*f./.7.*4<5. Euodim ordained by Peter, and Ignatius by Taut, o-thers report Ignatius ordained by Peter, and fome modern

C 77 ) dern Authors of great eminency, both Proteftants and Papifo ("not only Baronius but Dr. Hammond') find no more tolerable way to reconcile them, than by aliening that there were more Biftiops than one there at once, which quite blafts the conceit of a Diocefan Church there.

And what is alledged for the numbers of Chriftians there, to fipport this conceit of a Diocefan Church, is very feeble, pag 452, 453. A great number believed, ^Atisw a 1. and inch people, ver.i^. The next verfes {hew, that the:re were no more than Vaul and Barnabas aflembled wit a one Church} meeting «* rf gh,xkw& j for a year together, and there taught this Ik&Iv or m*>w oxw. The feme divine Author (ayes, ufffs 6. 7. ™*rft fXt&y a\ greatCompany ofthePrieJis were converted, and will this Gentleman hence conclude that there were Priefts enough converted to make a Diocefe?

He hath no ground from Scripture to think otherwife o£Tfyme ("that we may take in all his Scripture inftan-ces together ) however he would perfwade us that there were feveral Congregations there in the Apo-ftles times. Let us fee how. " By the multitude of " Salutations in the end of that Epiftle he makes appear "the numbers of Chriftians in that City. Salute *Prtp ^ cilia and Manila with the Church that is in their cc houfe.

The Dean of T>auh will have this Church in their houfe to be but a Family, this Author will have it to be a Congregation, a$ if it might be either to ferve a turn. I think it was fuch a Congregation as removed with *Aqiiila from one Countrey to another, for this Church which was in their houfe at Ephefus before, (1 Cor 16.) is faid to be in their houfe at Ttyme, Rom. 16. that is, there werefome of the Church which belonged to their

y Family,

Family. It is a queftion whether there was now at Ttyme any one Congregation fuch as our Author intends, Grotius i thinks it probable there was none at all. But let us fuppofe this to be a Congregation, where finds he his feveral others ? why where another perfon would fcarce dream of any ? " It is not improbable, faith he, " that feveral that are mentioned with all the Saints that " aye with them, may be the Officers of feveral Congregations, f*£-457-458.

But it is manifeft that in the Apoftle's times one Congregation had many Officers, how then can feveral Officers be a good Medium to prove feveral Congregations I The antient Authors which count thofe Officers (mentioned Rom. 16.) do make them Tliffjops ("and fome except not V^arcijjus nor Trijca, i. e. Vrifcilla^ tho' her Husband alfb hath an Epifcopal Chair affigned him) Now if they were not Bifhops at Rome but other places, they are alledged to no purpofe 5 if they were Bifhops at 7(ome, there will be very many Bifhops in that one Church (it may be more than Vrifcillas Congregation confifted of) which rather than our Author will grant, I fuppofe he will quit his plurality of Congregations here. Indeed what he adds next doth no waies favour them, and this number was afterwards in-cc creafed confiderably by the coming of Paul, who con-cc verted fbmeof the Jews, and afterwards received all " that came, whether Jew's or Gentiles, and preached " to them the Kingdom of God for the fpace of two " whole years, no man forbidding him, fag. 458.

Vanl preached at Rome in his hired houfefor two years, all this while he received all that came to him 5 there is no queftion but that all the Chriftians there did come to hear this moil: eminent Apoftle .• fb that it feems from firft to laft there were no more Chriftians at Rome than a private Houfe could receive.

He

(79)

He would prove what he intends from JQros Per-"fecution, who is faid to have put an infinite multitude "of Chriftians to death upon pretence that they had " fired Rome, pag. 458. Tacitus fpeaks of the Chrifti-" ans as guilty, and fa yes they confeffed the Crime, and " detefted many others.

Now thofe who fuffered, either confeffed that they fired Tfyme and then they were no Chriftians 5 or they did not confefs it, and then he wrongs them intolerably, and deferves no credit. But our Author toexcufe him (againft the fenfe of fuch who beft underftand him, Lipjius particularly, befides 'Baronius and others) fayes, they confeffed not that they burnt T(ome, but that they were Chriftians. Whereas the inquiry being concerning the burning of Tfome, the queftion was not whether they were Chriftians, but whether they fired the City, ofthislaft T^cita/ fpeaks, and will be fo un-derftood by thofe who think he (peaks pertinently. But for truth in thofe accounts he gives of Chriftians^ it is no more to be expe&ed than from other Heathen Authors of thofe Ages, with whom it is cuftomary on that fubjtdifplendide mentiri. Some other inftances hereof we have in this report of 'Tacitus, which I fuppofe our Author will fearce offer to excufe, as when the Chriftian Religion is called £xitiabilts Juperjiiti&, and when the Chriftians are faid per Jiagitia invifos vulgi fiiffe.

But fuppofe he fpeaks truth, what is it he fayes ? Nero put an infinite multitude of them to death, but ingens rmltitudo, which are his words, may be far lefs than an infinite multitude. Two or three hundred may pafs for n great multitude, and extraordinarily great, when that which is (poke of them is extraordinary. The Martyrs burnt in Queen £Marys dayes were a great multitude j and few may be accounted very many, to

fufier

(8o ) fuffer in fuch a manner, as thefc did by JQrds Cruelty, Ferarum tergis conteSi ut laniatu canum interirent, ant crucibus ajfixi, aut flammandi, atqtie ubi defecijjct dies in ufum noUurni luminis uterentur, in the words of T&ci-tits.

To this he adds the general account which Hufebius gives of the (uccefs of the Chriftian faith immediately after the firfl difcovery of it, that prefently in all Cities and Villages Churches abounding with innumerable multitudes were ajfembled^ Sec. p<<g. 459.

If he will not deal unkindly with Eujebius he mud not fet his expreffions upon the fvack, nor ftretch them beyond his intention, nor forget what is obferved to be ufual with him 5 Oratorwn more rem amplificare. Thefe Churches confiding oiinnumerable multitudes are (aid to be not only in all Cities, b at Villages 5 now I believe it will be an hard matter for our Author to (hew us any Villages, even in Conjlantine's time, where there were a Thoufand, yea, or 500 Chriftians. Thofe who will not abufe themfelves or their Readers mud give great allowance to fuch expreffions, and not rely on them in ftrift arguing.

And here it may not be amifi to take notice of what he (ayes ofltyme in another Chapter\ M. TS, had declared, ihat fa found no reafon to believe that Rome and A-lexandria had for 200 years more Chriftians than fome London Parifties (which have 60000 SoulsJ nor near, ^ church mp if half fo many kz The chiefj if not the only argu-^ r? mdiCat ' ment to prove them at Rome more numerous, is a pat fage in Cornelius his Epiftle (hewing the number of the Officers and of the poor, this was in the middle of the third Age, and (b not within thefe 200 years, but yet proves not what it is alledged for in Cornelius's time, near .Anno 360. The number of Officers (ignifies no fuch thing, as hath been made evident, the number of

the

p. 27.

(8*0

the poor, being 1500 rather proves the contrary. This was cleared by comparing the proportions of the poor with the reft in other places, at Antiochm particular, as was fhewed out of Chryfoficme y who reckons the poor to be a tenth part of the Inhabitants, and if it was (b at Rome in Cornelius's time, the Chriftians were about 15000. This will ferve M. I^s purpofc well enough. But the time and circumftances being exceeding different, makes it mod probable, that the Chriftians then at Rome did nothing near (o much exceed the poor in number. It is far more likely that the proportions were nearer that at Conjlantinople^ where Chryfoflom (ayes, the poor was one half this would (poil all our Authors pretentions, and fo he advifedly takes no notice of it.

However fomething he would fay againft M. T?. if one, could underftand it. It is about the word ^tCo/^u in Cornelius's Epiftle render'd the poor. Valcfius obferves the word is ufed by the T(oman Clergy in an Epiftle to thofe at Carthage^ Jive Vidua Jive Thlibomeni^ i. e. indU gentes, (aith he, as Rufinus tranflates it, and tells us alfb that Cyprian I calls them pauperes & indigentes qui labo-lEp. $* rant. Thefe, (ayes our Author, were not only poor y but Jick^and difeajed^ alledging that of the Roman Clergy for it after Valefus^ and if he mean not only the poor, but the fick alfo and the difeafed he is right, for Cornelius fignifies thofe that were maintained by the Church, Widows and Indigent whether fick or well. But when he (ayes thefe poor were fitch only as were not able to come abroad^ he feems to confine it to the fick and diftafed, and then it contradi&s the former, and is without rea-(on, againft the ufe and import of the word, as render'd by all Interpreters former and later that I meet with, and indeed againft common (en(e} for the number Cornelius (peaks of is fixed, as that of the Presbyters and. Deacons^

M (ueh

(82)

fuch as may be conftantly known and a certain account given of it, whereas the number of the fuh^ is not fixed, but fuch a contingency as is very uncertain and various.

But Cornelius fayes in the fame Epiftle that the people of his Church were innumerable. True, that is, according to the frequent ufe of the word, very many ( it is granted they were more than in any other Church) as when Dio (ayes the Nations conquered by Trajan were innumerable, and Socrates exprefles thole wounded in the fight between the Chriftians and Heathen in Alexandria about the demolilhing of an Idol Temple were dvafiQwiToi m, which in Sozomen is but many n ■> and ano-m Lik$.a$. ther antient Author (ayes there were innumerable Bifljops nub.j.c.i$. j n ^4jyi ca ^ w hich yet this Gentleman can eafily county and tells us that Schifinaticks and all were but 466 0. opag. 131; M.T3. may allow him what he falls fhort in this reckoning, which is more than hal£ and may grant there were many more hundreds of Chriftians in Rome than any of thefe innumerable! come to, and yet make good what he ftppofes.

The great liberality of the Roman Church is offered as no fmall argument of its greatnefs, theyfent to a great many Churches^ releiving thofe that were in want, and fending necejjaries to fuch as were condemned to the Zftiines^ thus in Severu/s time,, and in the time of Dionyfus the Provinces tf/Syria with Arabia were thereby relieved every one, pag.ft.

M. 1?. need not doubt, but fbme one Parifh near him might do what is equivalent to this, if the antient Charity were revived, which opened the hearts of Chriftians in thofe times further than their Purfcs could well extend.

But the words are odly ftretched, for they did not relieve every one in all thofe places,but fuch as were in great want, and thofe particularly who were condemned

to

to the £Mines } and Iimim muft denote as // were the al-fufficiency of'the T(oman Churchy which fome would fay is, as it were Blajphemy, but our Author meant better, the proper import of the w r ord is no more than Jlipem conferre.

He alledges two paflages in fzujebius p, the farmer P rag. 54. concerns not T(ome more than any other place in the Empire, the import of it is this, not that every foul of every fort, but that many of all forts were lead to the Chriftian Religion, if ™w 4»w be ftretched to every foul Suftbius is made to fpeak what is in a manner notoriously falfe, and monftroufly extravagant. The later which concerns T^ome does but fignify, that more of Good quality for Riches and Birth with their Families and Relatives came over for Salvation q. Thefe he will have q lib. 5. c.21. to be of the Nobility, but thofe were counted noble who defended from fuch as had been Magiftrates in Cities or free Towns. How this can make that Church near fo great as our Author would have it, or greater than M. B. fuppofes, I don 1 1 underftand.

What he fubjoyns is very furprizing and muft foem && 5* ftrange to thofe who are acquainted with the ftate of Church in thofe times, that the Chrijiians were the Letter half of the Roman Empire, that they were the major part every where, but in Rome more eminently. This hath no good warrant from antient Authors, no, not from Ter-tullian, though he. writ many years after Commodus. He like an Oratour draws fomething bigger than the life (asour Author fayes of ^Qizianzen, pag. 137.) and muft have allowance on this account by thofe who will not be injurious to him. In that very Age wherein Commodus reigned, it is (aid the Chrijiians were Jo often jlaughtered that few could be found in Rome who profeffed the name ofChriJi r. And near 150 years after, when r Plain* vit* Conjlantine had reigned near 20 years in Rome the gene- X ^ L

rality of the Inhabitants (hewed fuch difaffe&ion to Chriftianity, as that is given for one reafon why he

(7*/iw*s,Hi,l transferred the (cat of the Empire to Byzantium f.

Li.f.61. j_j e runs b e y 0nc i ]vi # B's bounds towards the middle of

the third Century, and tells us the greateft part 0/Alexander Severus his Family were Christians. And (b they might be, and yet no more Chriftians in Tfyme for that, if they were Chriftians before they came into his family, which is more likely than that they were converted in it. However many more fuch Ad-. ditions will not increafe that Church beyond M. B's Meafures, nor make it near (6 numerous as that Parilh to which Whitehall belongs.

v«g. 55. What he next offers neither concerns Rome, being

. general expreffions,nor M. T5. referring to the Ages after thofe which he is concerned fbr,whether by &*&&£§«{ ®n<wv<Ly*W we underftand the great multitudes which were gathered into theChriftianProfeffion (as Valerius) or that aflembled together for Chriftian worfhip ( as our Author) is not material 5 though the former is more likely, uniefs we can think Sujebius, an elegant Writer, would u(e (b much tautology in fo few lines. That from which he may expeft more (ervice is the next exprelfi-on, which he renders the multitude of their ^Meetings in every City, but may with better reafon be render'd, the ?mmerouJhefs or multitudes ofthofi that affemhled in Jeveral Cities. For it is fo far from being true, that every City had many Congregations of Chriftians in it 5 that there were many Cities long after, which had no Chriftians in them. And two inftances cannot be given of any Cities in the whole Empire that at this time had more Congregations than one ± uniefs where they all might have aflembled in one place, they thought it better in Prudence to difperfetheT.f?lves into fcveral Meetings. For in Alexandria, which was the grcateft City next to

Rome,

(8 5 ) Home, and the moft populous Church in the whole World, there is no appearance of more aflemblies till the end of the tenth Perfection, and the death ofTc-ter Bifhop there, who faffered in the ninth year of it /. tEMfib.l.+t $a. And therefore the elegant gradation, in discovering of which this Gentleman would have us take notice that he has a more comprehenfive faculty than ValefivsJkems not very well founded:

That which follows is an hundred years or more be- p*£. 55. yond the time to which M. B. limits his Aflertion, " About this time or not long after Tronic had above " 40 Churches, which we muft not imagine to be built cc all at the fame time, but by degrees, according as the <c number of Believers did require v &c. p<*g* 5 5.

From the number of Churches he can t reafonably conclude fuch a multitude of Chriftians as he contends for. There were many Churches in Alexandria when Athanafius was BHhop of it, and yet there were no more Chriftians in his communion than could meet together in one place. Tiaroxifts tells us, that there was a City in Germany vphkh bad ^00 Churches in if-> and yet no rea- Amiofaj. ■ ton to think that Town was comparable for Circuit and Populoufhels, either to Rome or Alexandria. If I fhould fay that in Optatus there were not fo many Churches, but the number miftaken by the Tranfcribers, this would be as good an anfvver as that of our Author, who will have the 12 or 14 years of Athanafu/s his Eanifti-ment in £piphaniu* not to be fo many moneths, and that years are put inftead of moneths by the miftake of the Copies, pag. 113, Or that other about the number of Bilhops in the Council at \Aniicch, where he will have go in diverfe Authors to be a miftake of the Tranfcribers for, 90 (or 97 or 99.;/) Onuphrius muft have 11/^,123,134. liked fuch an Anfwer to this of Optatns, who tho' he "*' mc was as much concerned for the greatnefs of the Roman £$£

Church

Church as any, and no Ids inquifitive into the antient ftate of it, yet delivers it as a thing manifeft and certain, that Rome had but 28 Titles, and this number notcompleated till the fifth Age. But there's no need to infift on any thing of this nature, it is not fo material how many Churches there was, as when there was fo many, and about the time he will have l&lendd to mi-ftake, and M. B. to follow him therein 5 he had been nibbling at Blondell a little before upon a fmall occafion and with as little reafon, as might be fhew'd, if it were fit to follow one in his Vagaries. Let us fee whether here he doth not follow Palejius in his miftake, who will have Optatus to fpeak of the Churches at Rome in the time of Diocletian sT^erJecutiot;, tempore perfecntionk Diocletiani w. But Optatus {peaks of thofe Churches when extant and capable of receiving Congregation^as is plain by his words 5 but what Churches were at Rome or other places, in the very beginning of that Perfection, were all quite demolifhed, and that in one day, fayes Theodoret x, or the T^afchal dajes, as fiufebiusy 5 and there's no probability they could rebuild them while the Perfecution lafted, or that fo many could be 7. c. 49. raifed in lefs than many years after. ^Qcephorus fpeaks but of 14 Churches at Conjtantinople in the reign of The* odofius junior, nor meet I with any Author that gives an account of more, yet this was about an hundred years after Byzantium was re-edifyed, and both Con* fiantine and the fucceeding Emperours endeavoured to make that City as populous as could be,andfurnifhed it with Churches anfwerable to the numbers of the Inhabitants. . So that there's no likelihood there could be 40 Churches in Rome at any time nearer Dioclefians than Optatus s.

But to help this our Author tells us out of Optatus,

that

(87 ) that there were three Donatifis Bifhops at Rome fiicce£ fively before ^Macrobins^ who was Contemporary with Optatns, and that the firft of them was Victor GarbienJIs, and he will have Opt at us to (peak of the State of Rome (the 40 Churches there J not as it was in his own time, but in that of this Victor^ when this was, he fayes, is not eafietofix. fag. 56.

Yet this is certain, it cannot be in the time of 'Diode-(iaris Terfecntion, for the Schifme of the Donatifis did not break out till ZMajorinus was ordained ( who was the firft Bifhop of the Faftion made in Africa or elfe-where) and this was fometime after the Persecution was there ended, as Optatns and Valefins after him, and o-thers declare % 5 and (bmetime muft be allowed after zveScbif.Vo-this for the Donatiffs fettling in T{ome, and fiich an in- nau c *^ 3 ' creafe of them there as to need a Bifhop. TSaronins makes this Victor to be Bifhop in Silvejlers time, which might be long enough after Dioclejiaris Perfecution, for he lived till 335. All which our Author hath to alledge for the more early date of Victors Bifhoprick, is that there were two or three Donatift BiQio^s between Victor and Optatns 5 but this will fcarce ferve bis turn. For there were four Biftiops of Rome in the former part of that very age wherein we are now concerned, who held not the Chair ten years among them, Marcel/us, Eufebins, ZMclchi&des and ZMarcns. But we may allow the three Donatift Bifhopfat Rome near ten years a piece from the time of Optatns, 378 (as both Blondel and Valerius agree) and yet Victor Garbienfis may not be Bifhop till Anno 350 and fo nearer to Optatns his time, than Dioclefians.

2dly, It is no proof of Diocefan Churches that thofc who belong to it, do occafionally divide themfelvcs into diftindt Meetings, A large Church, and fome-

times

(88) times a fmall Congregation may have occafion to divide and meet in parcels for their convenience or iecurity. Particularly in time of Perfecution, that they may afc femble with more fafety, and be the better concealed from thofe who would difturb or apprehend them. The people that belonged to Cyprian did meet all together on feveral occafions, as is apparent in his fifties 5 yet when Perfecution was hot, he thought it advifable, caute non glomeratim nee per multitudinem ftmul jurtlam^

I np. 5. conveniendum /, they durft not in fome parts «* *a *tv*&*.

mSo* l,i.M iKMwtz^ j n t h e beginning of Conjiant tee's Reign nt.

Damajus, the fuppofed Author of the Popes fiver, (ayes, Suariftus Titnlos *Vresbyterk druifit^ divided the Titles in Rome to the Tresbyters, and" by Titles fome will have us to underftand Pmijh Churches. But it is incredible that the Chriftians in Trojans time when Euarijlits was Bifhop, could ereft any ftru&ures in form of Churches, or had any diftinguilhable from other houfo, fo as the Heathen might take notice of them, as ufed or defigned for the religious exercifes of Chriftians. Who can imagine that when it was death for any one to be known to be a Chriftian, they fhovild frequent any known places for Chriftian Worfhip .<? It is far more reafonable which T?laiina (ayes of Califfus's time, more than an hundred years after, that then the meeting of Clrifli answer e all Jeer et, and rather in Ckappels^ and thofe hidden, and for the mo ft part underground 5 than in open and public/^ places Cum ea tempejiate ob crebras perjecutiones occulta effent omnia^ & facella potius, at que eadem abdita & pierumque fitbterranea 3 quam apertk in lo-ck acpublicisfkrent. Dr. St. (ayes, I confefs it Jeems not ' probable to me that thofe Tituli were Jo foon divided as the time tf/Euariftus, who lived in the time 0/Trajan, when the Perfecution was hot againji the Chriftians 3 but Damafus

Ceems

flews not to believe himfelfa for in the life o/Dionyfius he faith. Hie Tresbyteris £ccleftas divifit. His reafon concludes as much or more againft the Titles under this notion afcribed to ^Marcelltts 200 years after ( which fome will have to be 2 5, but Onuphrius (hews the) could not be more than 15 n ) for fmfrctllm was Bithop of n uterpnt.Voc. Rome for fix years of the tenth Perfecution begun by EccU f-Dioclcfian, which was the longeft and fierceft that ever befel the Church } when the Chriftians were fo far from erefting any Churches, that alt before erected were by fevere Edi&s to be quite demolifhed. But what is (aid of Titles divided by Euariftus may be true in this fenfe, that fince they could not fafely meet together in the Persecution under Trajan, they difperfed themfelves into diftin<3 meetings, and had Presbyters affigned to officiate in each of them. And yet the Chriftians at T(ome were then no more, nor long after, than might all meet together for Worfiiip, and did fo when it could be done in fafety. In the time ofXyJlus who had the Chair at Rome under Adrian, it is faid becanfe of the frequent JJaughters of the Chriftians, there were few found who durft profefs the name ofChrijI, propter freqitentes cades pauci reperirentur qui r.amen chrifiz profiteri audennt 0. And there was an order in that 0 Putin*. Church that when the c T$iflwp celebrated, all the Presbyters Jlwuld be prefent. Zepherinus zoluit ^Presbyteros emnes adeffe eclebrante £pifcopo,quodet? ^/^Euarifto- placuH, this is (aid to be made in the time of Suarijius to whom this divifion of Titles is afcribed, and it was in force at? hundred yearsafter, being renewed by Zepherinus wha was Bifhop till Anno 2 1 & about 3c years before Cornell us, who freaks of 46. Presbyters at Rome. Now the Lords Supper was frequently adminiftred in thofe times, at leaft every Lords-day, and when the Bifhop was prefent, he himfelfdid celebrate, and if all the Presbyters

N were:

were to be prefect when he did celebrate ^ then all the People likewife were to be preterit, or elfe they had no Publick Worfhip, for they could have none without Bifhop or Presbyters.

3dly 5 A Church is not proved to be Diocefan by the numbers o£T > resbyters in it, this I have made evident before, and made it good againfl: our \Authors excepti-

P?^, 5 j2, ons. But he brings a new inftancep, and will have E-dejja to have been a Diocefan Church becaufe of the numerous Clergy, the Clergy , fayes he, of the City of E-deffa was above 200 perfons^ not reckoning that of the Countrey within his Diocefe, and this was a Diocefan Tii-J/jop topurpoje.

He did well not to reckon that of the Countrey in his Diocefe : unlefs he had kown that fomething of the Countrey was within his Diocefe. It was not unufual for the Bifhops charge to be confined to a Town or City

qmocenuEp. Rome it felf is an inftance of it ^, Cum omnes £cclefi<e

ad Dtctnmm. m fl r£ ifJtra C i v itatem conftituufunt. But why it Ihould be judged to be a Diocefan Church becaufe 200 fuch Perfons belonged to it, feeing the great Church at C. P. had above 500 Officers amgned it after ^uftinian

r N0W/.3. c$. had retrenched the numbers r, and yet was never coun-ed a Diocefe, I do not well underftand. But he hath fome other reafons for it, and becaufe he thinks > they prove the Bifhop o£Ed?Jfa to have been a Diocefan to purpofe, let us on the by a little examine them 5 thefe he gives in fummarily, This was a Diocefan Ttifljop to pur-pofe^ who befides a large Diocefe^ had excommunicating Archdeacons^ and a great revenue.

I find nothing alledged to (hew he had a large Diocefe or any at all, but this, the City of Battina was in the Dioceje ^Edefla, for Ibas is accufed of having endeavoured tomake one John Bifhop ofit 7 8cc.

Battina

(9i )

Battina had a Bifhop of its o Wn, how rfacn can it be faid to be in the Dioccfe oCEdcjffa, unlefs Province and Diocefe be confounded i SdeJ/a was the ^Metropolis of ^Mefopotatnia, the Bifhop of it was the third ^Metropolitan in the patriarchate of ytntioch, as they are ordered in the antient V^otitia. The Bifhop of r Battina was one of the many Suffragans belonging to that Metropolitan. How then comes the Diocefe of£dejffa to be any wayes large upon this account f Is the Diocefe of Canterbury one foot the larger, becaufe there is a Bifhop of Peterborough in that Province $ Thefe things are not eafily apprehended nor can be well digefted.

2dly, The greatnefof his Tfevenue is no more apparent, there is nothing to prove it but the riches of that Churchy and its great Revenues, and hereof our Author gives us no clear account, no value of the V^Qimifmata^ nor is there any Evidence in the Council for the Man-vors he fpeaks of but only the jelling offome wood in a certain place there named.But where there was aDiocefw and Archdeacons , decorum required there fhould be Mannors and vaft Revenues for the Bifhop. Nor do I quarrel with it, only this breaks the fquares a little, and difturbs the correspondence between thofe and our times '•> that if the Revenues of that Church had a-mounted to ten times more, yet the Bifhop would Jcarce have been one jot the richer for it. This will not ieern ftrange to any, who take notice of the antient Orders, concerning the revenues of an Epifcopal Church. The Bifhop was to have nothing thereof if he could maintain himfelf otherwife. When he was neceflitous, nothing was allowed him for himfelf but necejfaries, food c Cdn . Anuoch. and raiment f He was to pur chafe nothing while he c.25. lived, nor to leave any thing got by his Bifhoprick i^^/3m?i when he died, to his Relatives or others, but only to e. dt Epifc.Novl the Church that maintained him U The Bifhop of'3 , -?l 3Cw ft

(92 )

•Sdeffa, or any other in thefe Circumftanees, muft be a poor Drocefan, and one in a good Englifo Rettery or Vi* car/dge, is in a fairer way to be rich, than any in the antient Bifhopricks, fo ordered. And if Riches or Revenues be good Arguments to prove a Dwcefan, one of our Vicars may be a better Diocefan than the Bifhop of £de[fi. It is true there is fome intimation from T{ome, that the Bifliop (hould have the 4th. part of the Churches revenues, but there's no appearance of fuch a dijlribu-tion, till after the time of the four firft general Councils 5 nor in any Countrey but Italy till an hundred years after : Nor did it ever obtain ("that I can dilcover after fome inquiry) in the Greeks Churches.

3. The other proof that Ibas was a Diocefan, viz* becaufe fo had excommunicating Archdeacons, our Author would make good by telling us, that one of his Archdeacons excommunicated Maras. Now this though it prove not what it is alledged for, may prove more than he likes. An Archdeacon in the antient Church (though he be another thing now) was not fo much as a Presbyter, he was but in the lower Order of Deacons, though chief amongft them, and chofen by them, as u Ep. ad Eva- Jerome fignifies u, Diaconi eligunt deje quern indufirium gnnm. noverint, & Archidiaconum vocant, the Deacons chufe

from amongft themfelves one whom they know to be indu-firiom, and call kirn Archdeacon. Now if a Deacon had the power to excommunicate, there can be no doubt but the Presbyters had it,, being of a Superiour Order and Power. And excommunication being counted the higheft a& of Jurifdi&ion, it cannot be queftioned but the other afts thereof belonged to them 5 and fo the Presbyters having all the Jurifdiftion of Biflwps ( all the power of Government^ what did they want of being Bifhops but the honour of prefiding in their Aflemblies? j And

C 93 ) And if they were no farther from being Bifhoos, they will go near to be as much Diocefan, and fo x\WGentle~ man may chufe, whether he will have all of both forts to be Diocefans, or none of either.

4-ly, It is no Argument to prove a Diocefan Church to fhew that it confifts of (lich who live at a good di-ftance one from another. Dionyfus had a great Con-gregation at Cephro, a Village in Lybia, but thofe which made up this Church were of another Countrey, coming partly from .Alexandria , partly from other parts of £&yPU as Eufebitts (hews us, yet none ever efteemed that to be a Diocefan Church. In Juflin ^Martyrs time thofe that were in the Countrey, and thofe that were in the City, when thofe were no more than made one Congregation, met together in one place, W^^-w 7rfae<; x} £yf*s u%vov]ov &$7vcIvtv ow&.JJm 9 the Meeting con-lifted of fiich as lived at a good diftance, but none will imagine it to be a Diocefan Church, but thofe who will have a fingle Congregation to be fuch a Church. All the Chriftians in City and Countrcy , fays Dr. Downham % if they had been affembkd together •, would have made but a fmall Congregation.. vo. w Defence Li.

Our Authour would prove the largenefs of ^Bafth e -W' 6 ?' Diocefs by the diftance between Crfjarea and Safma. *. xpag. 54^,547 He makes much of it and takes the pains to meaflire the diftance between thefe Towns, or rather, as he (ays, to mak^fome guefs at itout of an Itenerary and Putinge/sTa* bles^ yet tells us the diftance muft be as great at leaft as between Hippo and Fujfala, that fo Si. IBaJil's Diocefs may be as great at leaft as that of St Auftins. I think they will prove much alike, for as I have (hew'd that Aujlins Diocefs was not one foot larger for Fuffala^ fo it will appear that St. Haft's had not the leaft enlargement upon the account ofSafma. That he might not be out in his meafures nor have loft all his labour, two

x thing?

C 94 J>

things (hould firft have been cleared, neither of which is (or Aiink can be proved 5 ift, That Safima was in Bafil's Diocefe, for if it was but only in his Province ^ how far fbever it was from C<efarea, his Diocefe can be nothing the larger for it, though his Province might. To prove it in his Diocefe I find nothing but his own aflertion, that Safima isfaid exprefly to he taken out of the Diocefe of Bafil 5 "but where is this faid exprefly, or by whom, except by himfelf .<? The words in the Margin fignify no fuch thing, but only fome attempt to deprive a Metropolis of Safima. For a Metropolis may be deprived of a Town which is in any part of the Province, when another Metropolitan feizeth on it. And I believe our Author is yet more out in taking the (^Metropolis Which 9\(azianzen (peaks of to be Cdcfarea, when it appears by the Spijile to be rather Tyana. For as the whole Epiftle is writ to BafJ, fo thefe words cited, after many others by way of fharp expoftulation, are directed to him as endeavouring to deprive a Metropolis of this Town, called ironically ™v**y*$v Xm^v : Now Ctffarea was not the Metropolis which Bafil would have deprived of Sa(ima 0 he earneftly endeavoured to have it annext thereto $ but he would have deprived Tyana of it, if Anthimus the Metropolitan there, had not made a ftout oppofition. sdly, He (hould have proved, that after this part of Cappadocia was divided into two Provinces, Safima was in that Province which fell to Bafth (hare f for if it was not in his Province how could his Diocefe be any larger for it? ) but inftead of this our Author offers what may ferve to difprove it, telling us that in the antient Greeks t^Qotitia, Safima is fet down in the fecond Cappadocia ("which belonged to Anthimus as the firft did to Bafil) andfo^ fayes he, it is not lively to he very near Caefarea. No indeed, it is thereby proved to be fo far from Ctffarea, that it did

not

(95)

hot enlarge Tiafifs Province, much lets his Diocefe, Thus it is alfb placed in the tommm of Leo Sophus under the Metropolitan of Tyana, not of defarea. It is true Bajil laid claim to it, but after fome conteft he yeilded', and Anthimus carried it, placing Eulalias there as one of his Suffragans, when J^jtzianzen had quitted it.

He goes farther on to (hew the largenefs of Diocefes in Bafil's Province.

"It is plain by U^&zianzen that Cappadocia had but < c 50 Bifhops, for fo many he fayes Bafil had under him, cc and confidering the extent of that Countrey the Dio-" cefes muft needs be large.

He does not fay TSafil had no more under him, nor that he was making no more 5 he knew Bafil was con-ftituting more Bifhops in that part of Cappadocia which was his Province, and V^aztanzen commends him for it as an excellent undertaking on feveral accounts/. y oratJeBafr

" Confidering the extent of that Countrey, the Dio-cc cefes muft needs be large, for the Countrey as Strabo " computes, is near 400 miles in length,and little lefs in " breadth.

If he means Bafil's own Province, where he told us there were 50 Suffragans under him befides Safima, &c z : (as I know not what he can mean elfe, ff his z ?ag. $4$. Difcourfe be not impertinent and inconfiftent 5 for Ba-fil as Metropolitan had no Bifhops under him, but thofe in his proper Province ) Strabo is ftrangely mifrepre-fented to ferve a turn 3 for it is the whole Countrey which paffed under the name of Cappadocia^ that the Geographer gives us the dimenfions of in the place cited, and tell us it was divided into ten Trefe&ures, Meletena^ Cataonia*, Cilica, Tyanitk^ lfautith, &c. whereof Ba-Jits Province was but one, viz. that called (Silica, and that of Anthimus^ Tyanitis , another, &c Mazaca

(afterwards

<9*3

(afterwards called C<cfarea) being Metropolis of Bafih and 7^^ ofTyanitk, &c. and after he hath given fome account of thefe ten Prefectures, he adds the dimenfi-ons of the whole Countrey, in thefe words, the extent <?/Cappadocia in breadth from the Euxine to Taurus, is l8cc Furlongs^ in length 3000. So that our Author will have the extent of TSafU's Province to be no lefs than that of the whole Countrey when it is but the tenth part thereof And as if this were not enough, he makes the breadth of the whole Countrey, to be near twice as much as it is in Strabo 3 but he hath fome falvo for this, fuch as it is,

" And little lefs in breadth, as Caufabon reftores the "reading of 1800 Furlongs in the 12th. Bco^ by " a paflage in the Jecond where the breadth is made " 280c.

It is true Caufabon obferves fome difference in the places cited, but he fhews how they may be eafily reconciled, without changing the Text here,. or making the Countrey broader than it is here defcribed, viz. by taking T^ontus in one place for the Sea, in the other For the T\egion fo called, feparated from Cappadocia by mountains parallel to Taurus \ and then concludes, Sic non erit difcedendum & vulgat* led ion e. So that he hath 00 relief by Caufabon without curtailing the Paflage.

" And in this compafs Bilhops may contrive 50 Dio-" cefes of very competent extent, and not inferiour to " many of ours.

Let him try how in IBaftl's Province of about 40 miles in length, he can contrhe room for above $0 Bifhops, with as large Diocefcs as thofe he pleads for. That which is now thought little enough for one Bifhop ^Baftl conceived too big for Fifty.

What

C 97 )

What Diocefes Bafd (and others before him) thought fufficient for Bifhops both then, and in former times, appears by a paffage which our Author next cites, where* ^Amphilochius Bifhop of Iconium, is dire&ed to conjiitute Ttrjfjopr for the 'Province of Iconium, in little Corporations and Villages, a Hundreds of inftances might be a Ep. 406. brought of Bifhops elfewhere, in Jitch little places and Villages, but I will go no further now, than the in-ftance himfelf offers us, whereby it is manifeft that a UttleCorporation, or a Village might furnifh a Bifhop with fuch a Diocefe, as was then thought competent, both by TiaJiL, and the Church before kit*. For in fuch little places there was Bifhops before, as TSafU there figni-fies, and he gives dire&ion that it (hould be fb ftill. Yet he, that would advife the reducing of Bilhopsto fuch Sees now, would be counted an enemy to Epifco-pacy 3 and his advice deftru&ive to Bifhops. So much do we now differ, both from the judgment and practice of the antient Church, and the moft eminent Bifhops in it.

Hereby alfb it appears that the multiplying of Metropolitans was no fuch occafion of multiplying Bif/iops, but that their numbers increajed, when there was not that occafion } And this in Cappadocia, which is our Authors eminent inftance. b For Bifhops were multiplyed b Pa*. 545. by ere&ing Epifcopal Sees in Villages, and little places, this was done in JJiuria, a Province in Cappadocia, as appears by thefe paffages in TSajil, before the conteft between him and jfnthimus, upon the conftituting of a new Metropolitan : and after that difference was Compofed, Tiajil thought it advifeable that it fhould be done ftill. And the like may be (aid of Africa, the inftance he moft infifts on, and fpends many Pages upon it, pretending the occafion why Bifhops were fo numerous there, wa6 the schifat of the Donatifrs,

C98)

* Whereasihe rule by which the African Fathers proceeded in ere&ingBifhopricks in little places, and fo increa-fing the number of Bifhops, was as themfelves declare, who beft knew it, the increaje of the number of Chritfi-:co*cU.c*rtb. ans : c Where thefe were multiplyed, and defired a i can. 5. Bilhop, they thought themfelves obliged to let them have one 5 not excepting the meannefs or finalnefi of the places, where he was to be conftituted. And we muft believe fif we have any reverence for thofe Fathers) that they would have done, what they judged themfelves obliged to, though there had been no Do-natijls amongft them. And when there can be nofuch pretence of occafion from the Donatijis, the praftice was continued, as appears by St. Aujiins procuring a Bifhop for Fujffala, which he calls a Caflle, upon fbme increafeof the Catholicks there, diverfe years after the noted conference at Carthage, where the heart of the Donatifts was broken 5 Nay, many years after the in-vafion of the Vandals, and the death of St. Aufiin they proceeded in the (ame methods, or rather exceeded their Predeceffors in multiplying Bifhops, by erefting Epif-copal (eats in (mailer, and more inconfiderable places, A £?. 8$. if Leo hisEpiftlemay be credited, d

But to return to our jinthor, and the paffage of Ba-fil, tnfifted on 5 by which fayes he, ' it appears that * c Ifauria was part of Bafil's Province 3 How this appears by any thing therein/ I cannot imagine, our Author fignifies before that Ifauria was a diftinft Province, the Metropolis of it fas he fuppofes) SeleucU, which had a metropolitan and fuffragans before, and being now deftitute, the Bifhops in the Vicinity were careful to provide others. Which being fo, that it (hould be part of Tiafll's Province feems as incongruous, as if it were (aid, that the Province of Torl^, is part of the Province of Canterbury : but if this could be digefted,

that

(99) that one Province is part of another, yet IJauria would rather be part of Amphilochius his province, who (as he tells us) was to confliMc a Metropolitan and other Bifhops therein, than of Bafl's, who is only represented as giving advice about it. Or if giving advice and dire&ion, would prove any thing of this nature, the 7>apijls might think it a good argument, that Africa was part of the Roman Province, becaufe Leo Bifhop of Rome gives advife, how Biftiops fhould be there con-ftituted. e cibid.

x Next he brings in the chore-pifcopi in order to his de-fign, and tells us / they were ' Countrey Biflwps, and f ?ig% ** 0 ' c their Church confided of many Congregations, and c thofe at a good diftance one from another, and alfo

* that Come of them had the infpe&ion of a large Ter-c ritory, no left it is like than the County of Fuffala.

But not a word for proof of this, fave Bafih mentioning a Chor-epifcopusT^Tww^^e^/^re/ 5 Whereas if he had been the Biftiop of two or three Villages, this might be enough to (atisfie the import of that ex-preffion. Yet he knows there is fome one Countrey Parifh, that hath ten times as many, or more Villages in it, but never pretended to be a Diocefin Church, and that fuch a pretence would be now counted ridiculous.

He adds, that which, if it were true, wouldgo near to dethrone thefe Countrey Tiifhops^ (for Tiajil fpeaks of them, as having their Thrones in Villages^ and render them lefs than antient Presbyters, for all their large Territory, and there being Diocejans.

c But yet thefe were but the Deputies or Surrogates of l the City Biftiops in point of jurifdi&ion, for they

* were to do nothing of moment without their Biftiop.

li this be ib, it would be left wonder that the Pope will have Bifaops to be but his fubftitutes, and that fome Bifhops will have the Paftors of Parochial Churches to be but their Vicars or Curates. I hope our Author intends better, however it is well that fuch odd Hypothcfcs have no better fupport than that which is added, for fayes he, they were to do nothing of moment without their Bifjop 3 this is his argument, and he is not alone in urging it. Let us lee whether it will not do the Bifhops (for whole advancement it is defigned) as much differvice, as it can do the Chorepifcopi, or Presbyters 3 diverting them of that which is counted more neceflary and advantageous to them, than a large Diocefe. The Provincial Bifhops were obliged to do nothing, l^Hv vrgtv/lav Zhx H ?* v ^X A *S &*&&*& '&***»**% without the Tiijloop of the ^Metropolis, this the fynod at 4#tioch decrees, according to an antient Canon of the g can. 9. can. Fathers, g By this argument we muft conclude, that *iLMUv. m ' t ^ ie Bi fa°P s in a Province were but the Deputies and can. 13. Surrogates of the Metropolitan. And it may proceed proportionably againft the ^Metropolitans with refpeft to the y H?*W or primates } and alio to their prejudice in reference to the Patriarchs. It will go near to de-ftroy thcTSiJIiops likewife, if we follow it downwards. In the antient Church the Bifhops were to do nothing of moment, without the Presbyters, this the moft judicious and Learned ^JJcrters of Epifcopacy acknowledge 5 h b. snfon, h Nay further, in the beft Ages of the Church, the nwnbai] b!' 73?fop s WW *° ** nothing without the people, that is, mil, m! without their prefer.ee and confent. This is moft evi-*%£? B ' dent in Cyprianstzpijllcs, and is acknowledged by fuch i nit defence Trelatifts as are otherwile reserved enough. * Now of Dr. st. Pag. by t h 18 A r g Um ent we may conclude that Bifhops were but the Deputies or Surrogates of the Presbyters 5 or which will be counted mpxp intolerable, that Bifhops

had

had their jurifdittion from the people by Deputation and Vicarage. It may be this Gentleman will not like his argument (b well, when he fees what improvement it is capable o£ yet in purfuance of it he adds, c Tiafil c is (b refolute upon his prerogative, that he will not en-c dure they Ihould ordain, as much as the inferiour c Clergy, without his contents and if they do, let c them know, ((ayes he) that whofoever is admitted c without our content (hall be reputed but a Layman.

I fuppofe the 'Prerogative for which he will have Ba-fil (b refolute , is a Negative in ordinations upon the Countrey Bifhops * but this cannot be concluded from the words cited. For the Council of 5\jVe gives the Metropolitan a power, as to ordinations in the fame words, k declaring that if a Bifhop be ordained by the kc«. 6. Provincials, yty yww> without the judgment of the Metropolitan^ the great Council will have him accounted no Tiifiop 5 and yet the Metropolitan had no Negative upon the Provincials in Ordinations, for the Game Council determines, that in ordinations plurality of Votes Jhall prevail, which is utterly inconfiftent with any ones Negative vcice. What then is the import of Tiafirs *V<6 yvetyw} take it in the words of a very Learned and Judicious Dr. of this Church, it is indeed there faid, that none fiould be wdained %*wyvvy.M without the opinion of the ^Metropolitan, but that doth not import a Negative voice in him, but that the tranfaUion Jlwuld not pafs in his abfence, or without this knowledge, advice and fuffrage,

&C ' ' . IBmoTvoftbe

5. it is no proof of a Diocefan Church, to (hew that ? W S s*?rtm~

a Town, befides the Clergy or Officers in it, had fome Ch Pag ' * 14 ' Presbyters or Congregations in the Countrey belonging to it. The inftances which fignifie no more, or not fo much, are produced as fufficient arguments to

prove

prove there were fuch Churches. As that of Gaim

Diddenfis T^resbjter, fuppofed (with what ground I

examine not) to have been a Countrey Presbyter be-

n vindication* longing to Carthage, and under Cyprian, m And that

I, 504. 0 f p e ij x f^id to do the Office of a Presbyter, under

DeciMvs another Presbyter 5 a thing unheard of in

thofe times, but let us take it as we find it, and upon

the very (lender reafon alledged againft Goulartius (who

is of another Judgment) believe, that he was a Prieft

1 Pag. $06. in fome Village belonging to Caldoniui his Diocefe. n

;o7# And that order for the Presbyters from their Churches,

> con. 4. can. io repair to their proper ^Bifiop for Chrijm'm Africa, 0 in >$. Spain, p and in France, q To thefe are added, for

> Toi. 1. cap. f urt h er evidences, the Churches ( (aid without ground \Vafcon.Can.^ to be many,) belonging to Hippo Di^ritorum 0 AHb the

Church of Thyana, belonging to Alypius Bifhop of Tagella, which without reafon, we muft take to be a confiderable City, r and the City Milevis 0 becaufe

Pag- 5*7' Petilian (ayes Tunca belonged to it once, though now it had a Bifhop of its own 5 and by our Authors Art of computation , Towns , Villages and Cities muft belong to Milevis, upon the (ble account of Tunca, (bme-

Pag. $28. ** mG appertaining to it, /and thefe with Fuffala, (of which before) are the chief inftances to prove that Africa had very large Diocefes not inferionr to thofe of ours, in extent of Territory, t Befides in the Council of Neoaefarea Countrey presbyters are diftinguifhed from others 5 u and that of ^intioch provides that

h an. a' Countrey presbyters fall not give Canonical £ piffles, w and allows the Bifhop to order his own Church, and the

\St* 9 ' ?ag% G° !t} rt re y places depending on it. x And Epiphanius fpeaks of a Church belonging to his charge, which we muft underftand to be his Diocefe, though in the

fP*i> s$r paffage cited, it is twice called his province, y in fine, Jerome fpeakes of (bme baptized by Presbyters or Deacons

Pag. 516

j Can. 13 h C.

K CA

c 103;

cons in Hamlets, Co/Iks, and Tlaces remote from tic BiJJjop.

Thefe and fuch like are ufed as good arguments for Diocefan churches, whereas there are diverfe Towns in England, which befides the Officers in them, have ma-vy Congregations and Presbyters in Villages belonging to them, and contained within the Pariih 5 and yet our Author and thofe of his perfwafion would think Dioccfans quite ruined, if they were reduced, and confined to the meafures of thofe Parifh Churches, and left no bigger than fome of our Vicarages and Parfona-ges, though fuch as Mr. Hooker affirms to be as Urge a* fomeantient Bifiop>ricks 5 he might havefaid moji, there being not one in many greater or fo large. I yet fee no ground in antiquity, nor can expeft to have it proved, that the larger fort of ordinary Biihopricks in the fourth age, and fometkne after, were of more extent than two fuch Vicarages would be, if united. Yet a Bifhop of fuch a Djftrift in our times would be counted fo far from having a competent Diocefe, that he would fcarce efcape from being (corned as an Italian Epifcopellus.

But his greateft argument, (in comparifon of which his other Allegations, he tells us, are but accidental hints, z. ) which he raoft infifts on, and offers many z Pag. 508; times over 5 fo that it makes a great part of his diP courfe on this fubjeft. a It is drawn from the number * Pa e- *° 8, *° ofBifljops in Councils, by which he would evince the $& pig. 55$ largenefs of antient Diocefts, when it no way proves u * 62t Diocefan Churches of any fize. He proceeds upon this fuppofition that there were great numbers of Chrijiians in all parts and Cities, bin the firtf age: ^nd that the b Pag. 530. Bipjops were fewer in former times than afterwards. The former part of his Hypothecs, if he underftands the numbers of Chr'tftians to be any thing comparable to what

thev

( 104 ) they were after Confiantine, when Bifhops were much multiplied 5 (as he muft underftand it, if he expedt any fervice from it) wants proo£ and he offers none but (bme paffages in Tertullian, (trained far beyond what i$ agreeable to other aniknt Authors, of which before. Let me add that V^Qtzianzen comparing the numbers of Chriftiansin former times, withthofe in Julian's Reign, (ays, they .were not many in former Perfecutions, ("Chri-ftianity had not reached many, 8*" W wjaaw,J no, not in that of Dioclefian, 8cc. ( though they were at that time, farr more numerous, thm'mTertulliaris age) but

c ont. 3. t h at Chriftianity was found only in a few 5# MpU c The ether part which needs no proo£ fince it is granted, (and may be without any advantage to himj he attempts to prove largely and induftrioufly 5 but by fuch a medium as makes that which is granted to be quefti-onable, fuch a one which as it is ordered may conclude backward, and prove the contrary to what he defigns. That this may be manifeft, let it be obferved, that he will have us take an account of the number of Bi(hops in the Church by their appearing in Councils, more or <bwer 5 and accordingly judge in feveral periods, whether they were le(s numerous, and confequently their Diocefes larger in former times than afterwards. And to this purpofe we need view no other inftances than himfelfproduces. At Lambefe in Africa there were 90 Bifhops againft Prwatus 5 but not (b many in any Council after (though not a few are mentioned in that

ipig. $09. Countrey.) till the Donatifts grew numerous d. In Spain the Council of Eliberk had 19 Biftiops in the beginning of the 4th. Age, and the firft Council of Toledo had no more in the beginning of the age after. But the following Synods, at SaragoJJa, Gerunda, Ilerda 9

*m>M-$&Valentia, Arragon, had not (b manye. In France the Council at Valence had 21 Bilhops in the fourth Age,

but

C'ios )

but thofe following them, in that and the after ages had ftill fewer, viz. That ofTtyz, Orange, the third of Aries, that at Angers, that at hours, and Vennes and another at Aries. For General Councils, the firft at &(ice had 318 Bifhops in the beginning of the fourth Age, thatat Ephefas above an hundred yearsafter, had but two hundred, that at C. 7*. in the latter end of the fourth Age had but one hundred and fifty Bi-ftiops.

So that if we take account how many Bifhops there were of old, as he would have us, by their numbers in Councils, there will be more before the middle of the third Age, than in the beginning of the fourth 5 more in the beginning of the fourth than in fome part of the fifth 3 and more in the beginning of the fifth, than in fome part of the (ixth $ quite contrary to the Hypothecs on which he proceeds. Whether by his argument he would lead us to think Diocejes did wax and wane fo odly,as it makes Bifhops to be more or fewer,I cannot tell. However fince he grants that in the fourth and fifth Ages Diocefes were very finally and crumbled into t pa?. $$2, fmall pieces g, (and fo nothing like oursj .* there's nogw $*<*' expe&ation he can find any larger, if any thing near fo great, in any former age: unlets they can be larger when incomparably fewer Chriftians belonged to thefe Bifhops 3 which will be no lefs a paradox than the former. For it cannot but be thought ftrange, that the Bilhops Diocefe fhould be greater when his flock was undeniably far lefs. And they feem not to be Chriftian Tliffjopricks, whofe measures muft be taken by numbers of Aires rather than of Souls 3 or by multitudes of Heathens rather than Chriftians.

He denies not, that the generality ofBi]hops,for a long while after the Apoftles, had hut one Congregation to Go- ?*£* 7*-vfrnk What then $ fays he, If all the Bskmrs in and

P about

about a City would hardly make a Congregation, that is td be afcribed to the condition ofthofe times. Diocefes with him, werelargeft in the firft times 3 but Bifhops being ftill multiplyed, they became lefi and lefs, and fo were very fmall and crumbled into very little pieces in the fourth and fifth Ages. This is the tendency of his dif-courfe all along. Thus Diocefes mud be langeft, when a Bifhop had but one Congregation $ but in after ages when he had more Congregations under his infpe&ion Diocefes were very fmall If he will ftand to this, our differences may be eafily compromized. Let him and thole of his perfwafion, be content with the Diocefes in the firft ages, when he counts them largeft ; and we (hall never trouble any to reduce them to the meafures of the fourth and fifth ages, when in his account they were lb lamentably little , and crumbled fo very fmall.

The particulars premifed contain enough to (atisfie all, that I have yet feen alledged out of Antiquity for Diocefati Churches, fo that no more is needful, yet let me add another, which will (hew there is a medium between Congregational and Diocefan Churches. So that if fbme Churches (hould be (hewed out of the ^Antients exceeding the Congregational meafures ("as feme there were in the times of the four firft General Councils^) yet it cannot thence be immediately inferred that they were Diocefan, fince they may prove a third fort of Churches, and fuch as will as little pleaie thofe of this Gentleman's perfwafion as Congregational.

6. It's no argument for a Diacejan Church, that there *vere feveral fixed Churches, with their proper Presbyters in a City or its Territory } fo long as thefe Chur-chcs,how many fbever were governed in common by the Bifhop and Presbyters in fuch a Precinft. For though few inftances can be given of fuch Churches, in or

be*

r «oy)

belonging to a City in the 4th. Age 5 yet wherever they were extant in that, or the following Age, in things of common concern to thofc Churches, they were ordered in common by a Presbytery, that is, the Bi-Ihop with the Presbyters of that Precinft. Jerome declares it de jure, they ought to be governed in common , in comrmni debere licclefiam regere. h h in Titus ti

And Felix 3 Bifbop of 7{ome, ("than whom no Bi-fliop was higher, or more abfolute in thofe timesj declares it de faiio^ when he fpeaks of the Presbyters of that Church, as %Mw nsr Ip* ?fo d7n&\tKQv d^far, ruling that Church withbim. It is the lame word that the governing of Churches by other Bifhops, is exprefled by $ Ww ?£p &btxfirw 0/ t*s my!; fiZmv tKKto<na.< yMlk^ as Alexander faith of J^arcifus, o^l\fitiiwvh™w'&^™i t i It imports no lefs than pr<ejidere, and is afcribed to * &&• u 6 * cl Bifhops and Presbyters, jointly by Tertullian, ^ Cypru kApoi. c. 39: an I and Firmilian. m Hence the Presbyters are fire-]Lib * »• E P* ?• quently (aid to be cv*Ae#r«?yo* with the Bifhop, n for n^i^jii/u. then the Governing power of Bifhops was but count- 4* *• 8 - E P*-ed a tMinijiry, ,Aimp>fa y*? i^rliii ^K^mim^^horiMVy ? han ' m ' 4 2 »

0 and the Presbyters fellow ^Minijlers with him, and ojfid&KLib.Q joint Administrators in the Government. They are E P- 260. ftyled ntAmipttit* p fellow T^aftors, they did not then P^-^M' dream that a Bifhop was file Tajior of many Char>- Qm% 7 ' ches. They are alio called *^f<£r*/, which is no lefs than m&tmii q for the Presbyters had their Thrones with qjgnatradTrai the Bilhop. So Nazianzen fpeaks of Bajil when or- « cbrrfofi.Tom^ dained Presbyter, as promoted twit &faw ~to the Sacred 7 ' Hom '^' <tt Thrones of the Tresbyters. r They are alfo called <w-'r0rat.2o. 4*rmor ~' **#. f ch „ ]t % ^

Hm 1. But further evidence is needlefs, though abundance may be produced, fince the great Tatwns of Epifco-

P 2 pacy

C 108;

pacy leems not toqueftion it, that the Church was g<r

vernedin cowmen, and the Bilhop was to do nothing of

importance without the Presbyters, it is acknowledged

t Ptrptt Go- by Biftiop Bit/on, t BiQiop Downham, n Bilhop Hall

vern.up. u. aflerts it, as that which is Vniverjally accorded by all an-

\ l™"1 8.' ti^y-i f h at dl things in the anticnt Church were ordered

w At* F. 47» and tranfa&ed by the general co??jent of ^Presbyters, w

Mr. Thomdike proves at large, that the Government of

X Prim. Go- Churches pajfed in common 5 x Primate Z)J/jer more foe*

yZdua. of cif ! ftl y but ^dually. J Add but Dr. St. who both Epifaptcy. aflerts and proves it, z> there was fill one Ecclefiafiical z inn. Pag. Senate, which ruled all the feveral Congregations ~of thofi 354,35 ' Cities in common, of which the feveral Presbyters of the Congregations were Members, and in which the BiJIwp aUed as the Prefldent of the Senate, fir the better Governing the affairs of the Churchy 8cc

Let me add, when the Churches were (b multiplyed in City and Territory, as that it was requifite to divide them into Parishes, and conftitute feveral Churches 5 the Biftiop was riot the proper Ttyler or Pajior of the whole Precinft, and the Churches in k r or of any Church, bx&one. TheParilhes or Churches were divided among Presbyters and Bilhop, they had their feveral diftihft cures and charges 5 the Bilhops peculiar charge was the Ecclejia principalis, the chief Parifh or Church fo called, or **&wtuA x*9i<ty*. The Presbyters performed all Offices in their feveral Cam, and ordered all affairs which did particularly concern the Churches where they were incumbents 5 thofe that were of more common concern were ordered by Bilhop and Presbyters together, and thus it was in the Bilhops Church or Parifti, he performed all Offices, adminiftred all Ordinances of Worlhip himfelf, or by Presbyters joyned with him, as Affiftants. He was to attend this particular cure conftantly, he was not allowed to be ab-

fent

C 109 )

fetit, no, not under pretence of taking care for fomc other Church 5 if he had any bufinefs there which particularly concerned him, he was to make quick diP patch, and not (&*%«* $ ****«'# ***** as Zonaras) (lay there with the neglell of his proper flockj> this is all evident by a Canon of the Council of Carthage a, Rur- J*Jg**W fitm plactiH ut nemini fit faculty reliCta principal* Cathedra, ad aliquant Hcclefiam in Dioceji conjlitutamfe aon-ferre, vel in re propria, dintius qnam opartet conBitutnm, cur am vel frequent attonem prapri£ Cathedra negligerc. Of this Church or Parifti he was the proper Paftor or Ruler, called there^©" fcfcflb and elfewherei «««* ^8^^ bc *»-S*' in contradiftin&ion toother parts of the Precinft, called here Diocefes } and the people of it are called "**& *<*& by the ancient Canoniji c, his proper flocks or people, his czm.mhc. own fpecial charge. This was the particular Churcb under his perfonal Government, but he was not Ruler of the Precinft, or any other Churches in it, five only in common, and in conjunttion with the other Presbyters s who jointly took cognizance of what in his Church or theirs, was of greater or more general con-fequence, and concerned the whole, and gave order in, it by common confent*

And while this was the form of Government, if there had been as many Churches there, thus affociated 5 as Opt at us in the fourth age (ays there was at T(ome, or for more, they could not make a Diocejan Church, un<-lefsa Diocejan and a Presbyterian Church be all one. For this is plainly a 'Presbyterian Church, the antient 'Presbyteries differing from the modern but in a matter of (mailer moment. In thofe their T'rejident being fixed and conftant, in thefe commonly though not always circular. The Presbyteries in Scotland comprised feme twelve, feme twenty, fome more Churches^

them

r no)

their Moderators were at firft, and for fome years, rfr-iam»M$h c ^ ar ^ King James afterwards, Anno 1606 d, would have them to be confiant, and fo it was ordered 5 yet when they were fixed, no man ever counted the(e Presbyteries to be Diocefan Churches. The Church of Geneva confifts of twenty four Parifhes, governed in common by a Presbytery with a Moderator, who is fometimes changed, fbmetimes continued for Life. Calvin was Prefdent while he lived, yet that of Geneva is not wont to be taken for a Diocefan Church. Nor were thofe antient Churches fuch, while they were governed, not by one Biftiop, but by a Senate of Presbyters where he prejlded 5 as in the Council of Conftan-tinople all things in the Province are (aid, to be governed, not by the ^Metropolitan , but by the Provincial Sy-

ican.i.SocL node. 5. up. 8.

Finally, the Presbyters are in the antient Church acknowledged to have had the power of the k§ys, both as to the miniftration of the Word and Sacraments, and the exercife of Government andctnfures. This power they exercifed either jointly in conjunction with the Biftiop and Senate of Presbyters 3 or diftin&ly in the particular Churches whereof they had the charge. The former power concerning the Word and Sacraments is not queftioned-j nor is there any ground to queftion,the latter jf fame werenot fwayedmore by the praftice of their own times, than the principles and declarations of the antients. Chryfojlom afcribes to Presbyters, not only tk(k<r<*x/W, the power of order, but <sw<wri*v the power fin i rim. of Government f giving this as the reafon why the Apoftle gives the fame rules for the ordering both of Bithops and Presbyters, there *f but little difference betwixt them, fays he, for they are ordained both to the

teach-

C "O

teaching (<9O*"**0and ruling of the Church Now that «er &**> denotes jurifdidtion or prefidentiam cum pote-fiate, and is as Hejychiu* renders ir,' *»$yw* is plain in Chryfoflome himfelf} he tells us the ApoftleTWhad 4 i\x^m <B&*****i g which he elfewheje exprefles by g in i cor.Hom. tw wx^wr fmumv x»fav»rh: and fpeaking of ^Mofes, he h*a232i. (ays, // w«rc wonderful, that he who was to be a Ruler, 25. 0 <s&s«,w tdxkw £**%, frontd be born atfuch a time i. The- l ^ A ^*^m, cphilatt makes the difference as little between Bifhop and Presbyters, and afcribes as much power to the later, alofoft in the fame words 4 So Theodoret de- k r *«*** dares w*#fh jurifdiftion to belong to every Presbyter/, again fi an S/der efpecially^ no kfs than two Witnef-ltoittn-W* Jes muji be admitted, becaufe he having ©****/** f qyu M ft the Government of the Church , and in the exercife of it often grieving Delinquents, they being ill affected to him, will be apt to bring falje accufotions. And this .is the wW* included in the PresbyteFS Office, **n a«t*t fa X$« Ktynry «t* wwW, as V^azianz&n fpeaks and much more to that purpofe m. And befides many other ra Orat. u paffages of like import, the Title ofGovernours is all a long in antient Writers given to Presbyters 5 and all the expreffions which fignifie Authority and Government, are afcribed to them. Thereby thoie that would curtail their power, and make it no more of old than it is now, are not a little encumbred 5 to extricate themfelves a diftinftion is devifed of a power internal and external, the former they will allow to Presbyters in their refpediveChurches, not the later.

But this is deviled to difentangle themfelves, a'nd falve the deviations and irregularities of later times, not that there is any ground for it in Antiquity. For the higheft a& of that external power of jurififi&ion, j

is Excommunication 3 and if this was in the Presbyters power of old, no other aft of that power will, or can

m

Q 112 J

in reafbn be denied them $ but this the antients afcribe n Ad wiiodo- to them , So Jerome, n Jliihi ante Tresbyterum federe * m non licet, iUi ft peccavero licet me tradere fat an £ ad inter-

ritum carnfc~, ut fpiritus falvus (it. Chryfofiome threat-ned fome of his Auditory, while he was a Presbyter, to Excommunicate them, **tpfAi**rimfyX9 rSv U$ v 7 £ Tay o Rom. 17. h thCb>atv&M?w^ 0 to wave all of like nature infifted on Matth ' by others 3 Jufliniun in the 6th. Age fignifies plainly,

that not only BiJJiops, but 'Presbyters might Excommunicate Offenders, in his Conjiitutions he forbids Bifhops and 'Presbyters to exclude any from Communion, till fitch cauje was declared, for which the Canons appointed it to be done, **<» '6 roU tii n c ixw $ irfvrfyM&ti dm^d'o^, *po$ifar w* n '*}!&< xoivwicu, &c. and will have the fentence of Excommunication refcinded, which u>as pajfed by Tiif/jops p Novtl. 123. or 'Presbyters without cauje. p In theCWe both Bifhops Cr "• and Clergy are forbid to Excommunicate in certain ca-

fes, and then mentions the cafes for which they tnuft not, i a><p*tK" v * drthpadfy* — k*v %Q& m&m ixf«7*0w> a U

q uk 3 9, Sec. though they had been accuHomed to it. q

2. Tit. de Epifc:

Now while Presbyters had this power there could

be no Diocejan churches, whether they exercifed it in

common, as was (hewed before, ox particularly in their

feveral Churches, as will now be made apparent, For

by virtue of thefe powers the Presbyters were really

Bifhops, though they had not alwayes the Title, yea,

they are called Bifhops, as a Learned 'Prelatili obferves,

by the antienteft Authors, Clemens, Ignatius, TertuUian^

r Tbornd. Prim, r and have frequently the Names and Titles which fome

7^74! Pae ' would appropriate to Bifhops, and which the Fathers

ufe to exprefs the Office of Bifhops by, ^aw™ T>r<epo-

iUm.firvht.fitiy ^ntijiites, 7 ) r£(identc3, f&c. And fo there was as

Fag. 53. niany Bifhops really in every Diocefe, as there were

particular Churches and Presbyters there $ And well

may

( tvi )

may they be laid to be really the fame, fince they were of the very fame Offu- -, for Bifhops in the antient Church, were not afapericnr Order to Presbyters, but had only a Precedency in the fame Order. This fomc of the moft judicious and learned Defenders of Epifco-pacy afl'crt. And thofc who hold that Patriarchs, Metropolitans and Tliflwps differed not in Order, but in degree only, which is the common opinion of Epijcopal Dhines, and yet contend that Bilhops and Presbyters were of a different order ,will never be able to prove i*. The difference they affign between 'Bifiops and £Mc-trope lit an s is, that thefe presided in Synods, and had a principal interest in Ordinations, and what more did the preeminence of antient Bifhops, diftingutfhing them, from Presbyters amount to ? It confided in- nothing material but their presidency in Presbyteries, and their power in Ordinations. This laft is moft infifted on, as making the difference wider, between thefe than the other. But with little reafon all things considered. For thofe to be ordained, were firft to be examined and approved by the Presbyters, m ***»* x^™^^ 7 ** *&4 % Itfocti&v KhmyJv J)»unA? t ovTw t, the ordaining of one to the t rbtopfoTu* Presbytery was to be 4"?« ^ *?/V« <r« **»?« xnv]& u. It commonitor. was a crime for which the greateft Bifhop in the World uci$m.con!tt-was cenfurable, to preferr any, or make Ordinations t*.tik 8.<r^ *£& yveSmy t» KKn$*^ as appears-by what Chryfbfl&me was accufed of, though it is like falily w, and this is counted vjpiiotjn ckryf* by fome xhzfubftancc of Ordination, wherein the P^^c^ffufrthZ byters had no left (hare (to fay no more J than the cap.22fnm&i Bifhop. And in impofing hands, which was* the Rite ef Ordainingy the Presbyters were to concurr with the Bifhop, for which there is better Authority than the Canon of an .African Council, for faith a very learned Doctor x, to thkpm'pofc, the laying on of the hands of the x Im ' ?• 27 $* Tvesbytery y, is no mays impertinently alkdged^ although y x rim. 1.1

Q VPQ

( Ml}

mfippfift'St* Ptiul teconburr mthe aftim § becmife if the

T^resbytcry had nothing to do in the Ordination, to what purpofe were their hands laid upon him <? Was it only to be Witneffes of the fatt, or to (ignifie their covfent .<? TSoth thefe might have been, done without their uje of that Ceremony, which will fear ce be inftanccd in, to be done by any but fuch, as had power to conferr what was (ignifyed by that Ceremony. And diverfe inftances are brought by the fame hand to (hew that Ordinations by Presbyters ip*i' 37 h was valid in the antient Church z.

But if the Presbyters had been quite excluded from Ordination, and this power had been intirely referved to the Bifhops, yet this would not be fufficient to con-ftitute them a fuperiour Order. For the Rite of Ordaining was fo farr from being an aft of Government or jurifcli&ion, that it did not inferre any fuperiority in the Ordainer5 nothing being more ordinary inthe practice of the Antient Church, than for thofe^were of a lower Degree and Station, to Ordain their Superiors.

While there was no more diftance betwixt Bifiiop

and Presbyters but only in Degree, fo that as the Bi-

(hop was but primm Presbyter, ( as Hilary under the

d in 1 Tlm.Au- name of ^frnbrofe, and others a \ or Primiceri/ts as Op-

«r?pT* ' in V * tatm •> defined by a Learned Civilian to be *t*™ *

b Go'thofrld. in **5i£f) b the fir ft Presbyter, fo the Presbyter was a fe-

uiu conc i Bifhop & #Myi< S&ok, as ^(azianzen. As the

r Bifl)op was fumrnu* facerdos, in the ftyle o£Tertu//ian

and others, that is, cheif Presbyter, fo the Presbyter

was BiJIwp a degree lower 5 not that he had left pafloral

power, but becaufe he wanted that degree of dignity or

preeminence, for which the other was ftyled chief.

As the T?r<£ter Urbanus was called £Maximtts, yet he

had

(H3)

had no more Power than the other, Trttorum idem erat collegium, eadem potejlas c, but only fome more privi- c Bedim lib. 3, ledge and dignity, dignitate cceteros anteibat propterea *■ 6t maximus dicebatur d, and the *SX av •awwf*©'* at Athens d Fed. in verb. was 1?rat or maximus, yet all the reft were pares potejla- ma i ou et e 5 TSiJIwpr and Presbyters had idem mimSterium as cibid. Jerome, eadem Ordinatio, as Hilary f, they were of the f & 1 Tim. 3. fame Order and Office, had the fame power, the power of the Keys, all that which the Scripture makes effential to a TSifiop. While it was thus, there couldbe no Dio* cefin Churches, that is, no Churches confiding of many Congregations which had but one Bipop only.

vf* *&* *fi* *$*. %?* *%* %**

POSTSCRIPT.

A

Late Writer prefumes he has detected a notable miftake in the Author, of No Evidence for Diocefan Churches (afc cribed to one who owns it not) about wv°t, which I fuppofe he would have Tranflated Ten TJ?oufands definitely j but ahere it is rendred indefinitely thoufands, as we are wont to exprefs a great many, when the precife number is not known. Thofe who underftand the Language, and have obferved theft/eofthe Word,will be farr from counting this a fault : and thole who view the paflage will count it intolerable, to render it as that Gentleman would have it. That of Atticns Bifliop of C (P. may fetisfie any concerning the import and ule of the word, who fending mony for the releifof the poor at Mice to CaUiopim, he thus

writes.

Writes, '«/u*$w twite ** tw toa.« 7!uvwt*9 A7&; *^? #f &*

where he tells him that by wW he underftands a multitude whole number he did not exactly know, thus (i. e. indefinitely ) is the word moft frequently ufed by Greek Writers, and particularly by Eufebim the Author of the paflage cited. So he tells us, Nero killed his Mother 7 his (Brothers, his Wife , **! **am* p^fa* of her Kindred : And Timotbeus of Ga^a^ , ,he lays, indured-w** £**«**. Many more might be added, where the word is not rendred by the beft Translators (Vdefius particularly) ten thoufand ; but ftill indefinitly imwnkrabi-ksorinfiniti, orjexcenti, &c Nor have I met with one inftance ( though poffibly there may be fome) in him where it is ufed to ex-prefs ten thoufand precifely.

Howe\er it had been an unpardonable in* jury to Eu/ebius, to have rendred it fo in this place 3 as if he would have deluded the World with a moft palpable untruth, which both he, and all men acquainted with the ftate of the Church in thofe times, know to be lb. For this make him lay that ten thoufand Bi-

fhops

Poft-fcrip.

fliops met in Cancel at Antloch in the third Age ; when as he never knew a Synod of fix hundred Bifhops in the fourth Age, while he lived j though then Bifhops were farr more numerous, and had all encouragement to meet in greateft numbers. This makes him fignifie, that ten thoufand Bifhops af-fembled in the skirts of the Eafi part of the Empire : When as their was not near fo many (this Gentleman is concerned to maintain there was not one thoufand) in the whole Chri-ftian World.

This is more than enough to Chew that there is fufficient warrant to Translate w«/, Ihoufands more than once ; though that it is in that difcourfe (which he ftiles a little Pamphlet) (b tranflated more then once, is another of his miftakes. And a third (all in two lines) is that the Author grounds his Argu* ment on it. Whereas thofe that view the paffage, and the occafion of it, will fee it had been more for his advantage to have tranfla* ted it ten thoufands. He that can allow him-felfto write at this rate, may eafily be volu* minous, and look too big to be defpiled, as a writer of little Pamphlets. The

Vojl-fcrip.

Tioe Letter mentioned pag. 45. being commune

cated to me by M. B. that part of it *tobich concerns

Alexandria is here added, that it may appear how

much it is miftaken, and l>owfarr from ketw an-

fwered.

For Alexandria it was the greatefl: City in the Empire next to <%ome,uiw $ r iw % p»nW * &•„' fays Jofephus de bello Judaic lib. 5 .cult. And Ept-phanius gives an account of many Churches in it affigned to feveral Presbyters, Yi^. befides Ctfarea finished by Athanafius, that of Dionyji* us, Theonat, Vterw, Serapion, Terfeas , Vizta, Mundidius , Annianus , (Baucal<M y adding $ *M*t. Hwes 69. page 728: This notwithftanding that the Chriftians at Alexandria which held Communion with Jthamtfius, might and did meet together in one Church, he himfelf declares exprefly in his Apology to Conflant'rus, page 531. Tom. 1. Edit. Commelin. Anno 1 601 . The whole paffage is too large to transcribe or tranflate, this is the fence of it. He being ac-cufed for affembling the People in the great Church before it was dedicated (*fV *wW tikuc*-■aw*/] makes 1 this part of his defence. ' The 'confluence of tie People at thePafchal folem-

nity

Voft-fcript.

nity was fo great that if they had met in feve-ral afTemblies (xp /**!& 6 &ww* j the other Churches were (b little and ftrait, that they would have been in danger of differing by the crowd, nor would the univerfal harmony and concurrence of the People have been (o vifible and effectual, if they had met in parcels. Therefore he appeals to him, whether it Wa not better for the whole multitude to meet in that great Church (being a place large enough to receive them altogether

qvt@- Sc/V»7wr« T6 Jbvtitupu Ji^ac^ rnvmii cv cwm weAdtTp^and

to have a concurrence of all the people with

One Voice ( *J t!w avtW v «J wfflem'as pt **£> ?/Ve«% rlvS

9»vtw\) For if fays he according to our Savi-viours promife , where two fhall agree as touching any thing,it fhall be done for them of my Father, &c. How prevalent will be the one voice of fo numerous a Peopleaffem-bled together and faying Jmen to God? Who therefore would not wonder,who would not count it a happinefs, to lee fo great a People met together in one place ? And how did the people rejoice to behold one another,where-as formerly they aflembled in feveral places ? Hereby it is evident -hat in the middle of the fourth Age, ail the Chriftians at Jlexan-

R dria*

Poft-fcript.

dria which were wonc at other times to meet in ieveral aflemblies, were no more than one Church might and did contain, fo as they could all join at once in the Worfhip of God and concurre in one Amen.

He tells 'jirn alio that Alexander his Prede-ceflTor,(who died An. 325 )did as much as he in likecircumftances, Yi^. aflembled the whole multitude in one Church before it was dedicated, fteg. 532. •

This feems clear enough, but being capable of another kind of proof which may be no lefs fatisfa&oty, let me add that alfo. This City was by Strabo his defcription of it, xa*H&-a/fc ^ tfuu, like a Soldiers Coat, whole length at either fide was almoft 30 Furlongs, its breadth at either end 7 or 8 Furlongs, Geogr. lib. \y. /w£. 546. fo the whole compafs will be lefs than ten Miles. A third or fourth part of this was taken up with publick Buildings, Temples, and Royal Palaces, %x H t ^^^^^K

#a« /xefQ-. ibid, two Miles and half or three and a quarter is thus diipoled of. I take this to be that Region of the City which Epiphanius calls Gt*w*> (where he tells us, was the famous Library of Ftolomeus Thiladelphus) and (peaks

Pojl-firif>t.

of it in his time as dedicate of Inhabitants, ¥pjK# 7r/yCV bfzti^r de Wonder. & menfur, n. 9.^.1 66 A great part of the City was a/ftgned to the Tews 7naM&<*$»&&> p*i* A*tjG* txJ £<3r« t«tJ. So Strabo indefinitely, as fojpflm quotes him. Antiquit. Jud. L 14. c. \ 2. Others tells us more punctually, their fhare was two of the five divifions (Upers Annals Latin, pag. 859.) Though many of them had their habitation in the other divifions, yet they had two fifth parts entire to themielves, and this is (I fiippofe) the ™3-u& which Jofephus faith , the SucceiTors of Alexander fee apart for them ^MW *f»e«w, hello Jud. I. 2. cap. 2 \ . Thus we lee already how 6 or 7 miles of the 1 o were taken up. The greateft part of the Citizens (as at G(pme and other-Cities) in the beginning of the 4th. Age were Heathens. Other wife Antonius wrong'd the City,who, in Atbanafius's time,is brought in thus exclaiming by Jerom. Vit. Waul. p. 24j. V& tibi Alexandria qu<e pro Veo portent a yeneraris • "Vd tibi civitas mereirix m quam totius orbis ddmoma confluxere, &c. a Charge thus formed, fuppoles the prevailing party to be guilty. But let us fuppofe them equal, and their proportion half of the 3 or 4 miles remaining, Let the reft be divided amongft the Orthodox, the Arrians,

the

Pofi-fcnpt.

the Novations and other Se£ts : And if we be juft a large part will fail to the {hare of Here-ticks and Sectaries. For hot to mention others, the Novatians had feveral Churches and a Bi-fhop there, till Cyrils time, Vui. Soerat. Hift. i 7. c. 7. The Brians were a great part of thole who profetled Chriftianity, ™ *** ™ ca<> ^:^ (So^pm.Hift.l. i.e. 14.) and if we may judge of the followers by their leaders, no lefs than half. For whereas there were I 9 Presbyters and Deacons in that Church (Tbt I, Hift. I. 4. c. 23.) (12 was the number of thei t r Presbyters by their Ancient Conftitution, as appears by EutycbitiSy and 7 theij Deacons, as at %;«e, and elfewhere) 6 Presbyters with Jrius y and j Deacons fell off from the Catholicks. So%pm. Hift. I.\. c. 14. But let the Arians be much fewer, yet will not the proportion of the Catholick Bifhops Diocefe in this City, be more than that of a fmall Town, one of 8 or 1 2 Furlongsin compafs. And Co the numbers of the Chriftians upon this account, will be no more than might well meet for Wor* fliip in one place.

FINIS.

READE R

THB /?^ Epiftle is now written upon the fight of Jugulum Caufae: The other with the fa Tropofttions was written about a year and half ago, upon the fight of Papa ultrajectinus, k?c. and the Panenefis contra i£dificatores Imperii inlmperio : jfndthe defign of all is, to fi?ew how little or nothing at all thefober mode* rate Vroteflants , called Epifcopal, Presbyterian y Independent, and Political or Erajlian are dijagreed in all this bufinefs, whiljl I name you near a hun* dred Tropofitwns in which they commonly confent: Tloat Princes and all Magijlrates may fee y tl^t they haye no caufe to be offended at the Chriftian and Proteftant Do&rine, or to judge the true Religion of any of thefe parties, as fuch, to be contrary to their inter eft • when in njery truth they are in that all one : (But that *amonz all Setts and (parties, there will be ftillfome injudicious , intern* per ate and unpeaceahle men • especially thofe whofe Interefl: in the world is Great, and cannot be up* held, without encroaching on the rights of others: j{$ Great Trees mujl have much room, and fuffer

A z nothing

■

nothing to profper under them 9 but Weeds and Bry* ars. And it is to tell politicians^ that the tritef&a* floral Tower ( being a Tower to labour and fuf-. fer in patient felf-denyal for the Church of Qhnjl and the Jouls of men) is paft all doubt of Chrifli anointment: jini to dimimjh that-Tower, ts but todiminijh our obligation to labour and[\i(-fer, and to gratife our floth and flejhly intereft. (But to duninifl? that Secular Church*power which Clergie men claim as of ViYme tfijght, is but for Princes to be Princes ^whether the Clergie mil or no. Jnd as to the Learned Author, Dr. Lud.Moli-nxus, my meaning is tofecond him in awakening Magijlrates to reaffume their proper pouter , and to leave it tnnoQergie mens hands y of what party foever: (But as to his reflections on the Trotejlants 0ifcipline y lovingly to chide him for making the difference feem wider than it is y and to %E(J)N* CILE the four (parties, while I diftinBly open the common DoSlrine of them all, excepting the rigid Opinions of fome intereffed or intemperate indu <viduaL

/•—s

My

ro

My Learned, Sincere and Worthy Friend,

HEN I had haftily fet down my judge-ment of the Caufe which I found-handled in your Papa Vltrajcttimis and other Writings which you fent me, I caft by that Script ( which I intended-at the writing of it, for your view ) that I might fttrely keep it from the notice of others, in this Age wherein the prevalency oi InurC}\ r F aUtirnJ affion and In]udiikufiefs y doth make it fo great a difficulty, to fay any thing for the cure of any mens errors^ytirmitics or impieties^whlch fhallnot be charged with the fame crime (or greaterjwhich it would cure, and be taken for a difturber of the Church and Peace, which it would fave or heal. But now feeing that you renew your endeavours in the fame Caufe, and rinding your Jugu-* lum Caufe dircdbd to fo many hands, by feventy particular Epiftles, and that you have honoured me with a place among thofe great and worthy perfons, I take my felf obliged to render you fome account of my judgement of your Writings, and efpecially of the whole Caufe, by brinp.-r ing into the open light, thofe hundred Proportions which I had purpofed to conceal ; And withal to tell you,

i. That f though you have much overvalued me in your recitation of their report, who would have joyned me with fo Great, fo Wife and Good a man as A Bimop Vfnr, and that in fo great a work •, and experience may tell you, that other men have other thoughts of me, as one unmeet to preach the Gofpel ia-the Land of my Nativity, much more

A 3 vmmeet

(2)

Unmeet to be a decider of the Churches Controverfies ) yet you have truly described my judgement of your felf and your undertaking. I confefs I hope not that ever you fhould make the Roman Usurpation, more palpable, than the ta'thood of their Dj&rine of Tranfubftantiation i where they maintain ( not only the Corporal Preface, which is nor it that I now mean, but ) that Bread is net Bread, and V/ine is mt Wine, when all men fee, tafte,fmcll and feel them : And if the Princes,-Doctors, and great men of the world, can thus obftinately deny ( or take on them to deny ) the judgement which is made of feniible objects, by all mens fenfes, you may gather what fruit you may expect of your labours, or of any Caufe how plain foever, where prejudice and feeming imereji are againit you ? Can all the Writings or Reafonings in the world, bring any thing to a more clear and fun decifion, than that of all the fenfes of all men in the world, about the proper objects of fenfe? If flejh fo far conquer fkjh it felf and the intereti of fenfuality can caufe fuch men, and iuch multitudes to renounce the apprehenfion of all their fenfes, what have we to do more for the cure of mankind?

You have made it plain enough, that it is really a part of the Secular Government of Kings and States, which is now commonly called Ecclefiaftical among the Papifts, and as fuch is challenged and ufurped by the Pope, and that ' Princes that fubject their Kingdoms to his Ufurpation, do take in a joint Ruler with them, and divide their King-doms or Tower between themfelves and him. But fo they have done> and fo they will do y till the Time of the Churches fuller Reformation, and of the Coalition of the Chri-ftian world is come*

I'know you may think that as Interefl blindeth them, fo this great detection of the Invafion of their Intercfi is the way to bring them to the truth. For who will have a Co-partner with him in his Kingdom, that may choofe > Who had not rather Rule alone, than divide his Kingdom with the Pope? Undoubtedly they give away more of their own Intereft hereby, than you have opened ? When they deliver part of their power to one, who by an approved

C3)

proved General Council of their own, which is the Religion

of their Party, Later.fub Innoc.3.

Can. 2..$. may depofe Temporal Read the Declaration againft the

Lords, ( though no Proteftants ,? ath * #&»!* b > * * f <* *• '« ^ , v V .,. Popes diPofiiwKirg«,^M5, 17,27 4? •

.thtmfelves ) that will *i* exter- R / ad H J tm * s Fr ? nce .Gal. cap. 7. and

wii/jfe t/M/e ffcil afe//y Tranfub- his fcw*« ftta , pg. 87, s>7> ? 8 -

\tantiation out of thdr Domini- Read uithrUgton and B*v/# againft

Mf, and.may abfilve their fub- *Jg** G .'W" S . *?V /? f? t *x r 1 • hj r j An <* BtlLirvnn aeainft Barclay C $>.

jecls from their fidelity, and may yi dm Sm ,^ lm admf. [ctl. A^llcli 6. ght their Countryes unto others, cap. 4/fca. 14. & ca\6. feci. 22. 14. When their molt Learned, Re- A\er.t*j, Mor. far. uL 8 c i$.Dom. nowned , applauded Doctors Banm U Viom.n q.iz. art. 2. A*-teach, that the Pope rnay ex- ft»R; L%?(%*&fC& communicate Kings, and that an p 0 p e may depofe all Kings when there excommunicated King is no is reafonable caufe for it. ] See the King, and he that killeth him, Jefuhs Morals, and Myftery or Jcfuitifin, killeth not a King. When the **?<N*W Roman Council under Greg*y* de-

creeth, that the Pope may depofe Emperours : And the fame Greg. j. It. 4. Ep. 7. confpireth in the like Doctrine. The Oration of Card. Ptron is well known : If fo great a Kingdom as France, that glorieth of its Church-liberties, can bear fo much, what will not thofe bear, that are lefs able to deliver themfelves ? The words of this Great and pretendedly Moderate Cardinal in a Moderate Kingdom, in a publkk Writing againft a Proteftant Learned King ( King Jamts ) pg. 453* ( as cited by A. Bimop Vfhtt of Babylon, pag* 163. is fit to be written on the Doors of all Princes,and of the Pope himfelf,in Capital Letters *, viz* f By this Article ( that Kings may not be depofed by the Pope ) We ate cafi headlong into a maniftft Htrtfie, as binding us to confefs i that for many Ages paft the Catholic]^ Church hath been banifhtiontoftht rcbole world : For if the Champions of the "DoUrine contrary to this Article do hold an impious and deteftable opinion contrary to Gods Word, then ^ doubtlefs the Tope forfo many hundred years expired, hath not ^ bttn tht Head of the Churchy but a HERETICK and the ANTICHRIST.] What would you have more to fatisfie Kings, than their

own

«C*

own profeflion that, Either the Tope may depofe Kings, or elfe he is not the Head of the Church , but an Hereticl^ and Anticbrift, and hath been To for many hundred years. Can youlhew their Intereft plainlier than all this >

And left any fay, that this is but the Dodtrine of the Jefuits, remember that Perron was another kind of man, and the famous Per verter of King Henry the fourth. And I will cite here the words of one more of a multitude, even one that wrote fo long ago, as to be numbred with the Fathers in Bibliotb. Patr.%o. \.p.^\^. and & Roman • Cardinal Bertrard Card. & Epif. Eduenf. de Orig. & ufit Jurifd. §h. 4.. [ Rcfpondeo & dico . quod Potcjtas Spiritual'^ debet dominari omni human* Creatura per rationes Hofti-

enfis— Item quia Jcfus Cbrijius filius Dei dum fuit in

hoc mundo, &etiam ab.dterno natural'n dominus fuit, & de jure naturali in Imperatores & quofcunque alios depofttionvs fententlts ferre potuijfet, & damnation**, & quafcunque alias : Vtpote in per fonts quas creaverat, & donis naturalibus & gratuito donaverat, & etiam confervabat. Et tadem ratione 63* etiam ejus Vicarius potejh Nam non videtur difcretus "Domi-<T nus fuijfe f ut cum reverentia ejus loquar ) nifi unicum pofi t3* fe tulem Vicarium reliquiffet, qui h£c omnia p Jfet. Fuit autem. ifte Vicarius ejm Petw apitd Mattheum : Et idem di-cendum eft de fuccefforibws Petri, cum eadem abfurditas fe-querctur, ft pofi mortem Petri humanam naturam afe creaiam fine regimine unius perfon£ reliquiffet. "]

I will. EngliQi it lett the unlearned believe not what Fathers, what a Bibliotb. Patmm, what Cardinals, and what Dodrrines the Roman Clergy obtrude upon the Chriftian world.

£ I anfoer and fay, that tbefpiritual Power ought to have domination over every humane creature, by Hoftienfis reafons

Alfo becaufejefm Chrift the Son of God while he was

in this world, and alfo from Eternity, was the Natural, Lord: and by Natural Right, could pafs the fentence of Depofition and of Damnation, and any other, upon Emperours and upon any others > as being perfons that he had created and endowed with Natural Gifts, and freely, and alfo preferved ; And by the fame reafon bis Vicar can do it: For the Lord feemeth

mt

C5)

not to have been difcrcet ( that I may fpeal^ with reverence to him ) unlefs he bad left behind him one fitch Vicar, who could do all thcfe things* And in Matthew thU bit Vicar was Peter: And the fame mull be faid of the fucccffors of Peter, feeing the fame abfurdity would follow , if after the death of 'Peter he had left humane nature created by bimfelf without the Regiment of 0 neperfon. ]

Do you think this is not plain dealing enough, if men are willing to underhand ?

I know that there were Emperours and Princes that ftrugled hard, before they futfered themfelves to be thus fubjeded i And thcfe Emperours had Lawyers, Statefmen and Divines that took their parts i as all the Treatifes in Goldaftus his three Volumes de

Monarch, and his In$. Confiit. Sex Bel/arm. dcPontif.Ro. li. 5. c. 1. && ihew. But ftill thole that fded & 7 .&8. he faith, ft is the cemmon with the Pope fpake contrary, as judgement of all Catholick Divines , the .argumentations of thofe that the Pope r^ejlntudu huh at t> 1 l r j i_ a u i_ lufc i>idmtlly a cert an Pomr, .rid that

Books behdes the Authors whom th , hkhcfi ]r f rtmpmU . which c.e. he

they. oppofe, do (hew. And, f a i t h, y ju(l fwh ovtr Pructs, as the foul

alas, Occham, and Marfilw Pa hath over the.body 5 or festive appetite:

tavinus, and Widdrington and ^d that thus he may change l^mrdoms, aU

t, , 11 1* r take them from one, aid gwe to another, as

Barclay came all too late. For t} f cbkf spiritual Prince, if it be but ne-

all that Secular Power which was ceffary to the fafcty of fouls. Yea, he faith,

cloaked with the name of£c that it is w lawful for Chriftians to to-

clefiafiical and Spiritual, was be *»f < « *<fi$ f; U:r f[ d n K *\ . * he

r'J r j aa 1 r TTj „l endeavour to draw his Subjicts to his He-

fore fo deeply rooted in the y ^ e or kM f. But to judge whether *

Papacy, that they durft plead for j^hg do thaw to Htrefie 0 not, bdoweth

no more, than that Princes are 10 tb? Pope, tonbovthc care of Religion is

nctfubied to the Pope in Tern commit-td } nerfore it Mjtetb to the

1 r» ^ 1 Potto iud*c aKWtoo:depoedifice.

porals: But as you truly note, ; * v * f

abundance of Temporals , and

of the Magiftrares proper work about things Eccleflaftical, was (till vailed under the name of Spiritual : And at lair, even the 'Temporal Power again claimed more fubtilly, and indirectly, as in ordine ad fliritualia.

But you'l fay, that All men are naturally fo regardful of their ownlnterefl, and ejpecially Princes, that it is notpojfble t they jhould be fo fervile, tame and felf-abaftng, as to give

B away

4>v.ty /o great a part of their Kingdoms to a Forreigner, yea, to one that claimetb a% ( by bimfelf or by his moft famous Writers ) and by hti Councils claimetb a power to depofe them '•> They that with their orvn Nobles and other Sub'yetls, are fo jealous of their Prerogatives, would never fo far depofe thcmfelvcs, if they did but hpow what they do : And therefore when Popijh Princes underjland the matter, they willfiakc off the yoke, and reajfume their right*

Anfw. It's true, that Proteftant Princes and States have done fo \ And the true meaning of our Oixh of Supremacy is the fame with your main defign : And though fome have (tumbled at thofe words, that the King is Supream Governour in all Caufes Ecclefiafiical, the meaning is only ( as hath been oft publickly declared ) that he a the Supream Civil or Coa&ive Governour by the Sword, in all Caufes Ecclefiaftical, fo far as they fall under that Coa&ive or Coercive Government. And hereby the King doth but reafc fume the Royal Power over the Clergy and .the affairs of Religion, which the Pope had ufurped under the.name of EcclejiafiicaL For its well known- what was called EccU • fiajiical Power in England in the times of Popexy:fo that this much of the Vail is removed long ago among all Proteftants. And if you perufe but Bifhop BUfons excellent Tract of Chriflian Subjeclion, and Bifhop Andrews his tortura Torti ( to pals by all others ) you will fee that this Cafe is bet* ter opened, than I for my part am able to open it. And it is feldom heard of ( for all the induftry and (ubtilty of Home ) that any Prince or State doth Voluntarily turn Pa-pift, that is once delivered from the Yoke, and that ever again parteth with his power when he hath recovered k.

But yet that even this Argument from Notorious Interefi, doth not recover the Liberty of Countreys fubject to the Pope, you will the lefs wonder, if you confider thefe three things.

i. That the Papal Intereft hath got fuch rooting in their Subjects minds, that it is not in their power to reafTume their right. TheClergy are fo numerous, fubtile, ubiqui-tary and potent, and the people fo commonly deceived, and fo tenacious oi ancient Cufioms, that to make this

Change,

(?)

Change, might caft all into a flame: And they think it better to lofe part, than all. And no doubt but the examples of Henry the third, and Henry the fourth of France, make fome think, that if they difpleafe the Pope and his Confederates, they have not fufficitnt fecurity for their lives.

2. And Princes ftand ufually on fuch terms of danger or jealoufie from one another, that they are fain to keep fuch a Peace at home, left they expofe themfelves to a greater mifchief from abroad. And they are broken by the Papal fubtilty,efpecially in Germany and Italy'into fuch Fra&ions, and petty Principalities, that few of them are ftrong enough to defend themfelves againit the Confederates of the Pope ( when potent Emperours heretofore could not do it. J And many of them, efpecially the.Houfe of Auftria, do take this Copartnerfhip of the Pope, to be a great part of their ftrength : And as anciently many Emperours were forced to choofe their Gtfars and Copartners, when the defence of the Empire was too hard for themfelves alone \ fo divers Princes are glad to make ufe of the Papal intereft and power for their own fecurity \ though upon terms that elfc would never be fubmitted to.

And in fome Countreysthe Rebellious difpofition of the Subje&s driveth them to accept of this dear remedy \ and they choofe rather to ftrengthen themfelves by a Copartner, than to ftoop to the wills of their inferiours.

For here you muft take notice, that the pretence of a Jus divinum and of Spirituality^ and the Intercji of Chrtft, and of the fafety of their fouls, doth make this kind of fervi-tude much lefs difhonourable, than it is to be overtopt by a neighbour Prince, or to be curbed by their fubjedls. For what dishonour is it for a man to be fubjedt. to his Maker and Redeemer? Nay, what greater honour can there be? And the Koman Clergy have ufed themfelves to Canonize thofe Princes that have been molt zealous for their Gran-dure, and to raife the fame and praifes of fuch, as have raifed that which they call the Church, that the very ambition of the Clergies Praifes, doth do much to tempt fome to a tame acceptance of a Copartner, who pretendeth to be the Vicar of Chrift: When this fervitude goeth for

B 2 fan&ity

lanctity, ana carnetn not witn it ine reproacn or other forts of fervitude.

3. And it greatly furthereth their fuccefs, that the Popes Agents are commonly bred up in Learning, and fo are m2de able to over-wit the Laity => And that it is their great ddign, to gratihe the Lulls of Princes, by indulging their voluptuous fenfual lives, that fo they may fpend their dayes in fuch things, as will never advance their underftandings to an ability to difcern the cheats of their Copartners : And they detdtably cherim the Ignorance of the Common Laity, that they may be the titter to be led and mattered by them i even as men keep women from Learning and great attainments, left they (hould be the more uncapable of fub-je&ion. And thus as Satan leadeth men to Hell, fo the Papal Uiurper bringeth the Laity into their power, by their own confent^ by fuch pleafmg baits, as make their fervitude eafie to them* And it is not your telling them of their intercft , that will prevail againlt all thefe temptations. They that will lofe Heaven, and their falvation by fuch cheats, may lofe half of their earthly Dominions by them, as long as the other half fufrlceth to fatisrie their concu-pifcence, and to maintain their honour and plealure in the world.

The Roman Ufurpation confifteth of two parts. i.The Ufurpation of fuch a Pajloral Power as they have no right to. 2. The Ufurpation of a great part of the Magiftrates power, fometime dintily, and fometimes indirectly in or-dine ad fpiritualia '•> and conftantly by the cheat of the falfe name of Church pawer, put upon the Magiftrates part of Church Government, as if it were the Clergies part.

I. The Ufurpation of a Paftoral power which belongefrh not to them, is the chief part of their Iniquity. And it conlifteth in thefe, among other particulars.

1. In the impious, and arrogant claim of anUniverfal PaftorfiSip over all the world. The Roman Prelate muft be the Teacher of all the world, the High Prieft of all the world, and the Spiritual Ruler of all the world * which be-caufe he cannot do by himfelf, he muft do by others, as far as Ipe can to uphold his ufurpation. He muft be the Lawgiver

(9) giver and the Judge of all the world, even at the Antipodes, and where he hath no acquaintance nor accefs.

2. By this he undertaketh to be a Bifhop in other mens Dioccfles, and to rule in all matters, where he hath no more power, than any Pallor hath in another Paftoral Charge.

3. And by this he undertaketh to be the Spiritual Father and Governour of all the Kings and Rulers of the Chriflian world, and fo to have the power of excommunicating them when hethinketh there iscaufe, and to brand them as uncapable of Chriftian communion with their own Subjects j or with any other Chriftians.

4. By this he ulurpeth authority of impofing what Pa-ftors he pleafe ( even fuch as will carry on hisintereft ) upon all the Churches in the world,and depriving both Princes and people of their juft liberty of choice.

5. By this alfo he ufurpeth the power of depofing what Bifliops or Paftors he pleafe, and depriving the people of their necelTary helps, and faithfulleft Teachers. Yea, of putting whole Nations under Interdicts of ferving and honouring God in Church-ailcmblies •, commanding all Pa-ftors tofnut up the Church doors, and forbidding them to perfom their office, and to preach Chrifts Gofpel, or admi-nifter his holy Sacraments.

6. By this he fendeth forth his Miffionaries, and fetteth up Societies of Jefuits and Fryers to do his work, and com-mandeth all Princes and people to receive and countenance them.

7. By this, he layeth claim to a right of maintenance for Himfelf and his Miilionaries in all parts of the world, in the nameof Chriit, who hath faid, that the labourer is worthy of his hire.

8. By this he granteth Difpenfations, Pardons, Indulgences, commanded! praying to Saints and Angels , and praying for the Dead, as being in Purgatory, and by this he fetteth up his whok new frame of felf-devifed Worlhip and Religion. Now I call not all this an Ufurpauon of Magiftracy, fo far as he ufeth no Corporal force > and threatneth no penalty but encommumcation and damna-

B 3 lion*-

tion. For every true Paftor with his own flock hath the Power of Guiding them by delivering Chrilts Dodtrine and Precepts , and commanding obedience as' his Servant or EmbifTadour in his Name, and of denouncing his judgements, and of judging obligingly who are fit to be taken into the Church by Baptifm, and who to be caft out as Impenitent by excommunication in his own particular Charge or Society. And if the Pope ufurp a power of doing all thisand more, as an Univerfal Pallor only, this is an Utilisation of a Church Fower^ and not of a Magijiracy. And indeed if you will acquit him from the guilt of the Myfrerie of Iniquity any further than he invadeth Magi-ftracy it felf, you will do him a great deal ot wrong: For he is the Vicarius Chrifti, and the Vice-Chrijl more notably by his Spiritual Vfurpation of a power proper to Chrifi bimftlfi or at lead of a power that Chriit never gave him.

II. His fetting up a KIN GD O M, and invading the MAGISTRACY is done I. Dire&ly, II. Indire&ly and Confequentially.

1. Dire&ly* i. By holding a Secular Jurifdi&ion, as the King of Rome, where he exercifeth the Supream Civil 'Power, acknowledging no Superiour Civil Governouri either as to the Legislation or Execution, in all the parts of his cwn Dominions.

2. By his laying claim to many Kingdoms as his own ( among which England is one , as pretended to be delivered to him by King John ) and fuppoling that the Kings do hold them as under him, and by his Grant.

3. By laying claim to the Temporal or Corporal Government of all the world ( fay fome } or of all the Chri-ftian world ( fay others ) : Of which you may-fee-a multitude of Volumes written in the defence of his pretentions: In particular all thofe aforefaid were of this fubject, Which all Goldajiuf his Collected Treatifes, for the Right of Princes do confute. I gave you Cardinal Bertrands words before.

And though fome of their Clergy who live under Princes that axe not willing to refign their Crowns, dodifclaim

the

f II)

*hc Popes dirett Title to the Univerfal Civil Soveraignty, yet he himfelf difclaimeth it not, nor condemneth the Books as fuch, that have been written to defend it.

In the Jefuits Morals the laft Chapter hath this Title £ 'that the Jefuits teach, that the Church cannot command jpiritual and internal aelkns > Ibat its Lapps and guidance are humane -> and that it is itfelfonly a Political Body~\ Where the Janfeniji chargeth them with destroying the Church from its foundation, and making it altogether external, humane and Politick ■> and that which needeth only Politick Ver-tues for its Government, and the excrcife of its principal offices, and that they make its Laws but humane and politick, which oblige only to things external: and charge eth them as Cyprian did the Novatians, §>uod Ecclefiam hnmanam factum ] So that if heaccufe them juftly , here is no room for any fubterfuge : It is not the Spiritual and Temporal power that he makes them claim, but the Temporal or External only : But what / doth the J anfeniji himfelf therefore difclaim all Temporal Power in the Churchy or is he juft to Kings ? Judge but by pag. 3S8. where he boafteth of Laymans Confelfion of the Truth, that [ Ecc/e-fiaftic\ power is injiituted immediately from God, and the Civil power comes immediately from men :■ And that Civil power regards properly and diredly wealth and peace temporal only : ~] And he adds [_ For the Civil power regards the outward order and Civil tranquility almes and prefcribes none hut outward and humane means to attaift this end, ] Which is all falfe, and moft injurious to Kings h whom this mode* rate J'anfeniji would hereby fet as far below every Prie^ in real dignity and amiabknefs to the Subjeds as a Humane Creature is below a Divine, and the intereft of ^the body is below that of the foul. Whereas indeed God is the immediate Original of Civil and Church power, though irr both the Perfons are defigned by the means of men* And both have God himfelf for their ultimate end, and the Common Good of the Society for their Common End 3 which ever confifteth moft in fpiritual felicity, referring to Eternal. Though the Magiftrates weapon be the Sword* and thePaftoisonly*heWord,by which all this is brought *opa&« ladeeA^

Indeed it is not poffible that the Papacy in its prefent State can be detended by any man how moderate foever, without Injury to Princes and States, whofe Power the Pope hath fo notoriously invaded and ufurped : For how can they defend him, that ufurpeth the. Power of Kings, or ufurpeth a falfe Power over Kings, and not be injurious to them that the Ufurper injureth ?

But it is motf wonderful to me, that when W. Barclay de-fendeth the right of Monarchs in fuch a Kingdom as France that hath power and will to hold fait its own, he fliould complain as if he undertook a Caufe which mod were again ft him in, and in which he expected to be wondered at for his Angularity.

4. By their Inquifition, and by their Decreeing Corporal Penalties in their Councils, and Decreeing the depofition of Princes, and the giving away their Dominions toothers, as in the two fore-cited Councils, Roman* fob. Greg. 7. & Later an. fab Innvc.3. In a word, by all that they do in their Ufurped Legiflation, Judgement and Execution, by the Sword, or a forcing Power as in themfelves.

II. But the more fuccefsful Ufurpation of the Power and Rights of Princes is IndireUly, and as Bellarmin defendeth it, in or dine ad Jpiritualia v. By ufing their Ecclefiaftical Ufurped power upon mens Consciences, in fuch a way as (hall overtop the Magiitrates power of the Sword : when they decree that all are Hereticks that believe their fenfes, and deny Tranfubftantiation, and that all fuch Hereticks mail be banilhed or burnt > the Clergy is not to do this themfelves, but to deliver them over to the Secular Power: The Pope and Clergy do but charge it on their Confciences in the name of Chrift. And if Princes obey them not, or Temporal Lords will not burn or banifh all fuch Hereticfy for believing fenfe, the Pope is not to touch their bodies, fyut to excommunicate them. And if they will not yet obey the Pope, when they are excommunicate, the Pope , Good man, will not draw a Sword againft them, but only ufe the Spiritual Sword, by giving their Dominions to others , which is but byword ofmouth y he doth but declare fuch a Temporal Lord to be difpoffeft of his Title, and require

another

another to take his Lands, and let his great Divines pub-lifh that an Excommunicate King is no King, and that to kill him, is not to kill a King : And if Princes will defend themfelves by Arms, the Pope will not fend his Clergy in Arms againft them, but only by the Spiritual Sword, or Word, command other Princes, States and people to arm themfelves againft their Emperours, Kings and Governours, and to defend thofe to whom he hath given their Dominions. How oftthefe Games have been ferioufly acted, the German Hiftories lamentably tell us : and Guicciardines Italian, and the Englijb, French and others are not wholly filent.

So if the Clergy be exempt from paying Taxes, from Secular Judgements, if their Lands and Eftates be not under the Power of Kings, if they fet up Courts of Judicature with Offices like a Civil Court, if they aiTume to themfelves the fole judgement of Hereticks, and Schifma-ticks, and Apoftates, and alfo of Teftaments of the dead, and of Caufes of Adultery and Fornication, of lawful or unlawful degrees of Marriage, and of Divorce, if the Pope lay Taxes on the Ciergy that are Subje&s in all Princes Dominions, if he difpofe of Buildings, Tythes, Glebes, Monaftcries, Lands, Almshoufes,Colledges, and abundance fuch like h all this is not by the Sword, but by perfwading Kings and States that they are bound in Confcience to promote all this, and obey the Pope as their Ghoftly Father herein: And that if they be ftricken with the Thunderbolt of Excommunication, they are in a ftate of damnation, and if they fo dye,are undone tor ever : And by perfwading other Princes and people, that the Arms taken up againft fuch Princes at the Popes Command ( according to the fore-faid Councils ) are meritorious, and (hall procure their falvation.

And if Princes and people will believe all this, and will be deceived, and will voluntarily fubjedt themfelvej, to fuch an Ufurper, who can help it ? Though it excufc not the Pope, yet they have little reafon to complain, that they lofe that power which they voluntarily give away, and that the Pope (hall exercife that power which they

C give

give him. And fo much to your Caufe againft the Papacy.

II. But in your Epiftle to Mr. Jreshjn and feveral others, vou lay much of the like charge upon the Ret or me d Churches, and you take our great Reforming Divines* to have kept up the Myiterie ot Iniquity in their Difcipline. Concerning which give me leave to deal freely with you,-and to tell you, that I am perfwaded that your meaning is iincere and good, and that it is an usurpation or devifed imitation of Secular Government by the Clergy which- you condemn-, and that too great a part of the Proteftant Clergy have given you forne occaiion tor thefe complaints; But that really you deal not accurately in the Controveriie, and Jccuratenejs is the thing you want. You do not here cx-aclly defcribe the true difference between the feveral powers where you/iciw.to defcribe them \ you leave out-much that mould be faid. It is a more diftinct way of handling this point, that muft decide the Controveriie. To which end I have laid you down an hundred Proportions, on occaiion of your former Writings fent me.

And as you fay in Epijh ad P. Rujfelium, p. 248. that in this you would believe one Phyficion, one Cexe, Goddard, Lower , Ridglcy, &c. ( Though! have rcafon to think that the firft and laft of thefe. are more of my mind about Church. Government than of yours ) before a thoufand Aupi\\ines y Hieroms, Gregories, yea, JmeJJf, Vavenant, Vlhcrf^VaVces; fo my opinion is, that ufually all men are wifefi in their own Profeffion. And though I am naturally (omewhat unapt to take more than needs I mult upon trnil from any ( fince I have had great experience of humane ignorance.and vanity) yet I had rather take a Phyficions judgement in Phyiick, and a Lawyers in points of Law, and a Souldiers in Military matters, and a Divines in Theology , than any ot their judgements about the matters ot an aliene Protellion, Not but that now and then a man may arile, that (hall know more on the. by, than others that make it the ftudy of their lives : But that is not ufual. And that one man would- have been yet wijh'y in thofc things if he had befn of that Prcfefiion.

For

'For furely ceteris paribus, he that beftoweth twenty years, or thirty, or forty, or threefcorc in the Study ot Divinity alone, with its fubfervicnt helps, is liker to underftand it, than he that allowcth it, but now and then a fpare hour, in the midft of other diverting Studies. For my part, if J follow not one thing only when I am upon it, but divide my thoughts among things heterogencal, I cannot pierce deep into any great difficulties, nor make any thing of diftradted Studies j neque quicquam rede fit, quod fit prtoccupato animo. God doth not ufe to give wifdom now by the way of Miracles \ but they that fetk^ molt, are likeft to find. And therefore pardon me for telling you, that though I am deftrvedly a great honourer of the Phylicions you name, yet I fet more by the Judgement of one VJher, one Vavenant, one Jewell, one Dalldw, one Blondel, one Ca-mero, one Le Blan^ one Petrus Molinaut in matters of Theology, than of abundance of Lawyers and Phyficions. And of one Lawyer and Phyticion in matters of their Profeili-on, than of many Divines. Being (till of Pembles mind, that one clear eye can fee further than a Council of purblind ones.

And as to the matter of Partiality of which you fufpecf. Divines, it is not without caufe as to all that party who feek for Richer, Eafe and Hmours, or Domination and Preferments and Prebemrnency in the world : But fuch as that St. Martin whom you mention out of Severn*, who fo vehemently oppofed the Itbacian

Violence,*and Maximur his uiiiig J/*? •* m^^lm yoh twte e*H the Sword againft the Pnfcilianijh his ^^ / had mn a m p m SainL ' are as impartial as you. Certainly if Chriftianity be what we all profefs to take it for, it will make that man befi who is moil a Chriftian : And he that is befi will be moft impartially and felt-denyingly faithful to Ghrilt, and will prefer Chrifts honour incomparably before his own. And he is like to be moft a Christian, who doth fincerely give up himfelf to the clofeit ftudy of it all his dayes. Deny this, and your fufpieions will fall upon Chriftianity itfelf. Cut-yet I will allow you to be moderately fufpicious

where you lee tnat mere is any great bait of carnal interejt to tempt men : A Fopedome, a Cardinaljhip, ( I muft name no more) may make the Roman Heathen fay, I will turn Chriltian, if you will make me Bifhop of Rome y &c. But will you fufpecl: that a good man, yea, and all fuch good men, (hould be Partial where they put themfelves on the greateft felf-denyal ? Where they have no profit, no preferment, no man-pleaiing, no worldly honour to invite them ? Yea, where it is like to diminifh their gain, to hinder them from preferment, to make them hated by moi\ on whom their difcipline is exercifed ? If a few out of a pang of Fa£f ious or Phanatick zeal, may caft themfelves on fuch a felf-denying life, it is not like that this will be the ordinary Cafe, of Learned, fober, godly men. If it be, with whom (hall the ignorant truft the conduct of their fouls, that will not make merchandize of them ? Would yon be partial and falfe to the Tiuth ofChrift your felfi if you were the Paitor of a Church } Is the Office fo malignant to infed all that undertake it } If it be, how can our Religion be good ? If not, why (hould you think that others will not be as juft and impartial as you would be ? Do you conlider what excellent perfons in all refpe&s for Wifdom, and Piety, and Integrity, were Melancbthon, Bk~ choltzer, Sohnius, Kimedontius, Olevian, Vrftnus, Zanchius> Partus^ and thofe Englifh men you named, and many hundreds more -, who more unlikely through Ignorance or partiality to betray the truth ?

But they fay, that Intereft will not lye. Do you not know that an able Preacher, may better by many degrees eonfult his own Eafe, his Profit, and his worldly honours by Preaching only , than by this troublefome ungrateful work of Difcipline ? I am confident that you and I do take one another for true plain dealing honeft men, and therefore can believe each other. And if you will believe me, I did, in my Paftoral Charge ( in thofe times when I was thought tolerable in the Sacred Office ) for about ten yeais ( of the twenty that I had leave to preachy) exercife fome Difcipline upon fbme particular offendors, according to the common judgement of Proceftant Divines j And it

was

(*7)

was fomuch to my labour, to my expcnce of time, to the grievous difpleafure of thofcthat fell under it, and required fo much felf-denyal, that when I confulted with flcfh and blood , if I might but have fbrborn it, and only preached, and given the Sacraments to all that came, f fhould have thought my ftlf fo greatly disburdened, as would have made my life to be fenfually pleafant: fo that, though I had not any maintenance of my own, I think I could gladly have given up all that I received for my Mini ftry, and made what other (hift I could for food and ray-ment, fo I might but have been freed from the trouble of this particular Difcipline : I fpeak only what it was to flefh and blood, and not what it was to faith, which faith God cannot be ferved too dearly. Till Ifpcak this to one that hath tryed the thing I talk of, I (hall take it for granted, that my words are not half underilood.

If you fay, Why then did you not forbear a work fo ungrateful > I now only anfwer, Why doth not the Judge and Sheriff forbear hanging Murderers and Thieves : The reft of my Anfwer you (hall have anon.

Though my following Proportions feem full enough in opening the difference between the two Powers ^ yet 1 will here alio briefly tell you, i. Somewhat of the nature of Church Tower : 2. Somewhat of the certain Truth that Jefus Chrift did inftitute it : 3. Somewhat of the Neceflity of it fub rat tone mcdii ad finem,

1. For the rirft, take thefe few things together, and you may clearly fee what power we claim.

i.OurOffke for the Original of it, is as immediately from Chrift as that of Magiftrates, and is not made by Kings or any Monarchs. Therefore we hold it as immediately from Chrift.

2. lor the Matter of it, it is only to expound and apply the Word of God, both commonly in Sermons, and particularly to each mans feveral Cafe, as Phyficions look to the Cure of individuals : And alfo to exercife the Keys of the Church or Kingdom of Chrift i that is, 1.T0 be the ordinary Judges who is to be taken in by Baptifm j 2. And alfo who is to bepublickly admoaiifhed as fcanda-

^ 10 )

lous, in our particular Charge: 3. And alfo who is to be abfolved aspr.itent: 4. And who is to be declared unmeet for Church-communion, as obftinately impenitent, and to be forbidden Communion with the Church, and the Church with him , and confequently denyed the privi-ledges of the Church, and figns of Communion in the Lords Supper, which it bclongeth to the Pallor to deliver only to the capable, and by the peoples Familiarity and brotherly Society, which tViey are obliged to deny them. And this Sentence of the Pallor, if it fhould proceed on lniikke, doth not make the mans Cafe the worfe before 1 God \ but yet ( till the Church have (ought its due remedy againil miilaking Pallors ) it remaineth fo far valid, as that none againit it may obtrude himfclf on the Communion of that Church. For, I pray you telf me, if flato, or Zeno miitake in their judgement of a Difciple whom they refufe, or any Free Schoolmalter in judging of the incapacity of a Scholar, (hall others fo misjudged intrude into their Schools, and make themftlves their Scholars againli their wills ? Or ihall he whom by mif-information you refufe or rejedfc from your family or fervice, become your hou(hold fervant indefpight of you?

3. And.as to the Inllruments and manner of exercHing our OrBce, we . profeiTedly difclaim all pretentions to any power of the Sword, or of corporal penalty, that is co-a&ive or coercive. You contefs this once your felf. We claim no power but by the Word^ either generally preached, or particularly applyed to the cafe of thole that are of our charge. No other power of "Excommunication do we claim : If men will defpite our Minifterial inftrudtions, reproofs and cenfures, we: have done with them. Shall they force themfelves into our familiarity or communion in fpightof us ? Your Epift* 54. ad Mettagerium openeth the matter fo fairly, that we little differ from it. If you Gy that Presbyterians and Epifcopal fet up Courts, Judicatories, with Officers like Civil Courts: I anfwer, 1. The more pomp and likenefs to the Magiftrates coercive way, the worfe I like it* 2. But how (hall men be heard, if they be not cited ? How ihall fuch things be Juftly and Regularly,

( 19) Jarlv tran faded, if there benota known Twt and Pkke, and if Accusers and Witncflls be'not fummoned ? Are not fuch regular proceedings necelTary even in Cafes of meer arbitration? If this be all, here is no more Sword, no more force, than in a Pulpit. And how doth Excommunication ( that is, declaring an Impenitent pcrfon unfit for Church Communion by Chrilts Laws, and binding him over to the great day) I fay how doth this touch mens bodies or ejTates, or work any otherwife than a Pulpir-Sermon on the confeiencious Volunteers ? 3. And if horning, or Writs dc TLxciwimitnizjio Capiendo, or imprifonmenr, or burning men as HLreticks follow this, all this is the Magistrates own doing > If it be wtl, praile him for it. If it be ill, blame him tor it. If Rulers will make fuch Liw>, and if they mil fo far be Executioners of the Oergies Decrees, who can hinder them? If it be againlt their right* it is their own act, who-gtve.(b much of their right away.' If you fay, that Clergy m:n are too blame that urge them to it ■-> you (lull not calily think worfe of their Co doing, thaa I do: It is greatly againlt our wills that the Sword lo clofely folio wet h Excommunication. I think it is the effect of Carnal Clergy mens bale conceit of their own- Sacred Ofiice, as if it were a Leaden unpowerful S.vord which Chriit hath put into their hands, and Excommunication were invalid, when the Sword forceth not the impenitent to dilfcmble Repentance and Submillion. When great worldly baits have enticed worldly, men -into the. Sacred Office, as to a worldly preferment and Trade, they will judge accordingly and manage it like themfelves (which is and hath been the Churches Pell) We would beg on our knees of Kings and MagiltraKs, if it would prevail, to leave Church Cenfures to our Lords intended* uiej and valeant quantum valcrc pffunth arid to keep*fcheir Sword out of Chureh-mens hands, and to puniih men in their own Courts for every crime that defcrveth it * but not qitatemts excommunicate, or meerly becauie the Clergy hath judged them unmeet for Church Communion. He that taketh Excommunication alone for no puniflament, is not fit to be in the Communion of the Church, and

therefore

(2o;

therefore mould not be driven for fear of a Prifon to that which he hath no right to. So that you muft not charge the ads of Princes, nor of ambitious Cardinals, &c. neither en Cil: ?>?, Ff£j, or any fuch as them.

And as to Lay-Elders,ox LayChancellors, I am no more for them than you arc, that is, as the Magiftrates Officers, or as the Churches Sub-Officers circa ftcra & non infacrU; But fure thofe of them who are introduced on a mijhahgn conceit of Divine rights and do no more than the Pallors do, are no llfurpers of Coercive power.

You fee by the late Ads of King and Parliament in Scotland, that all External Church power is declared to be in the King : And what would you have more? No doubt the meaning is not, All power about external things : For the Sacraments of Baptifm and the Lords Supper, and the perfons baptized, &c. are external objeds: Nor can it be all power that is exercifed by the external parts of the body. For the Tongue of the Preacher, and the Hand of the Baptizer, as well as the Ear of the Hearer is an external part. But in thefe two fenfes it is true, and commonly con-fented to, by all that I remember of my acquaintance that are Chriftians. u That all the power of the 'Sm rd, or of forcing by Mulds or bodily punifhments, as diiVind from the power of the Word, that worketh diredly upon the foul alone ( by the fenles) is in the King, and not in any of the Clergy, though it be about the matters of Religion. 2. And that all power in Church matters and Religion, Ex-trinfecal to the Fjfioral Office as inftituted by Chriit, is of right the Kings, and his inferiour Magiftrates. And what would yoti or any man have more ?

4. And as to the exercife of our Office, we all confefs ( except the Papifts ) that we are refponfible to the King and Magiftrates, for our faults, yea, for our injurious mal-adminiftration. And that though the King be not the Chief Paftor, nor hath the power of the Keys which Chriit gave to his Minifters, yet he is the Ruler of all Churches and Paftors by the Sword, as well as of all Phyficions. And is not all this enough to fatisfie you, that we claim no part of the Magiftrates Office t

As

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As you fay, our power is but Ferfaaftve. U is buf, By the Word\.\\ is but on the Confcicnce i It is under theMa-gillrates coercive Government: And foit is like a PhynVi-ons or a Tutors in a Colledgc. But that I pray you leave net out i. That it is not under.fhe Magiliratcs, as to the derivation of the office or pjwer, that is, It is no office which the Magifirate made or may unmade: 2. That it is as immediately of DivineInuitution as the Magiftrates. And there-tore in your iimilitude you mull fuppofe your rnyilcion and Tutor to have a Commiffion from God. 3. That God hath dtferihed our office, and limited the Magijlrates office, fo that he hath no power frpm God to hinder the Mi-nijxry. 4. But if he doit injurioufly we mult not retift, but patiently iurTer for obeying God. So much of the nature of the office.

II. Now that it is certain that God hath committed to Pallors, fuch a Government of his Church by the Word, as t<5 ftated commiifioned Officers, becaufe I have pall by the proofs in my following Proportions, I will addibme here. Supposing what Dr. Hammond hath faid of the Power of the Keyes, and that no man with common (enfe can take the Power of the Keyes, for any thing lefs than a power of Church Government, or Authoritative Guidance, and fo a Power of receiving in and putting out as there is caufe -, It is plain in that Chrifl firft reciteth his own Commiffion and Power, Mattb. 28. itt, 19, 20. and thence dateth the Commiffion of his Apoftles, as it was to endure to the end of the age or world.

Seei/j22.22. ScRcr. 3.7. & 1. 18. compared with Mattb*i6.i$. Sc John 20* 23. The word Fresbyter and Biffiop can lignifie no leis : as A3s 4. 8, &c. compared with Ails 14. 23.^ 15. 2,4, 6,22> 23. &i6.$. 6^20. 17, 28. TttM 1. 5. James 5. 14. 1 Pet. 5. i.Rcv. 4.4,6^.

And nothing lefs can be meant by 1 Tim. 5. 17. The El-dcrs that Rule well arc worthy of double honour, &c» Heb.13. 17.24. Obey tbcm that Jiaye the Rule over you, for they watch,&c. 1 ThelT. 5.12, 13. Know tbcm that labour among you, and are over you in the Lord, and admonijh you, 1 Tim. 5. 1,4, 5. If a mandefire the office of a Bijb p, he dcfiretb

D a z" '*

C22)

J izorkj— ^Onc that Ridetb recti bis ownhoufe, having hvs children in fubjefiion* —For if a man know not

how to rule his own houfe, bow Jh all he takg care of the Church of God* So 7*7. i. 7, &c. 1 Per. 5. 1, 2 : 3, 4. Many other 1 pais by.

And tor the adt of excommumcstion^ or excluding unmeet perfons from ChrljHan Church CnnmmnM, it would be tedious* to (land to vindicate all thofe plain Texts from any mens exceptions, 1 Cor. ^.pertotum* Ttitws 3.10. 2 John 10,11. 2 7heff, 3. 6, 14. Rev. 2. 14, 15, 20.

But while 1 am writing this, I remember that I have long ago written a fmall Book called Vnivcrfal Concord, in which I have defcribed all the Pajtoral Office and IVorhj, If you can v prove it lefs than I have there named in any one point, you will fo far eafe us, and take nothing from us at all that gratirieth our flefh : If you can deny none of that, we are agreed. And in the Preface to the fame Book I hav$ given you twelve Reafons of the great ufe of Church Discipline i which (hall fave me the labour of the third point which I intended next to fpeak to •■> fave only that I will briefly ask you,

III. Would you have any difference made between the Chriftian Church and the Pagan and Infidel world > If not

If you would, it muft be fuch a difference as Chrift

hath appointed us to make ? And doth our Baptifmal Covenant contain no promife and profeffion of godlinefs and obedience, as well as of Belief > and fo of Repentance and a better life ?

2. Who would you have to be Judge in this matter ? Shall every one be Judge himfelf > Then all Pagans, Murderers, Blafphemers may come in and turn Religion and the Church into a fcorn. If any muft judge, you would not fare fet the Magiflrates or people fuch a task ( on pain of damnation ) to leave their Calling, to try and judge of the qualifications of expectants or Church-members.

3. Whom do you think Cbrifi committed this bufmefs to ? Who were the Judges of the Capacity of perfons to be baptized, or the defert of perfons to be rejected > Viotrophes could not have rejected Chriftians injurioufly 3 if he had

not

not then had fome Governing power.

4. Hath not all Chrifts Church exercifed- Puch .a Difci-pline as I have defcribed fince the ApoiUes days till now ? (faving the corruption of it by ill additions, or carnal negledhj And hath all this Church been from the beginning under a falfe Government in the main ? Or is not Re-formation a righter way than extirpating 01 'D/fcipliue as well as ofVofirine andlforfhip /

5- Is it not the rvicl^dncfs of Chrijti.ms that is the chief hardening of 7Wrly and other Infidels againit Chriltianity > And would they not encreafe this pollution that would have the mo/1 vicious to be equally received with the belt t

6. Is not Faith for H*linefs> and did not Chriit come to purine a peculiar people, and reftore us to the Image of God } And if for want of Difcipline Saints and Swine be equally Church-members, and partakers of holy things, is that agreeable to this deGgn of our Redeemer ?

7. If Oeconomical Government and School Government and Colledge Government be no wrong to Kings, neither is the Church Government which Chriit hath inftituted.

I do not fay all this to intimate that you fay the contrary. But becauie your Charge on Luther^ Calvin and other Protectants fheweth that you do fure miitake them: And to tell you that I joyn with you in difowning the KINGDOM and Magiftracy of the Mock-Church of Rome; and of all that will imitate them $ But that I take the Enmity to and grojfe neghtt. of true Cburch-Uifcipline, to be one of Satans principal fervices that is done him upon earth, a^ainft true Godlineis.

•f s

AA&£AAAAAAAA$AAAAAAAAAA4'«&&

The Churches and the Magiftrates Power ftated in matters of Religion • In an hundred Propofitions, which al-moft all fober Proteftant Teachers are agreed in.

A Reconciliation of the fober EpifcopaL, Presbyterians, Independents and Eraftians.

To my vtry Learned^ fin cere and worthy Friend Lu-dovicus Molinx'us Dr. of Phyftck^ ( The Author of many Treatifes on this fubje3 t )

Dear Sir,

PON the perufal of your Writings which

you fent me, the love of the Church , and of 'truth and Feace and you, doth command me to tell you as followeth j

I. That I make no queftion, but that the Pride of the Clergy ( with their Co-vetoufnels) hath for above twelve hundred years been a greater plague to the Churches throughout the Chriitian woild, than all the cruelties of the Laity: And that the fenflefs forgetting the matter and manner of Chrifts decifion of his Apoltlcs Controvettie, Which of them Jhould be the greateft, hath divided the Eaft and Weft, and corrupted and kept down Religion \ whileft that the lives of the Prelates bave perfwaded the obfemrs, thai they Hill took it for a

more

more important Qjeftion, Winch of thcrrrfhould be the great-eft ? than, Whether they or their people jhould be faved* And it hath ever been a matter or eaiie remarquc, that there have been feldom any dangerous Schifms on one fide, or any cruel Fexecutions on the other iide, which the Clergy have not been the principal caufes or : And that the Laity would be more quiet, if the Clergy did not delude them, orexafperate them j And that even the more mrftaken and violent fort of Magiftmtes, would have fome■ moderation in their Perfections, it the Clergy did not make them be * licve, that a burning killing Zeal is the mark of a good Chriftian,and is the fame that in Tit.7.. 14.1s called a zeal of good worlds; and that to deftroy the bodies of men truly fearing God, is the way to (ave their own fouls, or their Dominions at leafrs when indeed, the zeal orChriits com-manding, is a zealous Love to one another, and a zealous doing good to others, and the VtriHjh zeal t as St. James diitinguifheth it, James 2. 15, 16, 17. ) is an envious, hating, hurting zeal.

2. That in all this the Laity are not innocent, but mult thank themfelves fer the evil that befalleth them 5 and that on two notable accounts: 1. Becaufe they have ordinarily the choofwg of the dignified and beneficed Churchmen, and they have but fuch as they choofe themfelves: They think it is their mfdvm as well as piety ) to make the Honour and Profit fo great, as (hall be a very Jhong bait to Pride and Covetoujhefs : And when they have fo done, the Froudeji and moll Covetous will certainly be the Setters •> and that with as much cratt and diligence, as an ambitious mind can ufe their parts to: And he that feel^eth ( by him-ftlf and friends ) islikeftto rind : And the mere humble and heavenly any one is, and confequently moft honeft, and tit to be aPaftor of the Church, the further he will be from the Seekers way ! So that except it be where the world hath Rulers fo wife and ltrangcly pious, as to (Irk out the worthy who feek not for themfelves, its eaiie to prognofticate what kind ofPaitorsthe Church will have : And verily they that choofe them, are the unfitted to complain of them. Whereas if the Churches maintenance were fuch,

D 3 as

as might but prevent the difcouragements of fuch as feek the Minil'try for the workj fake and for the love of fouls, that fo Students might not make it a Trade for wealth, but a fclf denying dedication of themfelves to God, the Churches would be accordingly provided \ And they that intend the faming of'fid s, would be the Candidates, ( by their own and their Parents dedication J as now they that intend a c lrade to live and ferve the ftcjh by ( in an honourable way ) are too great a part of them. Or men might be further rewarded ex poji facto for their Merits, without being tempted to Ihidy pr'mcipaHy for that reward. And if we will needs have carnal men, let us not wonder if they live carnally. And it the carnal mind be enmity to God, and neither is nor can be fubjeel to his Law, Rom. 8- 6, 7. we may easily prognofticaK how Cbrijls enemies will do his wot\ y and guide his Church, and whether their wills and rvayes will be fuch as the confcionable can conform to.

3. And the Laity are unexcufable, becaufe it is they (\n all thofe Countreys where Popery and Church-tyranny prevailed ) who put their Sword into the Clergies hands, and give away their own authority, and fet up men to vie with them, and to overrop them: of which more anon.

3. I grant you alfo, that in all fuch Countreys as afore-faid ( where Popery and Church-tyranny prevailethJ the name of Ecclcfajlical Courts and Vifcipline, is applyed to that mungrel power, which is neither Fifth nor Flefh;, and that the true Spiritual Power fet up by Chrift, is corrupted and turned into a fecular thing, or by cenfuijon, a third fort arifen out of both. And that Popim Princes are woful-ly abufed by this deceit: while that the reverence of the name of the Church and Church-Government, doth perfwade them to ruine the Church indeed , and to fet up their Subjeds to be the Governours of themfelves, and to give away their own power to their fervants, and then to ftoop to the power which they have given.

4. And I grant you, that all this mifchief would much be cured, it Magiitrates would keep the Sword to themfelves, and ufe it only according to the judgement of their proper Courts i and would leave the Power of the Church

Keyes

r*7)

Keycs to the Paftors, & vakant quantum vslere puffunt > and let it be thought penalty enough tor an excommunicate perfon qua talis to be excommunicate : And not to take him to be a penitent, or worthy of the Communion of the Church, that had rather be there than in a Gaol. There be wi(er wayes of bringing men to Repentance and to the Communion of the Church, than by faying [Choofc this or the Goal : You are worthy to be in the Church, if you had but rather be in it than in a Prifon. ] Chrift laid, [ Forfar a% or ye cannot be my Vifciples 51 And fome fay, j_ Be Chrifts Difciples, or forlake all: The Church will receive you, if you will but accept her communion rather than imprifonment or beggary. ] A kind Church indeed / ot which more anon.

5. But notwithstanding all thefe conceilions, I muft further tell you, that it is the Paftors of the Churches that mult keep up the intereft of Chriftianity in the world , and that as the bad ones are the greateft plagues, fo the good ones arc the greateft bleflings of the earth i even the fair and lights of the world : And none but the enemies of Chrift are their enemies, ( as fuch. ) And as the Miniftry hath grown better or worfe, fo hath Chriftianity either rifen or fallen, in all times and places of the Church on earth. ( Of which fee Two Sheets which I have written for the Miniftery, againft the Seeders and Malignants long ago.)

6. And though the Carnal Clergy afore defcribed, de-ferve all the inve&ives in your Books, and their Ufurpati-ons, and turning Church Difcipline into a fecular thing, do call aloud for a juft detection and rebuke 5 and it would be the happinefs of the world, if the eyes of all Chriftian Princes and Rulers, were opened in this point *, yet I muft tell you, that I believe moft fober, pious Proteftant Divines are really agreed in the main things that you defire and intend ;> And that both you and fome of your adverfaries both do amifs, to make the difference feem wider than indeed it is: And that making Verbal differences feem real, and fmall ones feem great, is an ill employment v when a fewdrtinftionsmi clearer explications, would make both

fides

ficUs fee, that they arc almoji of one mind.

Therefore all that I fhall do in this buiinefs is, to lay down my own judgement, and I think the judgement ot all the p'ous and (objr part, of the Epifcopjl, Presbyterian, Independents and EraUans ( or Politicians ) in certain briet Proportions, which (hall carry their own evidence pait all contradiction ot Learned and Coniiderate Chriftians.

Frop. i, T^He work of the Gofpel-Miniftry is not a X work of rnecr Charity and Liberty, but an Of-fice-wcrkj. Authority, Keafon and Love, are its principles, Matih. 28. 19, 2C, Titus 1. 5. Ads 14. 23.

2. This Office is injlituted by Chriji himfclf, and by the Holy Ghoft, Ibid. Ads 20. 28, &c.

3 It was instituted fot great and nccejfary ends, that the Mini 111 y might be Chrifis Agents, Mcjfengers, Stewards, &c. for the furthering the arfairs of his Spiritual Kingdom, and mens falvation in the world, 1 Cor. 4. 1,2. 1 Jim. 3. 1, 2, 3, &c. Ads 20. 28. 1 Tbejf. 5. 12,13. Heb. 13. 17.

4. It was fir ft put into the hands of Apojiles chofen by Chrift himfclf j who were to be the Gatherers, Ediiiers and Guides of his Church, and to be its foundation built on Chrift, and the tranfmitters of the Gofpel, and a ftated Miniftry to the following Ages.

5. Though the extraordinary part of their work ceaftd with them, the ordinary part continueth after them, with a Miniftry which is to continue to the end of the world Eph. 4. ii\&c.

6. This Office was in time before a Chriftian Magi{irate, and mull be the fame where there is any fuch, and where there is none, Matth. 28. 20. Eph. 4. 12, 14, 16, &c.

7. It conlifteth in an Authority conjunct with an Obligation to do their proper work.

8. ThisMinifterial Office is fubordinate to Chrift in the three parts of his Office, Prophetical, Prieftly, Kingly f as they arc commonly diftinguifhed ) or, in 'teaching, Wor-(bipping God, and Governing his flocks, John 20. 21. Matth. 28 1.9,2c. 1 G/r.4.1,2. 1 Tiw. 3.2,3,6a:. & 5.17. Ads d.4.

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p. It is cflential to the Office to have all thefe in Divine Authority, but not in Excrcife, nor in the Civil Liberty of exercifing them (^whichmay be hindered) Ails 5. i8,&:c.

10. The Office is to be judged of by Gods InjUtution y and not by the Ordaincrs wills intention, or contrary cxpref-fions i if the effencc of the Office be delivered in general words.

11. Chrift made thefe Officers the Key-bearers of his Churches, that is, the Rulers or Guides, who have authority under him over Church communion, to judge what members (hall be taken in, and who (haH be put out, Mat.16.1p, Heb. 13. 17, 24. 1 iheff. 5. 12, 13.

12. The tirlt and great ad of this Key-bearing power ( never denyed them from Chrifts time to this dayj is the power of Baptizing and of judging who (hall be admitted by Baptifm into the Church or number of vifible Chriftians, Mat. 28. ip,20. Adtsi. + i. & 8. 12, 13,38.

13. This power is not arbitrary but Mitrijterial, regulated by Chrilis univerfal Laws > which defcribeth every mans Title to admittance •, which is [_ his own ( or Parents if an Infants ) understanding, voluntary, ferious Profejjion of Con-

fent to the Baptifmal Covenant. ] A3s 2. 38. & 8. 12. & 10. 47, 48. Mar. \6. 16. Matth. 28. 20.

14. If oneMinifter refufe fuch Confenters, others mull admit him : And if many (hould agree utterly to tyrannize, both Magistrates by juft Laws may corredt them, and the people defert them, for better Guides: 1 Kings2-2-7. 2 John 10, 11. Mat. 7. 15. & 16. 6.

15. The Churches Communion and Sacraments are not to be common to'all the world. Other wife the Church were no Church, as confuting of Heathens,Inridels andall,that would come even purpofely to pollute and fcorn the holy Myite-ries, 1 Cor. 10. \6. 2 Cor. 6. 14. AUs 2.^], Sec.

16. It is necelTary therefore that fome men be the Judges who are fit, and who (hall be admitted. EHe there can be no difference. Of this fee my Treatife oi Confirmation.

17. Everyman is not to be the fole publick Judge for himjclf: For then there would be Hill no difference, nor the Myfteries kept from common fcorns,

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18. The Magiftrate is not made the firfl and proper Judge: For then hemuft make a Calling of it, and attend upon this very thing, to try the baptized and the admitted j which is no (mall work. For he that judgeth, muft rirft try the Cafe, and that with the diligence which the weight of it requireth, Acfs 8. 3J :

ip. The People axe not to be the ordinary Judges: for elfe they muft all leave their Callings to attend baptizings, and fuch works as thefe i, and muft do that which moft of them are unfit to do: And Chrift hath put all out of doubt, by putting the Keys into the Paftois hands, and commanding their ftudy and attending to this work, and calling them the Rulers, Guides, Paftors,Fathers, Stewards, Overfeers, &c. and commanding the people to obey them with fubmiffion j and telling ( not the people or Magi-ftrates ) but thePaftors of the great and dreadful account that they muft give, Heb. 13. 17. Mattb. 24. 45, 4^, 47. 1 Cor. 4.1, 2. 2 Tim* 4. 1, 2. & 1 7*m. 4. 15, 16.

20. He that will lay this work upon people or Magi-ftrates, is their cruel enemy •, and brings on them a moft heavy burden, and confequently makes it their duty to prepare and ftudy for it, and to avoid all otber buftnefs that hindereth it j and would lay them under the terrors of a moft tremendous reckoning unto God.

21. Seeing it is a truft that muft be committed to fome or §tber, common reafon tells us, that it is better in their hands that Chrift hath put it in by Office, and who fpend their lives in preparation for it, than in theirs that neither have the preparations nor the Office, 1 Con $.16. & 2 Cor. 5.19,20. 1 Cor. 4. 1,2.

22. It is the great end ofChrifts coming into the world to deftroy the works of the Devil, and to purifre to himfelf a peculiar people zealous of good works, and to fave his people from their fins, and to vindicate the Holinefs of God: And the world is fo apt to judge of Chrifts dodhine by his followers, that the Holinefs and Concord ofChriftians is one ofChrifts great appointed means, for his own and his Fathers glory in the world : That as Gods greatnefs (hineth forth in the frame of nature, fo might his Holinefs in the

Cburch :

C30 Church: And the Enemies of Holhufs are condemned by their Creeds when they profefs to believe the Holy Catbo-lic\Church^ and the Communion 0} Saint r. And Rome it fv.lt doth own the name and pretence ot Holintfs.

23. Travellers well know, that the great hinderanee of the Converfion of Infidels and Heathens, Turks, Perlians, Indians, Tartarians, &c. is the wicked lives of the profef-fed ChriiVians that are next them ■■> when they fee that Chriltiansare more falfe, and cruel, and drunken, and beaft-ly, and divided, &^c. than themfelves.

24. Thofe therefore that would have the Church lye common ( without Chriits Difcipline J) to all the moJt prophane and wicked that will come in, and have communion with it, are indeed Antichrifiian, even open enemies to the Church, to holinefs, and to the faving of the Infidel and Heathen world , 1 Cor. 5. d, 11, 12, 13. 1 Pet. 2. 9. Tit. 2. 14.

25. The Devil hath fought in all Ages as fubtilly and diligently againlt the holy Difcipline of Chrift, as againft the Christian Dodhine.

26. True Difcipline doth fo wonderfully difpleafe the guilty, and lofe mens love, and efpecially the Richer fort, and all mens carnal intereft and nature inclineth them fo much to man-pleaiing and flattery , that Minifters have abundance more need to be driven to the exercife of Difcipline, than rejhaincd from k -■> except it be the corrupt and carnal Difcipline which the Pqpifh and tyrannizing Clergy do exercife, where the Magiltrate himfelf upholdeth them in Grandure, and lendeth them his Sword. Let Difcipline be but fuch as Chrift appointed, and (land of it felt, and then it is but few that will have any more caufe, to be retrained from it, than from too much preaching : Though (till I yield, that there muft be limits for the wilful and the indifcreet, 1 Cor. 5. 3 John 9.

27. The true Difcipline of Cliriit hath been acknowledged to be his Ordinance , in all the Churches almolt in the world, fince the Apoltles dayestill now i fave that fas you open it ) fince Conjhntines time it hath been much corrupted by the mixture of the fecular torce, and the Em-

E 2 perours

pcrours lending his Church-power to the Bimops and Cottn-cils.

28. Government hath two parts : Antecedent to mens falls-, which is Legiflation ^ and Confcquent, which is Judgement and Execution. Chrifi is the only Lawgiver of Vni-vcrfal Laws to the univerfal Church \ and the Author of his own Do&rine, and the fubltantials of his Worfhip : But yet there are many undetermined circumftances , which may and muft be antecedently determined, fome by each Tajior'-i fome by a confent of Paftors, and fome by Magi-ftrates ( if they plcafe ). I will name you twenty lately named elfewhere •, 1. What day ( befides the Lords day ) and what hour, the Church (hall meet. 2. How long the Prayers,Reading and Sermons fhall be. 3. When and how often publick Fafts and Thanksgivings be. 4. What place the Church (hall meet in. 5. Of the Form, Ornaments, Seats, &c. of the Temples. 6. The place and form of the Pulpit. 7. The fuh)eU of the prefent Sermon , and the Chapter to be read. 8. The Method of the Sermon, c?. The Words of Sermons and Prayers. ic. Of ufmg or not ufmg Bookj and Sermon Notes for memory. 11. What Iranflation of Scripture to ufe. 12. And what Verfion and Meeter of the Pfalms. 13. And what tune to ilng in. 14. What form ofCatccbifm to ufe. 15. Of decent Habits, cfpecially in publick Worfhip. 16. By what fro}ejjing fign' to teftirie our confent to the Churches Conftflion of faith: Whether by fpeaijng, or lifting up the hand, oxfianding up.

17. Of decent Geftures in* the ads of publick Worfoip.

18. Of Font, Table, Cups, Cloathes , and other Utenfils.

19. Making new Officers for thefe actions circa facta , as Door-keepers, Clarks, Churchwardens, &c. 20. Judging wteany private man (hall fpea]^ in the Church, and whin he (hall be filent> and fuch other Orders neceflary to peace and Edification, 1 Cor. 14. 28, 29. 33. 26,40.

29. Moji of thefe (hould be left to every Paftors judgement ■-> fome may be determined "by the Magiftrate i but yet fome are fitted for the Concordant determination of Con-fociated Churches, in a Synod, or by confent. But none of them by any neighbour Paftor (that like the Pope) ufurp-

eth

03) tth authority over other Churches. Nor (hould anyftand-ing Laws at all, be made oHuch things where there is ni needs efpecially where the cafe is mutable, and it belongcth to the Pallors function to determine it, as occafion faveth. 2 r iim* 2.15. Mat. 24. 45.

30. Whether thefe Antecedent Veterminatims of Concordant Taftors in a Synod, (hall be called Lars, or Canons, or Decrees, is but lis de nomine : And alio whether this power be called Legiflitive, or JurifditlieH. And who will trouble the Church unneceffarily about words and names ? But yet I think they may be belt called Canons or Agreements ; And I wifh that high Titles be laid aiide, left it encourage the ufurping Spirit, that afpireth after too high things.

31. Grotiut de Imperii Jummamm pjtcfiatum circa fa era hath faid Co much and Co well of all this Controverfie, that it is a fhame to us all that we need any more, and a (name to me to trouble the world after him,with Writings on that fubjeel, fo far Jefs ufefuU and to anyone, to cloud that which he hath clearly and judicioufly Itated s were it not that renewed occafions require it.

32. Paftors have not only the charge of right ordering the Ajfemblies, but alfo of helping and overfeeing all the individuals of their charge •, And to help them in the perfi-nal application of the Scriptures to themfelves, and to re-folve their particular Doubts and Cafes of Confcience i and to reprove, admonith and comfort the individuals as there is need. As a Phyficion is not only to read a Phyfick Lecture to his Hofpital, but to Govern each Patient in order to his Cure.

33. Ordination is & rei & ordintf gratia an zde of Office, by which the Minifterial Office and Power is Minifte-rially delivered by way of Inveftiture and Solemnization, as a houfe is delivered by a Key, and a parcel of Land by a Turf and Twig, by the hand of a Servant appointed thereunto. Or as our Church ftate is delivered to us by Bap-tifm by the like inveftiture. Though yet it is Gid diretHy y who giveth the Power, and that fecondarily by his fervant thus inveftctb us in it \ though not without the previous Call which is neceffary thereunto. .

E 3 34. Ordi-

. C3+)

3^. Ordination is not an idle Ceremony which the Or-dainer mull perform upon the judgement of ethers (Prince or people ) without his own cognizance of the perfon, or againft his Conicience : But be that muft ordain, muft firjl judge the perfon fit to be ordained \ and thefetore muft alio try his 'fitnefs, i Tim* 5. 22.

35. So much of the Antecedent power of the Mini-ftry ; in which it is to be noted, that Ordination and Bap-tifm are efficient ails, like Generation in nature, under God the firjl efficient, as ex §juo omnia, and as they are ordinvs gratia, are the beginning of Government alfo. And Go-vernment is an Ordering adr, as under God the fupream Go-zernour, in per §htem omnia* And Sacramental entertainment with Chriits body and blood in Church Communion, is A elm Amoris, a final adr, of friendfhip, under God as the final Caufe, adgjhem omnia.

35» The fubfequent part of the Paftoral Government, is by uting the members of the Church in the exercife of the Palioral Office, according to their feveral deferts; which is by a General, and particular application of the Word of God to their Confcicnces, and guiding them in circum-ibnecs, and judging of adfions and perfons according to that Word, in order to the good of fouls, and the prefer-vation of the Church and truth, Ads 20. 28. Heb* 13. 17.

37. When the whole Church falleth into notorious tin, the Paiiors muft reprove them, and call them to repentance : And if they apoftatize forfake them , as ceafing to be a Church.

38. When a fmglc member falleth into notorious fcandal\ the Paftor muft admonifh him, and call him to repentance : and if he remain impenitent and obftinate after due admonition, and publick exhortation and patience, he muft [ as Chriits Steward of his W T ord and Family, pronounce him a perfon unht for Church communion , and require or command him in the name of Chrift to forbear it, and the Church to forbear his communion, declaring him alfo unpardoned by Chrift till he repent, and binding him over to his judgement. J So that Excommunication is a Sentence of the perfen as uncapable of Church communion

according

f«9

according to Chrifts Laws, and a fore-judging him as. unpardoned and condemnable by Chrifts judgement, unkfs he repent, and a command to the tinner to torbear the communion and priviledgesof the Church, and to the Church to avoid him, i Cor. 5. Titus 3. 10,&c

39. If the tinner repent, the Paftor is Chrifts Officer, in his name to pronounce him pardoned, if his repentance be fincere ; and the Guide of the Church to require them to receive him again into their communion, 2 Cor* 2.7,10, 1 r. Gal. 6 1, 2, 3.

40. Becaufe Magiftrates and people f as aforefaid ) can-„ not attend fo great a work as this, without the neglect of

their particular Callings, and are not to be (uppofed fo fit as the Pallor, and becaufe God hath made it the work of his Office, the people are to reft in his judgement about the titnefs and Title of thofe that have the publick Church communion with them, ( though they are the Judges and Choofers of their Domeftick and private familiars : ) And they muft not feparate from them that a*e thus- regularly admitted.

41. Yet when the Paftors by mai-adminiftration, give them juft caufe, the flock may feek their due remedy: of which more anon.

42. This power is ejfentially in the Minijicr'ul Office ; and therefore is in every jingle Paftor, and not only in fome few, or in the abler fort, or only in a Synod, Mat. id. ip.

43. When a Church hath but one Pafior he muft exercife it alone ( with due coniideration and advice. ) But when a Church hath many Paftors, they muft exercife it ( and all Church guidance ) in a way of Concord, and avoid all dif-fentions among, themfelvts, Ephef 4. 3, 4, 5. 1 Cer. 1. 10. ■ John 17.21,22.

44. Therefore in fuch a cafe a particular Paftor may be obliged oft to fufpend fome fuch a6ts, becaufe the Major Vote of his. Syn-Presbyters are againit it ; Not that they are his Gbovernours for the Majority of Vote, but becaufe the Laws of Concord require the Minor part to fubmit to the Major.

45. The fame is the reafon why in Elections, Confents

and

and other a<£b belonging to the flock, the Major Vote lhould carry it in things lawful i not becaufe the people have any true Church Government \ but becaufe they are obliged to Vnity and Concurd\ And in that cafe, the Law of Nature calleth the Minor part to fubmit to the Major, left there never (hould be any Concord had.

46. And the fame is the reafon why in Synods and Councils, the Major Vote of the Bilhops mult prevail, in lawful things not forbidden of God.

47. If any Pallor in the world pragmatically thruft him-felt into another mans charge, and pretend himfelf to be the Ruler of his neighbour Churches and Pallors, and attempt to cxercile authority over them, he is to be flighted as an Ufurper, and a dilturber of the order and peace of the Churches of Chrift, 3 John p, ic.

48. Yet every Paltor is an Officer and Miniller of Chrift ( as to the unconverted world to call them, fo ) to the uni-verfal Church to exercile his Office in it where ever he hath an'orderly call] And if he teach, or adminiiter Sacra-ments or Uifiipline^ upon fuch a particular call, in a neighbour Church pro tempore, he doth it as an Officer of Chrift ( and their Pafior pro tempore ) and not as a Lay-man : As a licenfed Phylicion medicateth another Phylicion, or ano-thers'Hofpital, when called to it, not only as-a neighbour that is unlieenfed, but as a licenfed Phylicion. So Timothy^ Ap'h, Silis, and others did.

45?. Therefore neighbour Pallors muft have fo much care of other Churches as toadmonifhthem againft the infection of any Hereiie or Scandal, which they fee them in apparent danger of -, whether by heretical wicked Pallors, or others.

50 All neighbour Churches Capable of correfpondence, are bound to hold a fpecial concord among themfelves^ for the advantage of the Gofpel by their Unity, orforthecon-veriion of the Infidel world, and for the prefervation of the feveral Churches from danger , by Hkrcfie or difcord, Jills 15. John 17. 21, 22. Eph. 4. 3,<5.

5:. He that is excommunicated jultly in one Church (hould not be received by the reft till he repent : Therefore the neighbour Clinches may do well, to acquaint eaCh other

whom

C37) whom they have excommunicated, when there is caufe.

52. This correfpondence is to be kept by Meffengers, Letters^ or Synods.

53. Whether fuch Synods be jiated, or occafional, and whether the Piefident fhall be £1 ill the fame or changed, with fuch other circumftances, are things not determined in Scripture , but left to the determination of humane prudence, as the cafe fliall require, for the end intended,

54. Though the Major part in thefe Synods, be not the proper Governours of the Minor, yet the Paftors there af-fernbled are (till the Gove moms of the flockj, and they arc alfo bound to Concord in things lawful among themfelves. Therefore their Decrees about fuch things, are Obligatory to the People rationc authoritat'u, and they are obligatory to one another (I mean the Paft/rs) ratione concordi* : And this is the true ftateof the binding power of Synods.

55. Though the ufual phrafe of [ binding the Copfi-eme ~] be unapt, ( Confcience being an ad of fcience ; and it is not to tyiow that by the obligation now in queftion we are bound to primarily ) yet as to the fenfe intended, it is certain, that the Commands of Parents, Magiftrates and Paftors, in their proper places, do all truly bind the/<?«/, or will, or man, or as they fay, the Confcience => But it is only by a fecondary obligation, from a derived power \ as God bindeth it by a primary obligation by the primitive power* He that hath no power of obliging, hath no power of Governing. And he that obligeth not the foul and will, obligeth not the man at all, by any Moral obligation ; The body alone or immediately is bound by Cords and Chains, but not by Commands and Laws: He that may not bind the foul by a Command, hath no commanding authority, Col. 3. 20, 22. Epb. 6. 1. fit. 3. 1. H«b* 13 17, 24. & 11. 8.

56. Therefore the diftin&ion of Internal and External Government, and of the forum interim & exterius, need-eth better explication, than is ufed by moft , or elfe it will be worfe than ufelefs. The true difference of the Government Civil and Ecclefiaftical is to be fetcht, ab objetto, & fine proximo & modi regendi. But as it meaneth that which

(>* ) is Inttinfecal or Extrinfecal to the Paftoral Office, it is of great ufe. And as it differenceth Government by the Sword, from that which worketh only on the mind.

^-7. The Came God who inftituted the Office of the Ma-aiiVrate, did alio immediately inliitute the Office of the Mi-niltry : And therefore as to the Foundation they are coordinate ', and neither of them derived from the pofTeflbrs of the other.

58 As to the Work and End, the Magiftratcs work and the Minifters have each a preheminency in their own kiuds.

5$>. Magiftrates, Mfnifters and Parents may all command the tame thing, and all their Commands be obligatory •, As to learn aCatechifme, to obferve the Lords Day,e^c.

6c It is not lawful for Pallors to Excommunicate cither Kings^ or their chief Magijlr ate s , or their orrn P irents ( uwlefs perhaps in ibme rare cafe ) by any publick formal or dilhonouring Excommunication. Becaufe the great Command in Nature [ Honour thy Father and Mother \ Honour the King "] lyeth lower than the pofitive Command of Excommunication *, and is antecedent to it: And as affirmatives bifid notfemper&adfempcr, fo alfo they give place to Natural Larrs^ and not Naturals ( ordinarily) to them. And thcKulers Honour is of more publick ufe and neceifity, than excommunication in that particular acl is. But an Vfurping Tyrant, who may be depofed, and difhonowed^ may be excommunicated.

61. Much lels may a (trange Pallor, to whom the Magistrate never committed the care of his foul, prefume to excommunicate him who is none of his charge : And therefore the Pope and his Prelates excommunicating Kings and Rulers, feemeth to me, to be nothing but a proclaiming open Holtility againlt them.

62* Paftors have no Power over any but Cwfcntcrs: Nor can they ufe the Sword, or have any Coaclive power at all '■> that is, any power to touch a i.rans body or eft ate : but only to work upon his Confcience 4 , and Ins Church-reputation. The torcing power bdongeth only to Parents, and

Magi-

($9)

Magiflrates, and not to Miniliers as fuch at all, Lukj 22-25, 26, 27. 1 Tefn 5. 1, 2, 3, 4. 2 Dr. 10.4.

63. The timilitude of a Fhyficionspurrer^ (if you will but fuppofe him to have a Hofpital of Volunteers, and his oftSce to be of Divine inftitution ) \ or of a Philofophers or Tutors ( on the like fitffoption ) over adult Dilciples, may much* explicate the Church power. No wile Phyliciori will take any into his Hofpital and Cure, upon unfotede-hruclive terms, which the Patient or Magiftrate (hall im-pofe j but will fay, [ It is my fun&ion to Rule you, as to Medicine for your Cure ', Take what I give you, and life your (elf upon it as I adviie you, or elfe take your couiie j •you are no Patient for me j nor (lull be in my Holpital: I will not (irrkG you, nor fine and imprifon you i bur [ will be none of your Pbyficion, ( or faith the Tutor, I will be none of your Teacher J nor (hall you be any part of my Hufpital, ( School ) or charge. ] Only (till remember here the Divine inliitution of the Minijiry and D if if line, and the regulation of it by Gods Laws, that it be not arbitrarily uled.

64. The undoing of the Church of Chriit ( in thofe Countreys where Popery and Church-tyranny prevail ) hath long been by the Magi urates annexing their executions to the fentence of the Church fas it is called ) and becoming the meer Executioners of the judgement of,other men. No Magiftrate fhould be debafed, 10 as to be made the Churches Executioner. If the Magiftrate will punifti a man, it mud not be meerly quatenus excommunicate ', that is, as puniflied already \ but for the fault for which he was excommunicate. And if fo, then he muft try and judge him for that fault at his own barr, and not punilh him unheard, becaufe the Church hath fentenced him: And if Rulers would more leave the Church to the exer-cife of its proper power , and let excommunication do what it can of it felf, ( unlefs the nature of the crime require a diltintft Secular judgement and punifhment J it would do much to heal all the diviiions and perturbations in the Chriftian world. For which courfe I have thefe Rjrafons following to urge.

(40)

i. It is a great contempt and reproach to Chrifts infti-tution of discipline, to tell the world, that it is a power-lets uncffcdhial thing of it felt, unlefs the Secular Sword do enforce it. Such Paftors vilitie their own power alfo, which is (o ufelefs.

2. It is a corrupting of Chrifls difcipline, and deflroying the ufe of it: For it cannot be known now , what the Keycs do of thcmfelves, when the Sword goeth with them : No man knoweth when Repentance profcfTed is credibly real and moved by divine Motives ■•, and when it is diflanbled for avoiding of the Secular punimment.

5. It muit leave the Paftors confeience unfatisried in his adminiftrations ■■, and bind him to abufe Chrift '■> when he mu(t fay to men, £lf you had but rather fay that you repent, than lye in a Gaol, I abfolve you, and give you the Sacraments, and pronounce you pardoned by Chrift.1 Who can admmiller on thefe terms ?

4. It is a dangerous deluding of the Tinners foul, that fecmeth intimated by this way.

5. It is a wilful corrupting and confounding of the Church ', when men (hall be forced to be its members, though they be Infidels, Heathens, or rnoft impious, if they had but ra~ ther fay they are Chriftians than lye in Gaol. And by this means it is, that no man can know, who are really of the Church of Rome, or of any tyrannical Church, but only who had rather fay they are of the Church, than be undone: which any Inridel and Atheift will foon do. There-tore let not Rome boaft of the number of her members which are unknown.

6. It is a changing of Chrifls terms of Covenant, Chrifli-amty, Communion and Ahfolution : when Chrift faith, [ He that from his heart believeth and rcpenteth, and forfaktth the flefh and the world for me, Jhall he my Difciple and he pardoned \ and he that credibly profeffeth thus much, Jhall be taksn into the Church ( which are truly Chrifts terms ) now cometh the Church-tyrant and faith f He that will fiy, that he believeth and repenteth rather than he wiUforfafo the flcjh and the world, and mil choofe the Church before a Gaul , Jhall be pardoned , and have communion with the

Church,

T40

Churchy or at lead have the feals of pardon to delude him.

7. By this means the Church is moftly conftkuted, in fuch Countreys, of the groffeft wicked hypocrites : And it is made a (corn to Infidels and Heathens, and their con-verfion hindered thereby, when they fee that Chriitians are worfe than they.

8. And by this means thefe hypocrites mine the Church it felf C as an enemies Souldiers in an Army ) : And nominal Chriftians and Paftors, that are heartily enemies to Chrii'lt, do him more wrong, and caufe more divillons and mines in the Church, than they could have done, if they had ftaid without.

p. It deftroyeth moft of the hopes of the fuccefs of thofe Paftorfy as to the converting and faving of rnjfifns fouls: Becaufe when the Magistrate is made but their executioner , the people take all their furferings as from them : And they will bear that from a Magiftrate, which they will not bear from a MimjUr, whofe Office is to Rule them by Keafon and by Love : And fo fuch Paftors are ufu-ally feared and bated by the people, whereby they are diiabled to do them that faying goad, which can be done on none againft his will, 1 Cor. 8. 13. & p, 22. 1 Tim* 4. 16*

10. And hereby a Church-tyranny is fet and kept up in the world, by which perfections and divisions have been maintained for many hundred years \ and the Minilters of Chrift have been forbidden to preach his Gofpel, to the unfpeakable injury of fouls \ and the lives of many hundred thoulands, have been a Sacrifice, to the Pride, and Avarice, and Cruelty of the Clergy \ to the great diihonour of the Chriftian Name.

n. And hereby Princes have had a power fet over them, to the diminution of their proper power, and part of their dominion fubjugated to others, under the falfename of EcclefiajHcal Authority ■> yea, and their own (landing made troublefome and unfafe, and multitudes dethroned* and Wars railed againft them by the Clergies pretended power, or inftigationj of which all the Wars between the

F 3 German

ucrman t.iiipt,iuui& anu iiil it apdiiuc* die iuii pruor, recorded in all the Hiflories collected by Frcberus^Ruberus^nd Pi-ftoriuj? in Sabbtliicm^ Nauckrus^ and multitudes of other Hiltorians j and our Englijh Hiitories, by Ingnlpbw, Mat-tbcjv farti^ Hoveden, &<£ And the Italian by Gxicciardine and many others: Nay, what Countrey is there, where the Papal and Tyrannical Clergy have not overtopt or troubled the State.

12. And when all this is done, they would deceive the Princes themfelves into a Conjbtt^ and fo into the guilt of their own disturbance, and their peoples mifery : And cift all the odium upon them, and (ay, we do but deliver you into the hands of the Secular Power, it is they that do the execution on you : when yet a General Council ( the Rule of their Religion ) Later, fob Innoc. 3. Can. 2,3.. depoleth fuch Temporal Lords that will not do foch execution.

65. He that defiretb the Communion of the Church, doth take it for a grievous punilhmerit to be cait out of it. And he that doth not deftre it, is unfit for ir. Therefore he that cannot feel the penalty of an Excommunication alone ( but only of a Muldt or Prifon ) may be rit enough for further punimment, but is unfit for the Communion of the Church.

66. Yet is the Magiftrate the Prote&or of the Church, a Keeper of her Peace and Priviledges and of both Tables ••> and muft ufe his power to promote Religion.

6y. To which end he may prudently by moderate means conltrain fome that negledr their own folvation to hear Gods Word, and confer with fuch as can initrud them, and ufe thofe means, which God hath made univerfally ne-ceifary, to bring the ignorant to knowledge > and may re-drain them from adtual open fin, and from fcorn and oppofition of the means that mould convert them, and from hindering.others from the means of falvation, and from open feducing them from God, or Chriftianity, or from a godly, righteous, or fober life : In all this, moderate penalties may be uied i and men may be thus far contained, and retrained : But not conftraioed to profefs that

which

which they do not believe, nor to take the priviledgcs which God forbiddeth them to take. So that there are fitter means left, tor the Magistrate to help the Church

68. The Ring and Magiftrates have ear am ani<narum y though not in the fame fenie as the pjftors have: They have the charge of Government, not only in order to the corporal cafe, and peace and profperity of their fubjedb, bur alfo in order to mens holy, (ober and righteous living, and to the (aving of mens fouls. And their Caling muit be fanclified, by doing all in it to thizic high and holy ends, 'Rev. II. 15. Rom. 13. 3, 4, 5". I fa. 49. 2y,&c.

dp. They are Gods (ubordinate Officers, and have their power from him, and therefore tor him, who is the beginning and the end of all, Rom. 13. 2, 4, 5, 6.

jc. Becaufe their power is from him and for him, they have none againlt him.

71. Yet have they a power which rve mull fubmit to as frsm God, even when it is uftd by accident againft him, in fome points of his will and intereft \ fobe it that we obey it not in doing any fin our felves.

72. They that make Kings and Magiftrates to have no charge of Religion/ but only as the Clergies judgement leads them, ) but only to prefcrve mens bodily power \ and fay that the Church hath the care of mens fouls and Religion^ and the King only of the Bo4y and our outward wealthy do debafe the Magistrate as far below the Minifier, as the body is below the foul * and teach the people to cfteeco, love and honour the Minilter as much above the Magi-ftrate, as the JW/and Heaven are better than the ftejh and earth: And they make the difference To great, as that the holier any of the people are, the more they muft prefer their Minitler before their King: which is a Popith and moil unfufferable debating of the higheil Officers of God.

73. The fame points of Religion, the fame tin and duties come under the judgement of the Magistrate and the Paftors •, though to feveral ends. The Magistrate is, the judge of Herelie, and the Payors are the Judges ofHcre-lie : TheMagiftrate is the Judge of Murder, Adultery and

Theft,

C44) Theft, and fo is the Paftor : That is, the Magiftrate is Judge-, rvbo is to be corporally punifhed for Here fie and Murder, and Adultery, &c. And the Paftors are Judges, who ]a to be excommunicated as Impenitent in fucb guilt, i Cor. 5.

74. Yet there are fome faults, and Tome forts of inquifi-tion into faults, which the Magiftrates may prudently re-, itrain the Paftors from medling with, for the fafety of the publick peace : efpecially when they would indirectly make themfelves Judges of mens Titles and Eftates -, or in controverted cafes, where the Magiftrate muft rirft decide, and the Paftors only follow, if the Paftors will be the rirft deciders, and prevent the Magiftrate and aflume his work, or otherwife wrong the publick peace, or private right, they are to be rcftrained.

75. The Magiftrate hath all the Coadtive Government, over Minifters as well as over any others of his Subjects: And to exempt the Clergy from his fubjedion without his confent, as traiterous. ( And if he will confent y he may thank himfelf. )

j6. Magiftrates may ( by moderate penalties ) drive on negligent Paftors to their duty, and reftrain them from mifchieving the Church, and punifh them for notorious pernicious mal-adminiftration ; As Solomon depofed Abi~ ather, &c.

77. But they muft not on this pretence invade any part of the Paftors Office', as to ordain, degrade, baptize, excommunicate ecclefiaftically, nor impoie on the Paftors any of the circumftantials, which it is their own Office to determine of.

78. Paftors muft obey the Magiftrates in all Lawful things, which belong to his Office to command.

7p. Many things are ilnfully commanded ( becaufe without neceffity or cauie, or becaufe to ill ends, or with ill cir-cumftances in the Commander ) which yet it is the Subjects duty to obey in : Becaufe one Law may be for a Ruler, and another tor a Subject, and their duties various.

80. Where it is not lawful to obey, it is yet unlawful for fubje&s to reiift the higher powers, as being the

authorized

Us)

authoriied Officers of God, for our good, Rom. 13. i t

81. Though ufually it is very unfit that Paftors be alfo Magiftrates (bothbecaufe of fomediflbnancy in their ne-ceflTary deportment and work, and bccaufe one of the Of-fices alone is enough for any man faithfully to perform } Yet if the King make Magiftrates of Pallors, at Magiftrates their coadtivc power muft be obeyed.

82. Magiftrates may make Laws for the-Church incir-cumftancials circa facta, which belong to their proper determination: And alfo to enforce obedience to the Commands of God, as far as prudence (hall juftly direct them: of this fee Grotim de Imf. fitm. pot.

83. Magiftrates may call Synods and Councils : And the Paftors may alio voluntarily afTemble, for mutual advice, either in cafes of great neceffity for the fafety of the Cburcb^x in leffer cafes, when the Mzgi&titeforbiddetb it not.

84. In a time when Blafphemy, or Hereile, or Sedition prcvaileth, the Magiftrate may name certain Blafphemies t Herefies,#T.which he may forbid his Subjects to preach up.

85. And he may reftrain all utterly unable perfons, or he* retical falfe Teachers,or any that notorioufly do more harm than good, from the liberty of preaching in his Dominions* till they are proved fitter i that is, from abufing the Go-fpel and mens fouls.

86. But if on this pretence he mould forbid Chrifts faithful able Minifters, to preach the Chriftian faith, and call men to repentance, and fave mens fouls, ( when there are not enow more, efpecially to do that work, as proportioned to the number and neceflity of fouls ) it would be a ira fo heinous againft Chrift, and againft: the fouls of men, as I think it not meet now to aggravate or exprefs, 1 tbefz. 15,16.

87. If faithful Minifters break good Laws, theymuft be puniihed as other Subjects, in Purfe, or Body, or Name, fo as may leaft hinder them in the work of Chrift.

88. They that Clence faithful able Paftors, for fuch faults as may be otherwife punithed, do grievouily punilh the fault lift pofle ( even in their fouls > for the fault of ano-

G ther.

ther. As if a man that hath a family of an hundred per-fons, were forbidden to give them bread to fave their lives, becaufe he was drunk, or fwore an Oith, which might be punifhed on himfelf alone.

8?. The Magillrate may excommunicate in hit rvay,is well 35 the P ijlorj do in theirs* That is, the Magiitrate may as a- penalty for a crime, lay Subjects under a note of infamy, and Outlaw them, and command all men to avoid familiarity with them *, ( And this as bad Snbjccls^ whether they be Church-members or not. ) And he may as a Keeper of the Churches Priviledges and Peace ( till forfeited; reitraiu all excommunicate perfons from forcing themfelves into the Communion of the Church which did excommunicate them, • po. So contentious are Pallors oft times, and fo' necefTary is the Magiitrates Office to the publick peace, that every Ghurck (hould be under the eye of fome Juftices of the Peace, or Cenfors appointed by force to lilence intruding Bawlers and Railers, and to reftrain Minifters from making it their publick work, unpeaceably to traduce and revile their Brethren, and represent diflenters as odious to the flock. And if fuch Magi (hates had kept the Churches Order and Peace according to their Office^ it had prevented abundance of the Papal Usurpations, which were the fruit of Magiftrates negle&s.

pi. Lay Chancellors excreting the Spiritual Power of she Keyes ( though they (hould pro forma uie the (tale of an Ordinaries pronunciation ) is fuch a fort of Church Government, as I will never fwear that in my place and Calling I will not at any time endeavour to alter by lawful means,

p2. The Parents are put in the fourth Commandment, tather than the Magiitrate or Paftor, becaufe their authority is the moft plenary Image of the Divine Authority in thefe refpe&s. i. Their Authority is not by Contract, but by Nature. 2. It is the primary radical power. 3. It is ifcoft univerfally necefTary to mankind. 4. And it reprt-fenteth Gods Government. 1. In that it is founded in Genera-iion> as Gods in Creation. 2 . Becaufe thence aiifeth 1. The fullejl Image of his Dominion, in the Parents fitVejl Propriay m his Child. 2. Of his fapientfol Rule, in the Parents (5o-

vvnment

vernmem ( as in pretence ) 3. Of his Love which Parents are allowed to exceed all other Rulers in : Therefore God calls himfelf Our Father.

93' J^What if the Magiftrate, Minilter, and Parents have oppoiite Commands > Which of them is to be obeyed ? c. g. The Magiftrate bids you meet in one place for publick Worfhip ^ the Bifhop in another,and the Parent in a third } The Magiftrate bids you Learn one Catechifm and no others the Bifhop another, and not that> and the Parents a third. The Magiftrate bids you (land, the Paftor bids you kneel, the Parents bid you fit. The Magiftrate bids you pray by one form, the Bifhop by another, and the Parents by a third or none. The Magiftrate commandeth one tranflation of the Scripture, and the Bifhop another. The Bimop commandeth you to ufe a Ceremony, or to keep a holy day, and your Parents forbid it you > In fuch calcs which muft you conform to and obey ? Anfo* When I am defired, and promifed by thofe concerned in it, that it will be well taken, I will anfwer fuch kind of queftions as thefe. But till then I will hold my tongue, that I may hold my peace.

P4. No contrary commands of Church-men ( as they arc called ) y nor any of our own Vows or Covenants, can excufe us from obedience to the Higher Powers, in lawful things, which God hath authorized them to command '•> that is, which are belonging to their place of Government to regulate. Though if the queftion be but, e. g. What Medicine and Dofe (hall be given to a Patient, or by what Medium a Philofopher (hall demonftrate *, or what Subjed: and what Method and Words aPaftor {hall ufe for the prefent edification of his flock ? or how a Surgeon (hall open a Vein, or a Pilot guide his Ship, &c. the Artift may be obeyed before an Emperour, ( by him that careth for his life,or his underftanding \ But yet as all thefe are under the Government of the King, fo he may give them general Laws 9 efpecially to reftrain them from notorious hurtfulnefs.

Sir, If all thefe Propofitions be enow for the Concord of fiber Chrijiians in thefe matters, I hope neither you, njr I, nor any lover of the Church and Peace, fljall need to ufe much

G 2 Jbarpnefi

maxima munch mala.

K 4° )

Jbarpneft again ft the Opinion of fitch diffenters. But if they be

not, I irtorv not when tve Jhall have concird. And yet that you

may fee that I am not over follicitous of my Peace, I mil

makf up the number with thefe lefs pleafing Propofitions.

P5- B.caule Corruptio optimi\ eft peflima, Magiftrates and Miniftcrs are of all men ( ufually ) either the greateft Blef-fings or the greateft Burdens of mankind on earth. Saith Campanella, ( Metaph. )

^FitentU j ^Tyrannis >

*S Sapient U ^Corruptio^li^ Hxrefis >maxima i

C Amjrif S • Hypocrifu.J fe

( though indeed he might as well have named more. ) As Tyranny is in the greateft part of the whole world, (which is Heathen, Infidel and Popifh ) the principal Fin, which hindereth the Golpel and Kingdom ^oj Chrift, forbiddeth the preaching of the Word of life for mens falvation ( And therefore a fin which no Chriftian Magiftrate or Preacher, fhould think of, but with great abhorrence, and none by any palliation (hould befriend it ) > Co Prudent and Good Princes are under God the Pillars of the worfd '•> For they are the Chief Officers of God, to (hew forth his Power\ Wifi dom and Goodnefs^ Truth and Holinefs, Juftice and Mercy, in their Government j And by their Laws to promote the obedience of bit Law* And to encourage the Preachers and Pra&icers of Godlinefs, Sobriety and Righteoufnefs > And to defend them againft the Malignity of thofe that would filence, opprefs and perfecute them on earth i And by their examples and punifhments, to bring all ungodlinefi, intemperance and injuftice unto fhame. None therefore that poiTefs fo great a mercy, (hould undervalue it, or be unthankful.

96. Wife Rulers will watch the Plots of fuch enemies, as would ufe them as the Devil would have ufed Chrift, who carried him to the Pinnacle of the Temple, in hope to have feen his fall the greater : who would have them with He-rod arrogate the praife of God unto themfelves, or with Pharaoh or Nebuchadnezzar to difdain to be under the Sovereignty of their Maker ? and afcribe to them the Divine

Prerogatives *,

(*9) Prerogatives i And would make it fecm their honour to have Po&er to dothegreateft mifchief, that the pretence and claim may make them odious,and fo may debilitate and undermine them. That like a draught or cold water to one in a Pleurifie/they may kill them by pleaiing them.

27. It is an unchrift ian carnal craft for the Proteftant Clergy of feveral Opinions, to lay falfe charges on one another, as being enemies to the Civil Government, when realiy their ftrrnciples therein are all the fame •, Or to make the differences of Stalefmen and Lawyers, to betaken for differences in Religion: purpofely to make one another ( and their Religion ) odious, and to ftrengthen themselves by the errors and paffions of Princes j till at laft they have tempted the world to think as bad of all and of Religion it felf, as they have faid of one another, and by undermining others fall themfelves.

98. But yet that Patty who really make a Religion of the Dodrine of Rebellion, are tobedifowned by all that will be true to God and to his Omcers:In my Sermon to the Parliament the day before they Voted the Reftoration of the King, I fai3 fomewhat of the difference of the Proteftant and Popifh Religion, in this point. And a Papift Gentleman rirft wrote an InvecTive againft me, as if I had given no proof of what I faid > And feveral perfons of unknown names wrote Letters to me to urge and challenge me to prove it: Blindly or wilfully overlooking the undeniable proof which I had there laid down, from one of their General Councils, viz*

*the Decrees of approved General Councils are the Papifts Religion t 'the Decrees of approved General Councils are for the Popes depofing 'temporal Lords, if they exterminate not fuch as deny Tranfitbftantiation, and giving their Dominions to others: Ergo, the Popijh Religion U for the Popes depofing 'temporal Lords in that cafe y and giving their Dominions'to others.

The Major is not queftioned. The Minor, (befides the ConciU Rom.fub Greg. 7. which determineth that the Pope may depofc Emperours ) I there proved from the exprefs words of Condi* Later an* fub Innoc. jt C*».J. which ut-

tercth

tereth it at large. And if any Protcftant do fwith Dr. Tailor, Dr. Gunwng, 2nd Dr. Vierfin) doubt of the authority of thofeCanons, thats nothing to thePapilte who jultirie it as an approved Council,and vindicate it, as you may find with copioufncfs and conrider.ce, in the printed Anfwcr to the hit named Dodlors. " What impudency then is it in thefe men to challenge me to prove, and yet overlook my proof?

9£. CHRISTIANITY according to the Scripture and primitive Simplicity, in Votlrine, Worfhip, Government and life, doth conliitute a CHRISTIAN, and aChriftian Church, The making of humane additions and mutable ad-juntls to Teem things nccejfary , doth conftitute a SECT. ( And alas how (mall a part of the Chriftian world, is not entangled in fome fuch Sett. ) To be united to all ChrifU-ans, in the bond of Cbrijiianity, is to be a Catholic^'- To trouble the Churches peace by driving to fet up one Sett ox Faftion, and fupprefsthe reft, is to be a Schifmatic]^ and Seftary.

So then if fome will by a fuperftitious unfcriptural rigour of Difcipline, make every Pallors power arbitrary ( or the peoples, which is worfe ) in judging of mens inward holi-nefs, and will lay by the Scripture Title, which is ( a fiber Trofieffion-ofi the Baptifimal Covenant ) and think by this Ihidt-nefs to advance the honour of their party, as to purity , They will but endlefly run into divilions : And by fetting themfelves at a greater diftance, from common Chriltians, than God alloweth them, provoke him to caft on them fome greater fhame.

And if any others will make their unneceffary firms of Synods, and other adjuntls, to feem (0 neceifaxy, as to enter mto Leagues and Covenants to make them the terms of the Churches ,Unity,God will not own fuch terms nor ways j nor will they be durable,while the ground is mutable.

And if in the Countreys where Popery and Church-tyranny prevail, any other more lofty fj&ion, (hall perfwade the. people that there muft be no King any longer than their domination is upheld ^ and (hall feek to twill the corruptions, grandure or mutable adjuncts of their fiunUion, by Oaths, into the very Conjiitution of the State * Like the Trent Oath,

fwearing

C**3

(wearing the Subjects to obey the Church, yea, putting the Church before the State, and fwearing them, not at any time (though commanded by the King J to endeavour any alteration in that Church-Government s no nor to confent to any\ that Co the lubjects may be as fill bound to them, as they are by the Oath of fidelity to their Kings \ It is time infuch a cafe to pray £ God five the King ~J and to write oil our cloors [ Lord have mercy en ui. 1 And a true fubjedi in fuch cafes, when it comes to/wearing, muft learn Seneca's LeiTon, £ No man more efteemeth venue, than he that for the love of it can let go the reputation of it j ] And muft be content to be called Difloyal, difobedient,faUious, that he may not befo } nor betray hit Soul, hti Prince, arid hvs pofterity.

ioc. But to put my felf out of the reach of any rational fufpicion, befides what is faid,I profefs, that lafcrihe all that Power to Kings, which is given them by any 'text of Scripture, or acknowledged by any Council General or Provincial, or by any publicl^authentickjConfeflion of any Chrijlian Church, either Protcjiant, Greeks or Popifh, that ever I yet faw. And if this be not enough as to matter of Religion, ( leaving the Cafes of Law to Lawyers ) I can give you no more.

Obje<Sh Ecclef. 1.18. In much wifdom is much grief, and he that increafeth knowledge, increafeth forrow. 7. 16. Be not righteous over much i neither makf thy felf over wife: why fhouldji thou defiroy thy felf ? p. 2. As vs the good,fo is the finner :,hs tl;at fweareth,as he that feareth an Oath. Ifa.5p.i 5. Truth faileth \ and he that departeth from evil, mafyth himfelf a prey* 1 Kings 22. 13. Let thy word, I pray thee, be likg the word of one of them, and jpeaj^ good. ■——

Anfw. V. 14. As the Lord liveth, what the Lord faith unto me, that I willfpeak^ Luke 12.4. I fay to you my friends. Be not afraid of them that kjti the body, and after that have no more that they can do. But, &c. 1 TheiL2. 15, 16. they pleafe not God, and are contrary to ailment forbidding us to fyeakjo the Gentiles, that they might be faved, to fill up their fins alwayei •> for the wrath tf come upon them to the uttermofi.

Aits

A&s 20# 24. But none ofthefe things move me y neither count I my life dear unto my felf fo that I might finijh my courfe with joy , and the Minijlry which I have received^ 6cc. 1 Cor. 4. 17, 18. For cur light afflidion which U but for a moment, worksth for m a far more exceeding eternal weight of glory : While we look^ not at the things which arefeeujbut at the things which are notfeen : For the things which are feen art temfe-tal > hut the things which arc mtfeen y are eternal.

Sept* 21. 1669*

Addition:

CV)

Addition: Of the Power of Kings and Bi-(hops out of Bifhop Bilfon and Andrews.

LEft you (hould wrong the fober Epiicopal Divines, fo as to think that they claim as jure Vivino, and as Paitoral, any Coercive forcing power, but only an authoritative per-lwading power, and that of the Keyes of the Church, I will tranferibe fome of the words of that Learned, Judicious Bifhop Bilfon in his 7r<*#. of Cbriftian Subjeftion > By which you will fee, that all forcing power claimed by them , is only Magiftratical, as they are the Kings Officers, and not from Chrift.

Note alfo that constantly he diftinguifheth the Magistrates power from the Paftors, by the [ Sword ] as the inftru-ment of execution, which even about Ecclefiaftical matters is proper to the Magiftrate ; As the power of the Word and Sacraments, or Keyes of the Church, is the Paftors: And thefe are the (horteft,plaineft, and leaft ambiguous terms; and more clear than [_ Internal, Ecclefiaftical and Civil ] which have all much obfeurity and ambiguity.

Pag. 238. Princes only be Governours in things andCaufes Ecclefiaftical, that if, with the Sword Bijhops be no Governour s in thofi things with the Sword."] Pag. 240. Wecon-fcjl Princes to be Supream Governours, Supream bearers of the Sword We give Princes no power to devife or

invent new Religions^ to alter or change Sacraments, to decide or debate doubts of faith, to dijlurb or infringe the Canons of the Church*

But of thefe two laft I muft tell you, what we Puritans ( as they call us ) hold 1. That the King may and muft decide doubts of faith, in order to execution by the Sword ( as, who (hall be banifhed or imprifoned as a Teacher of Herefie) 2. And that Canons circafacra not take-ing the Paftors proper work out of his hand may be made by the Magiftrate even if he pleafe without the Prelates;

H And

(54>>

And if Piftors make Canons, they are but in order to their proper way of execution.

Pag. 2 52. A/vl if PrincesJballnot bear the Sword,.in things

andCaufts Ecdhjiajiical, yen hnuft tell us who ft?all— Strict

by Gads Law the Prieji may not meddle with the Sward, the con-fcquent is inevitable, that Frinces alone are Gods Minijicrs, bearing the Sword, to reward and revenge good and evil in all things and caufes, be they Temporal^ Spiritual or Ecclcfujii-cal: unlefs yon tbinl^tbat dijorders and abufes Ecclefiafti-

cal fhould be freely permitted' Page 2 56. Ibis then vs

the Supream power of Princes, which we teach lhat

they be Gcds Miniftcrs in their own Dominions, bearing the Sword, freely to permit and publicity defend that which God eommanJetb- • • So may they with juft force remove whatfo-ever is 'erroneous , vicious y and fuperjiitious within their Lands, and with external loffes and corporal pains reprcft the broachers and abetters of Herefes and all impieties-* from which fubjedion to Princes, no man within their Realms^ . Monk^, Priefi, Preacher or Prelate U exempted: And without . their Realms no mortal man bath any-power from Cbrijl judicially .to depofe them '■> much lefs to invade them in open field, leaji of all to warrant their Subjecls to rebell againfi them* Ibefe be the things which we contend for > and not whether Princes be Cbrijis Mafiers^ or the functions to preach, baptize, impofe bands, and forgive fins, muji be derived from the Princes power and Laws \ or the ApojUes might enter to convert Countreys, %vttbout Caefars delegations > Ihefebejejls andjhifts of yours*

Page 261. 7i Bijhops fpeakjng the Word of God, Princes m well as others muji yield obedience : But if Bijhops pafs their Commiffion, and fpeak^ befides the Word of God, what they lift, both Prince andpeople may defpife them*

Page 258. BuWord is Irutlr: and therefore your Bi-fhops cannot be Judges ef the Word ofCbrift, but they mnft be Judges of Cbrijl bimf elf that fpeakftb by his Word, which

is no fmall prefumption* My Sheep hear my voice—~

*lhey be no Judges of his voice.

Page 2 5^. V y oH ta ks judging for difccrning,> the

People niHjt be difcermrs and Judges of that which is taught—

Page

f55) Page 271. Ph. If General Councils might err, the Church might err*-——Th* As though none were of or in the Church, but only Bijhops ! Or all the Bijhops of Chriftendome without exception, were everprefent at any Council t Or the greater part of thofe that are preftnt might not ftrike the

flroke without the reft—*

Seepag. 350, 351,352. Etfeq. that only Magiftratet may touch body or goods*

Page ^58. ihe Watchmen and Shepheards that ferve Chrifi in hU Church, have their kjnd of Regiments diftincl from the temporal Power and State : But that Regiment of theirs v* by Cou>fel and perfwafton , not by terror or Compulsion h and reacheth neither to the goods, nor to the bodies of any men—* Page 366. As for your Epifcopal Tower over Princes,if that be it you feei^ for, and not to takg their Kingdoms from them, I told you, If they breal^ the Law of God, you may reprove them : If they hear you not, you may leave them in their fins, and [hut Heaven again}} them* If they fall to open Here fie or wilful impiety, you may refufe to communicate with them in prayers and other divine duties \ yea, you muft rather yield your lives with fubmijjion into their hands, than deliver them the Word and Sacraments , otherwife than God bath appointed. 1

' ( Say you fo *, I promife you Sir, if Kings muft be dealt fo ftri&ly with, though it coft you your lives, I will be a Non-conformift a little longer, though it coft me my livelihood, rather than give Baptifm, the Lords Supper, Absolution., and the juftifying alTertions at Burials, as commonly as I muft do, if I conform. )

P. 525. Tajhrs have their kjnd of CorreUion even over Princes : but fuch as by Gods Law, may ft and with the Pa-ftors Vocation '•> and tend to the Princes falvation : and that exceeded not the Word and Sacraments : Other CorreUion over any private man Paftors have nones much leftover Princes*--* Princes may force their Subjetts by the Temporal S word.—~ Bijhops may not force their flacky with any corporal or external

violence* Pag. yiG.Chryfoftom faith For of all men Chri-

ftian ( Bijhops). may leajt corrcft the faults of men by force :

Judges that are without the Church may compell—Buf

he re (iti the Church ) we may not offer any violence, but only perfivadc. We have not fo great authority given us by the Laws as to reprefs offenders : And if it were lawful for us fo to do, we have no ufe of any fucb violent power* for that Chri'l crowneth them which abfiain from fin, not of a

forced, but of a willing mind Hilary teacheth the fame

Leflbir, If this violence were ufed for the true faith, the do-Urine ofBiJhops would be againftit. God needeth no forced fervice: He required no contained confefton : I cannot receive any man but him that k willing <^J I cannot give ear, but tohim that intreateth. I cannot fign, (that is, baptize

any but him that (gladly) profeffetb. So Ori^en

For all the crimes which God would have revenged, he would have them nvenged not by the Bijhops and Rulers of the

Church, but by the Judges of the world Bijhops by venue

§f their Callings cannot command ethers, or authorize violence or arms.—

Pag. 541, Parliaments have beenkspt by-the King and his Barons, the Clergy wholly excluded > and yd their ARs and Statutes good. And when the Bijhops were prefent, their Voices from the Conquefito tbtf day, were never Negative. By Gods Law you have nothing to do with ntakjng Laws for Kingdoms and Commonwealths : Tou may teach, ymmay not command. Perfwafion is your part : Compulfion is the Princes.

Page 245. Far better St. Ambrofe faith \_lftheEmperour as\ for tribute, we deny it not : 'the Lands of the Church fay "tribute 1 If he affell the Lands themfelves, he bath power to takg them : no man among us is any let to him. the alms ef the people is enough for the poor. Let them never procure us envy for our Lands: let them takf them if they pleafe: I do not give them to the Emperonr % but I do not deny them* So far Bilfon.

All this we allow: And if all this be the concurrent judgement of all forts of fober Proteftants , called Episcopal or Presbyterians, what rcafon hath any Eraftian upon the account of the Magiftrates intereftto quarrel with them. If any praUife not according to thefe principles, let them hear of it#

C57)

Indeed in point of convenience we greatly differ from feme men: That is, i. Whether it be convenient for the King to make Church-men Magiftrate j, or not? 2. And whether it be convenient immediately to back their Excommunications, with the Sword i And for the Migiftratc to be the Clergies Executioner, or to imprifon men eo nomine^ becaufe excommunicate and not repenting. 3. And whether it be convenient to make the fame Court called Ecclefiaftical, fo mixt of Faftoral and Secular Power united, in one Chancellor f who is no Pallor, but a Lay man ) or in a Bi(hop, as that in and by it, the Magiftrates, and the Spiritual Government fhall be either confounded , or Co twilled as tobeundifcernable, or become one tertiunu

But for this, as we love not to be too forward in teaching Magiftrates what is convenient, ( though many of the ancient Fathers have done it plainly , and fpoken againft the Magistracy of Priefts v and Cyril of Alexandria is branded by Socrates and others with fome infamy , as the rirft Bilhop thatufed Coercive power J •, fo you have more caufe to fay what you have to fay in this, to the Magiftrate him-felf y than to the Bifhofs or Presbyteries : For if the MagN firate tvill needs make Priefts his Officers , and put his Sword intofuch hands, as have enough to do in their proper work , Or if he will puni(h men with the S-vord^ becaufe they are punifhed already by excommunication, or becaufe they repent not, left excommunication alone (hould prove unerlecftuaU quarrel not for his a&ions with other men: It is his own doing » and it is himfelf that you blame, when you blame thefe things: Say not that Prelates or Presbyteries takg the Magiftrates power from bim h but fay the truth, that the Magiftrate giveth it them,, and mil have it fo to be.. (Though Iexcufe none that urge him to it, or voluntarily alTume his Power. )

Bifhop Andrews alfo faith -Tortur torti p- 383. [ Cohi* beat Regem Viaconus, ft cum indignm fit, idq\ palam con* ftet> accedat tamen ad Sacramentum : Cobibeat & medizus, fi ad noxium quid vei infalubre manum admoveat : Cohl-beat & Equifax ft inter equitandum adigat Equum per tecum prtrnptum, vel faUbrofm, cut fubfit fericulum. Eti-11 H 3 * amrc

( 5* ) amnt medics? Etiamxe Equifoni fuo fubjectus Kex ? Sed de Majori poteftate loquitur : fed ea ad rem noxiam procul arcendam : qua in re CbaritaW fempcr Poteftas eft maxima.

Here you fee what Church Government is in Bilhop Andrews fenfe, and how far the Biftiops hold the King him-fetf to be retainable even by a Deacon i And yet but ( I think ) according to your own fenfe, I pray you judge then whether the.Bimops and you differ as far as you imagine ^ and whether the Courts and Church power which offendeth you, be not fet up by Kings themfelves, who make the Bilhops their Officers therein. To which add what Bilfon proveth that Patriarchs, Metropolitans and Archbiihops Dignities are the gift of Princes, and not the inftitution of Chrift, and then you will fee more, that it is the Princes own doing.

I add to the like purpofe more out of Bilfon pag. 313. £ We grant, th:y muft rather huzard their lives, than baptize Princes which believe not, or diftribute the Lords myfteries to them that repent not, but give wilful and open fignifcatim of iniquity, &c. ] This is Church Government, which none can contradict.

This is it that Chryfoflom fo often profeffeth alfo* as that he would rather let his own blood be (bed, than give the blood of Chrift to the unworthy.

And Bcda Hijt. Ecclefl. 2. cap. 5. telkth us, that Melt* ins Bilhop of London ( with Jujlus) was banimed by the heirs of King Sabareth, becaufe he would not give them the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, which they would needs have before they were baptized.

( And by the way, if Bimops fay that Kings muft be ufed thus, the Non-conformifts are not fuch intolerable Schif-maticks, as fome now reprefent them, for defiring, that every Presbyter may not be compelled againft his Con-fcience to give the Sacrament to the bafeft of the people that are ignorant what Chrift or Chriftianity is, and to them that are not willing to receive it, but are forced to take it againft their wills for fear of a Prifon j nor to baptize the Children of fuch Parents as know not what bap-tifm is, or as are profefled Infidels, having not fo much

as

) (59)

as ChrifUan Adopters* but only Ceremonious perfons called God-fathers and God-mothers. )

Tapirius Msjfonus in vita Leonti j. reciteth his words of thcMigiltrates banifhing the Man tehees, and addeth [E* hac ret gejle narratione perfpioHum ell Komams Epifeopos rclegsre tunc nsn potuiffe, nee in exilium reos tmttere, nil ho~ die factum J fed eos tantum cenfnra cocrcere, & poena ecclefi-ajiica mulftarc*

I add no more, fuppoimg t/-a lalmoft all fober Epifco-pal, Presbyterians, Independer and Eraftians are agreed in all the ririt ninety four Proportions, ( if not all ) that are here aiTerted', and thai all thofe may fuffice to fignine their Concord, and promote their Reconciliation , if Inte-reli ( miftaken ) and PalTion ( mif-guided ) did not much more than difference of judgement in thefe matters, to caufe their alienation.

And as I have written this to vindicate both the Power of Kings, and the Office of Paftors from any mens unju/t fufpicions or accufations, who look only on one fide •-> and to (hew that thefe Offices are no more contrary than Heud and Heart, than Light and Heat : fo I do require the Reader to put no fenfe upon any thing here written, which is injurious to the Government of Magiftrates or Paftors, or contrary to the Laws: For all fuch fenfes I do hereby declaim.

FI&CIS.

up.

^

I

i

g