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To all thofe in the Army or

elfwhere, that have caufed

our many and great E-

clipfesfince 1646.

Gentlemen,

•Eingfummoned by M. x ?*mes Harrington Efquire, to give an account of my Political Principles, I found none at the Publication, fo meet to receive ic as your felves. Your pra&icea allure me, that between Ttur Judgments and Confciences, and Mint, there is no little difference. And I think it not meet to differ in points, which our fouls, and the Churches Peace depend On, without giving you the rea-fons Qt my Diflent. Some, I underfhnd are

A 3 much

The Preface.

much offended, that I vindicate the honour of Providcnce,and the ProteftantReligion,againft the accufations of the Papifts, by which they have made it odious abroad. But I am ftill of die Opinion, that the Honour of God, and the oofpel (hould be dearer to us, than the honour of thofe that fin againft them: (and is fo to every upright heart s) and that the truth of E-vents may be recorded^ and Hiftory ihould be impartial, and Providence on both fides have its due. They that have not read fuch Books, as [The Scotifh andEnglifh Presbytery di[covered by a (fret ended) French Divine> The Image of both Churches~]md other Revilers and Slanderers of the Church, and that know not the in-famy that's caft on our names through moft of the Chriftian world, are no fit Cenfurers of my words. While my hand may write I will never betray the Caufe of Chrift to Papifts or Infidels, for fear of the difpleafure of any that are culpable. And if I have thought that corruption tainted any of the Army, they thought fotoo that furprized them at Burferd, that profecuted Thomffon and his Adherents, that (hot fome to death, imprifoned others, cafliiered more (to pafs by the reft.) Repentance doth not jufti-. fie fins, but confefs and forfake it: Nor doth it hate the Reprover, but rather the Tempter, and the Flatterer, and cometh with love and

fubmiflion

The Preface.

fubmiffion to the light, which the impenitent evil doers haxfitfoh.3.10^.1.

I deiire you to believe, that it is not from atime-ferving ipirit, nor want of love to your immortal fouls, or of faithfulnefs to my dear-eft ancient Friends, nor of deep compaflion on the Land of my Nativity, that I meddle not here with reproof or Aggravation of your fin. But it is,

1. Becaufe that Do<flrine mult go before Application : It's meet that the Light be firft fet up, which by its manifefting efficacy may bring fincere ingenious minds to felf-reprchen* fion, and freely to fay more againft themfelves, then before they could endure to hear from others. And till this Light have difcovered finne, and humbled the foul, 1 find themoft Companionate Reproofs do but exafperate, and feem reproaches •, and all men are thought to hate the perfon that hate the finne: Innoceney and Penitence are much more patient,than guilt and impenitency are. *

2. becaufe I find that felf-conviftion work-eth in you, and hath brought you already to more confeffions than Volumes of Arguments from me, were ever like to have procured. And when Nature hopefully begins a Cure, it muft not be difturbed by violent Medicines. You have already difcerned and confeffed,

The Preface.

that you contribntedby your wanderings into unrighteous paths* to our difcompofed State ! and that zfrecial prefence of God was with that Parliament, which you then pulPd down, or forced out. The Officers of the Army m Scotland confefs (as the Publick Intelligencer tells us. May 16 J That [dlmoft all the Afjertors of a glorious Caufe had manifeflly declined it, by a dtfeBion of many years:"] Adding, [ We cannot but acknowledg to our exceeding great forrow and (hame, that our (elves, though rve hope mofr of us through weaknejs and frailty, not out of defign, hnve very much contributed to thoje provocations, which have caufed God to depart from our ifrael: and we could heartily wifh, that even among thofe that help to make up your own number, there had not been An helping hand to this (ad and deplorable work 0 And therefore they befeech God [ To heal the back [tidings of his people, and not to charge unto their account in this his day of their deliverance > their mifcarriages while they were wandering in dark and flipper y places, after the imaginations of their own hearts*~\ Penitent Confeffions will be fome reparation of your honour. This much from another, in any of thofe many years, that you lived in the finne, would by fome have been called a fecond Qangrena, and a Scandalum wagnatum i It is

bur

The Preface.

but lately that it was proclaimed Treafon, to fay, that [ This Parliament is in being ] A man might have been hang'd then, for faying that which is now publickly Declared. And if you be indeed fincerely penitent, we are not only in Hope, but paft all doubt,that God who hath fhewed you the finne of forcing out the laft hundred and twenty Members, will fliew you alib^the finne of the Imprifoning and Secluding above an hundred and fourty at once, long before. Some of them I am acquainted with, and have reafon to judg them to be men fo eminently wife and holy,as to be unlikely to be the betrayers of the Commonwealth. The keeping out alfo thefe men fince \ the calling of the nominal Little Parliament, the Fabrication of an Inftrumcnt of Laws without a Parliament, and many other a&ions of thefe times:, we doubt not but you Will ere long repent of: Finding you in fo fair a beginning, I (hall not difturb or exafperate you now, by the aggravating, or fo much as defcribing of your finnes, or giving them the Names which the Laws of God and man do give them. Only may I be bold to intreat you, impartially and often to read over Rcm.i$. i Pct.z. 13,14,15,16,17. Numb.i6. 2 Pet.2. Luke 12.13,14. 2dmh. i7-M> 2 5>*7- 2 Tim.s. and beg'of God to help you to underftand them \ and. fall not

"the Preface.

6ut with God and his holy Word.

And give me leave to lay one Argument before you, which may fave you from all temptations tolmpenitency, if from the (real or fup-pofed) faults of Governours, or their difference of Judgment from you, you fhould ever be tempted to juftifie your fin.

To refift or depofe the Befi Govern ours in all the world that have the Supremacy is forbidden to Subje&s on pain of damnation. But the Beft Governours in all the world that have the Supremacy, have been refitted or depofed in England: I mean, i. Them that you called the Corrupt Majority > or an hundred tourty and three imprifoned and f ecluded Members of the long Parliament, who as the Majority had,you know what Power: and the remaining Mem-# bers, that now fit again (fo many of them as are living.) 2. The Powers that were laft laid ' by. I fhould with great re joycing give a thou -fand thanks to that man, that will acquaint me of one Nation upon all the Earth, that hath Better Governours in Sovereign Power (as to Wifdome and Holinefs conjunct) than thofe that hwivebeen refilled or depofed in England. Now if it were never fo clearly proved, that Subjeds may refift and depofe bad Sovereigns ( of which you have my judgement afterward at large 3 yet the Best muft be obeyed and excepted

The Preface.

pted for Violation, or elfe none at all muft be obeyed and excepted: ( which is an opinion in-confident with humane Societies, as well as with Chriftianity.) If a Heathen perfecuting Nero muft be obeyed, not only for wrath, but for Confcience fake, and that as a Minitter (or Officer) of God, then certainly the Beft on Earth muft be obeyed,what ever faults you can charge upon them. If any underftand not the truth of the Minor, let them firft confider the men refifted, their parts, and principles, and pra&ices, and then confider their Laws and pubHck endeavours to attain the principal ends of Government, and then enquire into the ftatc oi the beft govern'd Nations in the world, and tell me whether England under their Government, were not like to have been more happy, than any one of all the Nations. If this convince not, ( and dark eyes perceive not an E-clipfe ) ftay till the effects of the late Eclipfe do prove it in another manner.

Objecfl. But the beft Governours may deflroy the Commonwealth by a particular Act y and therein may be refitted.

Anfrv. They cannot be called the Beft Governors that would deftroy the Commonwealth. Would they have made it mord unhappy than the Romane Empire under Nero ? Or than the beft Nation known this day on

Earth?

ibe Preface.

Earth < Every probable or poffible danger,.or every certain hurt orlofs, is not the deftrufti-on of the Commonwealth. Nor are all things deftru&ive to the Commonwealth that are , judged fo by diffenting Snbjc&s. Either the Treachery and Deftru&ion was controvertible or Notorious and paft Controverfie. If controvertible, the Truftees of the Nation, and not a party of Subjects are the Judges. If Notorious, why is it not decerned by all others, or by the mod < Not only I, but twenty for one ( as I have reafon to believe) throughout the Nation, of men truly fearing God, ate of another mind.: Subje&s are not allowed to re-fift, whenever they are confident that Rulers would deftroy the Commonwealth i much lefs when they would but crofs thefti in their opinions, or hurt them in their -perfonal Jnterefts 5 And leaft of ail may they dfcpofe their Rulers.

O England I Haft thou forgot the Marian dayes ! Haft thou no companionate thoughts t)t the Nations of the Earth i Among w T hom the Power of Godlinefsis fo rare < Shall the belt of Governours, the greateft of Mercies, ieem intolieiable < Oh how happy would the beft'of the Nations under Heaven be, if they had the Rulers that our Ingratitude hath caft off? \Ecrhearing therefore iuch Reproofs as 1 imagine you cannot bear, will you bear with me,

while

The Preface.

while I prefume to tvtfhiov thefe/nv things >fot the prevention of much worie to us and you: i • I wifh you may be tender of your Bretheiens Confidences, and while Oaths or Engagements are doubtful to them in thefe unfit tied time^that they may not become fnares, either to our Ma-giftrates, Minifters or People: Let not men toohaftily be forced to engage to a Power that about a Moneth ago- it would have been judged Treafon to acknowledg! Ungodly men of feared Confciences, will engage to any thing for their worldly ends! If you would not take in thofe into your truft, and (hut out them that fear an Oath, or the violating of a Pfomife, then be not too forward with iuch Impositions. You know what Changes of the Government we have lately feen, iince things were taken into your hanas: iuJi as I never read of before. Our old Conftitution was King, Lords and Commons^vhich we were fworn,and fworn,and fvvorn again to be faithfull to D and to defend:The King withdrawiflg 5 the Lords and Commons ruled alone,though they attempted not the change of the Species of Gcvernment.Next this we had the Minor part of the Houfe of Commons in the exercife of Sovereign Power,the corrupts/ art-ty,zs you called them,being caft out:and by them we had the Government changed^Regality and a Houfe of Lords being caii off. Mext this we

had'

The Preface.

had nothing vifible, but a Generall and an Army. Next this we had all the whole Conftitu^ Hon and Liberties of the Commonwealth at once fubverted: Certain men being called by the name of a Parliament, and the Sovereign Power pretended to be given them, and exer-cifed by them, that never were chofen by the People^ but by we know not whom (fuch a ia£t as I never heard or read that any King in England was guilty of, fince Parliaments were known.) Next thts, we had a Prbte&or governing according to an Inftrument, made by God knows who. After this we had a Protestor Governing according to the Humble Petition and advice: (and fworn to both.) And now wc are wheel'd about again. And would you have had all the Nation fworn or engaged to all thefe various forms, and that fo fuddenly 5 before they can feel well where they ftand? Should you have defired us all to engage to that which you now difclaim your felves,andtohave followed you fo farre in that which you now Repent of as your finne < The cafe is weighty! Incomperably beyond the Eftates or Lives of particular meft. Should we change fo rafrly, and continue in it fix years impenitently, and then come off again, and fay, Wc followed the Imaginations of our own hearts, what would you judge of us for our finne, and for our lying

The Preface.

in it fo long ? And what a referable Nation would fo guilty a Nation be < Verily if you believe that there is fuch a thing as Godlinefs and Confciencc in us, you cannot expeft in fuch quick and frequent turns as thefe, that all that love their fouls fhould follow you. Efpecially when you are publifhing your long miftakes 5 which fhould make you fearfull of ibrcing us to follow you again, a mjus to be your hafty followers. They thatf fe been deceived, and fo deceived, and foi Received, and fo confident in it, and fo *|ry with them that told them of it, may be deceived again for ought we know. Should we£fc called to as frequent Engagements as you have made mutations in the Government, were it not the way to ba-nitli confeience out of the Land, and to teach men to fwallow any thing that is offered, and to finne till they believe that nothing is 3 finne?

Artd confider how Minifters efpecially are dealt with. The Pamphlets that flatter you tell the world, that the Minifters no doubt will follow you any whether, and will alwaies be on the ftronger fide : yet others, (if not the fame) proclaim, that we are feditious, turbulent, and unworthy of Protection, becaufe we do in fome things diflent. And thus they have laid fuch a fnare f»r our teputations with

you

The Preface.

you, that no'man living can avoid. For we muft aflent ordiilent, obey or difobey. If we follow you, we are called, bafe temporizers that love our bellys and Benefices better than our confciences. It we do not, we are called feditious, turbulent, Tray tours, and what fuch tongues (hall pleafe. And this by men that heve feemed Religious,and forget what pathes themfelves have trod .But man is not our finall Judge: We w^ij^his appearance that will pais xht finall i Kms fentence upon them and us.

Much lefs ihould it^yer enter into your, thoughts to require othlts, tojufttfieyom former actions. While yob are bewailing part your feives, enforce not others to juftifie the reft. Even where Chriftianity is unknown, fuch a thing would be abhorred. Every man hath a foul to lave or lofe ? and & confidence of his own, which will accufehim, for his own tranfgreflions, and not for other mens'. If your Works have been good, the Reward will be your own ^ and. if you force men to own them, it will not procure them your Reward : If they do prove evill, why ihould the Nation, ox any one that did not commit them, be drawn into the gu U I If you have laved a mans life, or laved the Nation, and I had no hand in it, WDuld you not bear with my nnhappy folly, if

I glory

The Preface.

1 glory that I had no hand in it, and fay, It was no deed of mine i If you haddeftroyed a mans life, what reafon had I or another to fubfcribe to it i Our Juftification of your a&ions, is no Juftification at the Barre of God, or ef any well-informed confidence. Take heed of fuch Impoiitions, that more cruelly invade the Liberty of mens confidences than ibber Turks or Heathens do attempt. What confciences would you bring before the Lord, and what Names would you leave to all Generations, if you fhould do fuch things as thefe, that have gone fo farre, and ventured more than many lives, for Liberty of conference? You know that honeft men will not go againft their confciences, what ever it coft them, when others will: And therefore onneceflary Engagements will ltrengthen the unconfcionable, and^ngage

youina perfecution of the beft, and who will have the word of that at hit i Our quietneife under the Lord Protestor is much to be afcri-bed to his prudent (liunning fuch engagements. The world is net fo ilmple, but they can fee what is aimed at, wnen unneceflary fnares are laid before us. And no Army is fo ftrong, or fure, but that an Army of the Prayers of perfecuted Innocents may overcome them.

2. My fecond wifh, is, That whatever be a our

7he Preface.

our difference in (mailer things 5 you wduld prove true to the Intcreft of Chrift in the Main, and not be enlnared by the masked Infidels or Papifts of thefe times, to fide with them againft your Brethren, that are nearer to you. Do good if you would be efteemedgood. He knoweth not Christianity , that doth not know, that the Intereft of Chrift doth much confift in the H O L IN E S S E and CON-CORD of his Servants: and therefore in a HOLY andCONCORDANT MINISTRY: And in the reftraint of the reducing enemies of Chrift, If we fee once the Do&rines of Infidelity and Popery propogated ( under what Name we do not much regard, ) and the able,holy,concordant Miniftry, begin to be undetermined, we (hall foon know what you meanJjyitj and what it is that you are about. And ir Gods Ele<5t (hall be put to cry to him night anddpy, will he not avenge them though he long delay < I tell you he will avenge them jpeedily, Luk. 18.6,7.

3. My third wifhis but that our Parliaments may be Holy, and this afcertained from Generation to Generation, by fuch a neceffary Regulation of Elections, as I have alter here at large defcribed : that all thofe that by wicked-nefle have forfeited their Liberties, may neither cboofe nor be chofen: but yet no Faction

exalt

Tfo Preface,

exalt themfelves, and oppreife their Brethren on this pretence: that fo both Promfctto&s and PartidU Elections may be avoided, and we mav become a Holy Nation, and a Kingdom of the Lord and ot his Chrift. And that none ot the .en Truftees of the People, may be deprived c freedom at their entrance, by unn: ^agemerits- but if they find it needrull to the Nations good to reftore a Regulated-well-limited Prince, they may be free as thole of the contrary opinion.

If Honeily and Godlinelle be the things you aim at, you will find my Principles futted to your ends: And as I l&e not-the D i formes, io; t fond of any other, above

the reft. 1 c and c ;

ly men may be lecurcd to the n in the

KigheftPov* that which I hx i fted

you the fureft way to, in this hook, which if .you will read, perhaps you may fee the errcur of thofe Principles, which have'led you into Etrours of Pradice. I wrote it pr for

the ufe of the multitude ot wtll-mganing People, that are tei :t> irfbrpe Authority, andme< jrnmen: fore they have any call from G i .:ble underftanding ot its Principles. 1 never intended it for learned men tl Po-

ticks ^ but for fuel Ve Pra&itioners

a 2 before

The Preface. before they have been Students. An imparri-all reading I think may fatisfie you 5 that neither the People as [uch, nor the Godly as juch, are the Original of Authority, but that it mud come from the Univerfal Sovereign •, and I have (hewed you the flream of its derivation.

I had thought here to have added fome more Arguments againft the Peoples being the Original o£ Power. As i. Governing Power muft be exercifed in the Name of God fr Magi-ftrates are his Officers. But the People have no fuch celeftial Power as to grant Commif-fions in the Name of God. 1 hey may cboofe or nominate the Per/on, but^ii;* not the Power. Our Charter enbleth the Burgefles tochoofe their Baylitf: but he is ridiculoufly ignorant, that will hence conclude, that the people or Burgeiles are the Original, of his Power •, or that know not that they never had it , but that it flows immediately from the Charter as the Inftrument of the Sovereign who is the Giver of it. So whether Princes, Lords or Parliaments be Sovereigns, the People may choofe or nominate the Perfons, but the Charter of the univerfal King (in the Law of Nature or Scripture J is the immediatelnftrument of the Authority, as being the aft of that will of God which doth convey it.

The Preface.

2. If the People be naturally the Subjecft or Original of Sovereign Authority, then they muft or may exercife that Authotity themfelves without Electing others to do it: But the con-fequent is falfe: the people may not exercife it ( ordinarily ) themfelves. For every man knows that it is monftrous confufion, and morally impoffible. How can the people of France*, Spain, Hungary , Brittaine* much leffe of the Turkiili Empire, all leave their Houles and Employments, and meet together to make Laws, where the Aflemblies may confift of fo many millions as cannot poflibly confult. He feems diftradied that is for fuch diftra&ed Government.

If you Objed, That the Romane People did perfonally Refolve, andfo did Exercife their Sovereign Porver ?

I anlwer: No plainer Inftance can be given to difprove your Doctrine. The Romane Citizens were a fmall Portion of the People of the Romane Empire. Did all the People of the Empire ever meet toRefolve on Laws? Or dare you fay that Naturally the Inhabitants or Citizens of Rome alone were born the Original of Power, and Governours of the reft of the world? What difference between their Natural Right, and other mens i

And that the confequence is valid, ( that the ?. ^ People

The Preface. People may exercife the Power themfelves if they have it) is evident from the true nature

this Power. For it is an office Poivtr under God, and coniifteth eflentially in two parts: i. An obligation to Govern, making it a Duty. 2. A Right to Govern^ warranting the Performance. Now he that is obliged to Govern, finneth if he do not • and he that hath a Right to Govern, may juitly himfelf Govern. I corifeffe, in many other cafes , a man may have a thing taGive, which he hath not to life : But it cannot he Cohere, hecaufe the very nature of the thing is referred immediately to Ufe. Governing is the life of the Rower: and the Rower in queftion is a Rower to Govern $ and not only to choofea Gcvernour-, for that we are agreed of: and I will not fuppofe the Reader fo ignorant, as not to fee a difference between a Rower to Rule* and a Power toChoofe Rulers. (Popular Church Government is alto concerned in the decifion.) *r

3. If the people are naturally the Sovereign Power,i\\zn it is either All or Part: But neither AH, nor Part, therefore. 1. It cannot be All .conjunctly : becaufe where all Govern, none tire Governed •, and fo there being no Subjects, there can be no Sovereign : Nor can any be puniftie \ againft his will, becaufe the Male-fadtoi the All. Nor was ever fuch

a thing

The Preface.

a thing yet exiftent in the world, as a Government exerciied by All the People: it is a con-trad i6ti on. It you fay. It (ball be exerciied by a Part y then it is not the People, but only that Part of the People y that have the Power: Ix is

in, therefore that it is not Naturally in the P<?0/>/* ^///^; for the Nature of that P^/ that Governeth is the fame with the reft. Either the Governing Part is Ftatedly determinate, or only temporarily. If ftatedly determinate, (as is a Senate, a Parliament, Lords, &c.) this is but a Part ele&ed by the People * and as EleH-tng a Governour, is not Governing $ io a Power of Ele&ing is not a Power of Governing. If the R-uling Part be temporarily determinate > ( as is a Major Vote of the People themfelves) this alfomult come but from the Ele&ion of the People: for by Nature an hundred and one are not the Governours of Ninety nine: or if they rvercjhat would prove it but in Part of the People. Whoever therefore the People choofe, whether King, Lords, Senates,Parliaments, or their own Major Partjt is but a Power of choofe-ing the Persons that they have, and not a Power of Governing.

But th? lateTranfa&ions fatisfie me,that you are far from believing the Powsr to be in the People-, I would their part without violation might have relied in them whom the People

a 4 Choie*

The Preface.

Chofe. But when I remember and look about me upon the prefent face of things, I am not in much fear of Popular Power, or Liberty either, for full and free Ele&ions. Though the name do ring fo much in my ears, and Mr. Harrington may think his work begun,I never leffe feared a free Commonwealth.

But there are two other Opinions, that have as much need of Confutation. One is,Whether thefirength and Authority he not the fame, and that (Irongeft have not Right to Govern? But the Brutiflmefle of the Affirmative I have after manifefted. Then it would follow that a Thief or Pirate wants nothing but ftrength to juftifie his a£Hons,even before God. And that the Army is to Command the Generally and the Common Souldiers muft rule their Collo-nels and Captains becaufe they are the ftronger, and can mafter them if they will: And that no People ace to be Ruled by ther Prince or Parliament, becaufe they are the ftronger. And that the Servants muft command their Mafters (if he have not an aififtant ftrength,) and the Children when grown up muft Rule the Aged Parents, &c. But wet Heave this Authority which confifts in ftrength to ravenous Beafts, and rapacious JJirds, and to Tyrants, and Rebels againft the Lord and all juft Power.

The laft Dmk with fqme is, Whether Godli-

nefle

The Preface.

neffc be not Authority\ and the Saints the Right-full Rulers of the World ? This alfo I have after Anfwered. i. If all Saints be Governours, then all the Subje&s muft be wicked •, and then all Commonwealths malt be wicked. 2. E-very foul is commanded to be fubjeft to the Higheft Powers 5 even the Godly to the Heathen 5 and that not only for fear of wrath, but for Confcience fake,becaufe they are Minifters, that is Officers of God. 3. The Godly muft ex* cell all others in Obedience ^ and be io far from afpiring after Government, that they muft take it for their greatnelle to be the Servants of all; and muft fit down at the lower end 5 and be humble and not exalt themfelves, but imitate Chrift in lowlinefs and meeknefs,that in his ftate of humiliation, faith, his Kingdom was not of this ftorld, and asketh, who made him a $udgc> or divider of Inheritances ? and himfelf paid Tribute Money to Heathen Governours. Godli-ncflfe doth doubly difpofe and oblige us to obey: And the Godly muft eminently excell all others in their Obedience. Even the c ho fen Generation, the Royal Pricflhood, the holy Nation, the peculiar People are commandedto [ubmit themfelves to every Ordinance of Man for the Lords fake, whether it be to the King as Supream, or unto Governours, as unto them that arefentby him for the funijbment of evil doers y and for the

praifc

"the Preface.

praife of them 'that do well : For fo is the will of God, that with well doing, w? may put to fi-lence the ' ignorance of foolifh men. Servants rtmfl he fcfyect to their Mafters with all fear, not only to the good and gentle, huttothefroward, i Pec. 2. 9,i3*i4,i5 3 i8. fee more in Eph. 6.

M°9:> & c - C°l. .V 22 ? t0 theend^dx 2 Pet. 2. and Epifcle of fade, &c. To allow men to Rebell or refill Authority, becaufe they are Godly (though their Rulers be ungodly) is to allow thena to be ungodly or difobedient to God 5 becaufe they are Godly: A palpable contradi-

predi&lons of the Power of the Saints none to ufurpe a Power: no more edi&ion that the Kings of the Earth

ire up their Power to the Beafts 5 doth warrant them to do it. Predictions make not Duty^but Precepts-, and Promifes will not ferve inftead of Commiflions or Donations, nor allow us to feize on the thing promifed 3 before it's given to us. Nor doth the prediction or pro-mile it ferf intend that Godiinefle (hall be any mans Title to Government. For then ((till ) the Subjeiis muft be all ungodly. Pride and not Godiinefle breeds the Vermineof fuch impious conceits, through the power of temptation by the Prince of Pride 5 and the Sun fliiue of Victory and profperity, requiting God with Evil for Good. Object.

The Preface.

Object But at leafi if ftrength and Godlineffe meet ( dndthefe encouragedby not Able Provid: giving fuccefi ) do they not warrant thi to defend their Liberties , though not tp Govern ?

Anfrv. So far to defend them, as other men may do: (that is, in the Cafes mentioned near the end of this Book ) but they are not difob-liged from as much Obedience to the higher Powers, as is due from any others. They that Refift ihall receive to themfelves damnation. Much more they that pull them down.

Objed:. But did not yon Refjl the King ?

Anfw. Prove that fhc r was the Higheft

Power 7 in the time of r that he

Power to wake thutWarrp, v, ie made,

and I will ofirer my Head to Jufuce as a Re-bell.

But yet though Godlinefie give men no Authority, yet as Freemen, we have a certain Liberty h and Wickcdneffe may forfeit this Liberty • and therefore I (hall thus far ciote with you,that the Church and Commonwealth ihould be very near commenfurate, and that proved ungodly perfons fliould neither Choofe nor be Chofen.Reduce eledions to the faithfull,honeft, upright men, and fettle an impartial! way for the triall of them, and we all agree with you, and profeffe it to be the only, only, only way to

cur

The Preface.

our certain and perpetuated peace and happinefs. And I muft teftifie, that I have reafoa to believe that it was the defire of the Late DifTol-ved Parliament to have accomplished this: and that it was their full intent not to exclude Independents, Anabaftifts, or any truly Godly men of fober lives, from the enjoyment of their Liberties,

But if now it be in the hearts of any to fet up a party (or all the flireds of the Dividers con-joy ned ) in (lead of all that fear the Lerd,and to cry up themfelves as the Godly Party, and fub-due their Brethren, and captivate thofe that are better then themfelves* Let them expert a MunJleriQue, and the Church expert a New-England Vindication. Dividing partiality will but (hew your want of Charity, that is, of San-rtity. And if Saints that are no Saints,to pro • cure Liberty of Confcience for them that have no Confcience, will go about to fubjugate the Saints indeed, and the belt informed,tekdereft, Confciences,and take in the Loofe,whofe Con-fciences can (wallow any Engagements, and turn with the times, the Lord will be the a-venger, and will come in a day, when fuch wicked Servants little expert him, and will hew them in pieces,and give them their portion with Hypocrites, where there is weeping and gnafli-ing of tteth. And we can as eafily bear their

Pefecutions

The Preface.

Perfections now, as they can bear the fire of Hell for ever. Their indignation againft me as Cenjorious > will not free them irom thofe Flames.

For my part, you may fee the worft that I defigned by this Book-, which was written while the Lord Protc&or ( prudently, pioufly, faithfully, to his imroortall Honour, how ill foe-veryou haveufed him ) did exercife the Government : And for ought I know it was al* molt all Printed, before the Eclipfe (only the Epiftles, and the concluding Meditation, were written fince. J And I have/i^rtf to change a-ny one word of it all, that you may fee the worft of my Intendments, and that true Principles will ftand in all times and changes, though to the fhame of thofe changes that make bad times. ^

If you are now offended with my pwin former or prefent expreflions, beware left ijgoani-feft your impenitency. I am as able to ^Pthat it proceeds from Love,as Lam that I havcTtove within me. And remember how far I have gone with you in the War •, and by that and my dcareB Love to feme of yon^ am more obliged to fpeak then many others, left I be guilty of your fin. Shall an Arch-Bifhop GrindaH fpeak fo plainly to Queen Elizabeth, (when (he would have diminifhed the number of Preachers,)

The Preface.

ers 5 ) and an Arch-Bifhop G. Abbot deal Co plainly with K. $am:s about the Spanijh match, as to tell him expidly that Q helabouredto fet up that mofi damnable and Heretical Doctrine of the Church 0/Romc, the Whore 0/Babylon 3 and what would follow : and then bid him^And wow Sir do with me what yonpleafe.~] ( See Prins Jntroduci. p. 40.) and (hall I be afraid of man whofe breath is in his Noftrils < yea of my old moll intimate ■Friends? and fo afraid as to be an-faithfulW I were then the moft unexcu fable wretch alive.

Hear the Word of the Lord and prove not difobedient: [_ The Lord will judge you every one according to his waits. Repent and tumyour felves ffom all jour tran\gr eft ions ; fo iniquity fhall not be your ruinc, Ezek.18.3c. [_Turnye to thz.Jgrd with all yonr hearts? with fafling, weepitigj and with mourning: who knows if he voi^fLtirnandrepnt^ and leave a blefiing, &c. j| J(^H[i2 !) 14. if God have fecial mercy for jou/he Q wilUaufe yon topaffe under the rod,and will bring yon into the bond of the Covenant ^ and will purge out from among yon the Rebels^ and them that tranfgrefs ag/tinfi himi] Ezek. 20. ?7 5 38. Be not £ ofthofe that rebell againfl the light that knows not the waies thereof and abide not in the pathes thereof 3 Job 24.33. [ Wajb you, -make you clean, &c. if ye be willing and obedient

The Preface.

dient, ye [kail eat the good of the Land: hut if ye refufe and rebelU ye [hall he devoured with the Sword, Ifa. 1.16,19, 20. Jer. 42. i8 5 20, £ Right emfnefs exalteth a Nation, hut fin is a reproach to any people,*] Prov. 14. 54. Te know not what fpirit ye are of, Luk.9. 5 5. The wrath of man rvorketh not the righteoufnefje of God, Jain. 1. 20. if ye have hitter envyin? and ftrtfe in pur hearts, glory not, and lie not again ft the truth, this wifdom defcendcth net from above, hu is earthly, fenfuall and devilifh. For where envying andjlrife is, there is Confusion, ande-very evil work. But the wifdom that ts from a-hoveyis frfi pure, then peaceable, gentle, and eafie to he entreated, full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality, and without H T P O C R I-S I E\ and the fruit of Righteoufnefje is fown in peace of them that make peace, Jam. 2.14,18. Thus faith the Lord the holy one of ifrael, In returning and reft fhallye be faved^ in quietnefle and confidence fhall be your firength 7 and y$ would not, Ifa.30.15. While they promft you Liberty, themf elves are the Servants of Corruption : For of whom a man is overcome, of the fame is he brought in bondage, 2 Pet. 2. 19. Therefore new amend your waies and your doings, and obey the voice of the Lord jour God, and the Lord will repent him of the evil that he hath pronounced againft you. As for me, behold I am

The Preface.

in your hand, do with me as [eemeth good and mcetunioyou, Jer.26.1^14. Ibefeech you patiently read over the Reprefentation or Letter of the London Minifters, to the Lord Generally $an. 18.1648. and their Vindication-, and Mr. Nathaniel Ward\ Petition of the Aflbcia-ted Counties, and his Religious Retreat founded to a Religious Army.

An

An Addition to the Preface^ being a Difcufion of the Anfrver to the Healing Question.

Ecaufe it is a matter of fo great moment, that you pafs not in impenitency to the Barre of God,(where you mud all fpee-dily appear) and that the many Thoufands of this Nation, that never were adually guilty, may not make your finnes (finnes of fiich a dreadfull nature ) to become their own by approbation 51 thought it my duty to manifeft the fallacy of all thofe Arguments, which I judged might mod probably deceive you. And therefore iuppofing that thence you are likely to fetch matter of encouragement, I iliall briefly difcufs the wounding Anfrver to the Healing gnejlion, lb far as may concern your Conferences.

i. He placeth the Caufe in two things •, i .p 3,4. To have and enjoy the Freedom (by way t of dutifall compliance and condefcenftonfrom all the parts and members of this fociety,) to Jet up meet persons in the place of Snpream Jjudica-ture^nd Authority among ft them. 2. ^>6*Pftc-dom in matters of Religion , or that concern the fervice and w or finf of God.

b

An Addition to the Preface.

The former is thus enlarged, p. i o. That the body of the good people in their military capacity and poflure, are mofi properly Soveraign , and pcfjejfe their right of naturall SoveraigntyJ] And p.i I. £ Becoming one Civill or Politick Incorporation with the whole Party of honejl Men, they do therein keep the Soveraignty > as Originally feated in them]elves •, and part with it only as by way of Deputation, andReprefentation of them-felves, &c. 3

The fecond ( Religious Liberty y ) is ( p.5,6, 7, ) faid to be that [which the Nations of the world have right and title to by the purchdfe of Chrifis bloody who by virtue of his Death andRe-\tirreciion> is become the fole Lord and Ruler in and over the Confcience,8cc. And that every one might give an account of himfelfin all matters of Gods Worfhiy untoGodandchrifialone,as their own Mafier unto whomthey Hand or fad in judgment, and are not in theje things to be ap-prejjed, or brought before the judgmefrt Seats of Men. For whyfhouldfl thonfet at naught thy Brother in the matters of his Faith andConfcience. and herein intrude into the proper office ofchnfl y &c. By virtue of this Supream Law Sealed and Confirmed in the Blood of Chriflto all Men* it is, that all Magiflrates are to fear and forbear imcf?7<edling with giving Rule or interposing in ihofe waiters*—He is to be a Minister of Terror

and

An Addition to the Preface.

and Revenge to thofe that do evil in matters of outward practice, converfe, and dealings in the things of this life between man and man-, for the cauft whereof the judicatures of men an appointed and fet up. To exeeed thefe limits is not fafe,&c. ] And p.j. he would have ) this re-fraint laid on the Suprearn Power, before it he eretted, as a fundament all Confiitution among others>&cc.and that it he acknowledged the Voluntary aff of the Ruling Power, when once brought into a capacity of atfing Legiflativrlyj that herein they are bound up, and judge it their duty fo to 7 he, hoth in reference to God, the Injlitutour of Magiftracy, and in reference to the whole body, &cj So much of the Caufe.

2. The Perfons that he fuppofeth have this Soveraign Power, are fometimes faid to be {the Nations of the world'] and [ all men whofe fouls Chrifl challenges a propriety in, to bring under his inward Rule in the fervice and worfhip of God, ~] &c. And the ground of it is made to be Nature it felf D fometimes it is [ The whole party : of Hone ft Men adhearing to this Caufe,p.^.[And their right is double, 1. Naturall, 2. By the fuc~ cefs of their Armes,this is reflored:"] [They have added to the naturall right which was in them before, the right ofConquefl,$.2. fometimes it is, the whole body of the People, that the right and freedom w»s 7 and is due to,/>. 4. 3 fometimes;

An Addition to the Preface.

[the actions proceeding from hearts fmcfrely af-fefied to the Caufe, created in them a right, to he of an Incorporation andfociety by thcmfelves->un~ der the name of the Good Party.—-Thefe in Order to the maintaining of this Caufe have food by the Army, in defence and fup port thereof againf all oppjfiti on whatever, as thofe that by the growing light ofthefe times 7 have been taught and led forth tn their experiences , to look above and beyond the ] .cilery farm, and outward circumfiances of Go* vernmcxt-, into the inwardreafon and(pirit there* vfi herein only to fix andterminate>&c.~] p.p. It is £ tht^hole Body of the adherents to this Caufe,'] that (n the jeveral parts of the Nations/ that mijl choofe a General Council or Convention of Faithfult Honest and discerning Men,

:j.Lafily 5 The capacities wherein the ferfons n 'jitalified have acted 7 have been very variable* -"And very feldom, if ever at a/ifo exactly, and ■if) ail points confonant to the Ruli of former Laws and Conjinutions of Government y as to be cleared fully jujlified by them, any longer than the Law of juccejje and Conijueft did uphold them, hud the inward warrant of tfujlice and Kiglr fneife, to encourage them in juch their affings. and la ft referve which they have had, her failed, hath been their military ca-orly flriiUj taken for the flanding

Army,

An Addition to the Preface.

Arm)> but in the largeft fenfe, wherein the whole Party may ( with the Army, &c.) afjociate them-[elves.

I pretend not to an infallibility in the interpretation of thefe words $ but that they may do your Confciences no harm, Ilhallfirft tell you what we Grant, and fecondly wherein we dif-fent from what doth feem to be here exprefled and emplyed,and the reafons of this difleat fliall be annexed.

1* We Grant that the Peoples Confent is ordinarily necefiary to the confutation of the Government, and that their freedom is taken from them, when this is denied them.

2. We believe that notorious wickednefTe, and divers particular crimes^ may forfeit this Freedom as to particular perfons: And if the defign of this Honourable Writer were,that all Honefi men indeed without partiality anddivijior, might have the liberty of choofing and being chofen,and none (hut cut, but thole that are proved to have forfeited their liberty-, we (hould concurre with great alacrity and joy ( fo be it, that oppreffion make not thofe fc.ruples or differences of judgment to feem a forfeiture of our liberty,which are not.)

3. We Grant that the Confciences of men are out of the reach of the Magiilrates judgment •, further then they areman&fted by their

b 3 words

An Addition te the Preface.

Words or Deeds: And we grant that the U-nity and Peace of the Church, muft not be laid on lower Controverfies, but on the Effentials of Religion, even of Faith and Communion: and that we muft tolerate all tolerable differences among honeft men: In well doing all men fhould be encouraged. In ill doing through mistakes, well meaning men muft be tolerated,as far as Charity to Church and State,and to their own and others fouls will bear it.

4. We believe that a Prudent Godly Ma-giftpacy, is fo exceeding great a bleffing to the Nation, ( above any forms in wicked hands ) that all lawfull means ibould be ufed to procure and fecure it to us and our pofterity.

But yet thefe'following Propofitions I (hall manifeft to be moft certain truths.

Prop. 1.T^ freeChoice of Parliament men was a thing that on all hands tva>s granted to be our due> And therefore could not he the Can ft of the Warre.

The King granted it •, and all Parties in our latter Divifions do alien: it: fo that it cannot be the matter of any New Caufe neither, be-cau'fe we know not of any Adverfaries that it hath confiderable among us, unleife thole that chofe the Little-nominall Parliament. Indeed by the Difufe of Parliaments^ our Rights were violated: but the Peoples Right to a free Choice

was ftiil acknowledged.

Prop.

An Addition to the Preface.

Prop. 2. That the People had right to choofe a Houfe of Commons, that fhould have the whole Soveraignty, or the whole Legiflative Power, wat none of the old Caufe*

For i. No fuch thing was Afferted and Declared by the Parliament, when the Caufe was fluted, and the Wa^begun. 2. Theyprofef-fed the contrary in their Declarations of the Caufe, and in their Laws, which were Enadied by Authority of the King and Lords, as well as of the Commons* Read them, and this will be paft ail doubt. 3. And theProteftationsand Covenant confirm it.

Prop. 3. It was none of the old Caufe, to af-[ert any proper Soveraignty in the People, either as People, or as Godly People.

For 1. No fuch thing was declared. 2. The Soveraignty was ftated elfewhere. 3. It was only the Rights and Liberties of the People, and not their Soveraignty that was Declared for.

Prop. 4. It was none of the Caufe of our • Wane,to change the Conflitution of the Common wealth, into any ether form than we found it in.

1. To aflert, this were to lay all the guilt of

the blood and miferies of the Nation, undefer^

vedly upon the Parliament, and to proclaim us

# all Rebels,that adhered to them. For it is pafl

doubt, that the Soveraignty being mixt cr

b 4 * flributel

An Addition to the Vrtface.

ftributed into the hands of King, Lords, and Commons, no part had Authority to change the Conftitution. 2. On the contrary it was the Preferring of the Fundamental! Conftitution that the Parliament Declared for. And par • ticularly for the Perfon and Authority of the King, and for the Power and Priviledges of Parliaments, of which the Lords were part and Authors of thofe Declarations. It is there-tore an injury of the higheit Natuce, againltthe Honour of the Parliament,the Englijh Nation, and the Proteftant Religion 5 if any fliould affirm that they raifeda War to change the Government, and overthrow the Fundamentall Conftitution, and that when they fwore us to the contrary.

Prop. 5. The Remonftragce of the ftate of the Kingdom -, the Declaration of the Lords and Commons of Aug. 3. 1642. Jetting forth the Grounds and Rea\ons that necefitate them at this time to take up Defenfive Arms for the Preferva-iion of his Ma] e [lies Perfon? she maintenance of the true Religion, the Laws and Liberties of this Kingdom , and the Power and Priviledges if Parliament •, aljo the Proportions and Orders of ]u\\^ 10. 3642. for brin^m* in Money and Plate, &c. to maintain the Prhuftant Religion, the Kings Authority, his Perfon in his Royal

ntty, the free Course of Jufitcc, the Lam of

the

An Addition to the Preface.

the Land* the Peace of the Kingdom* and the Priviledges of Parliament againfi any force that jhaU off ofe them: I [ay thefe Declarations, with wo Protefiations, and the folemn Vow and C oven ant * do fully declare what was the Old Caufe.

Though no man have more reafon to know it then the Honourable Author of the Healing Question,y^t no Evidences can fo fully Declare it to us, as thefe Declarations and Protefiations which were purpofed to that ufe.

Prop. 6. It was none of the old Caufe that the Peofle jhotild have Liberty, and the Magifr ate fiouldhaveno Power in all matters of Gods Wor-9 flip, Faith andConfcience.

The words of the Honourable Author I have recited before, without, any exception, reftri-dion, or limitation, that I can find, he expref-lyextendeth the Cafe to, [Matters of Religion, or that concern the Service and Worfhif of God, ^ p.5. and to Q matters of Faith andConfcience, ~] and Q All matters of Gods Worfhif, ] p. 6. of which he faith, We muflgive account of our (elves unto God andChrifi alone, and that £ all Magiftrates mufi fear and forbear inter-mcdling with.'] Now that this difcharging the Magiftrate from his Duty,or this difabling him, or flaring of his Power, and this extended Liberty in All matters of Worfhip, Faith, or Religion,

An Addition to the Preface.

ligion, was none of the old Caufe y nor is any GoodCaufe, I fhall prove but briefly ( yetfuffi-ciently) here, as intending, if God will, a Trea-tifeof that point alone.

But ftill remember that it is no Controverfie among us, i. Whether'men (hould have liberty for True Religion, true Faith 5 and true Wor-fhip of God i For thefe fhould have more than Liberty. But whether, there fhould be Liberty for falfe Religion, falfe Faith 5 and falfe Worship, if the perfons do but think them true * And whether the reafon of this Liberty be,that the Magiftrate hath not here to do i 2. Nor is it any Controverfie among us, whether the Magiftrate can judgof Inward Faith and Con-fcience immediately? or whether he fhould compell men to Believe i or yet to profefTe that they do believe when they do not i It is a work that is beyond his power to compell men to believe : elfe Charity would require him to do it. And we are far from thinking that he (hould compell them to lye and diflemble a Faith which they have not. But th$ Queftion is, Whether he may reftrain them from publique pra&ifing falfe Worfhip, and propagating a falfe Faith or Infidelity, and from drawing others to their mind and way.

i. The toleration of Popery, by too much connivance, and the increafe of Popery thereby*

An Addition to the Preface.

by, was one of the great offences and grievan-' ces that this (and former ) Parliaments complained of and Declared againft in their Remonstrances, therefore that Popery fliould be tole-rated, or that none but Chrift fliould judg men in all matters of Worfhip,or of Faith,was none of the Old Caufe that was owned by that Parliament^ but the clean contrary. It was liberty for Popery,that was their great offence.

v 2. The fame Parliament made it the old Caufe, to Defend the Proteftant Religion, a-gainlt thofe that would undermine it by the torefaid encouragement of Popery: therefore they never made it the (Old Caufe,) to difown their power in matters of Religion, and to give liberty for all Religions.

3. The faid Parliament made it a part oflheir complaints, that the Malle was To openly poqfc mitted at the Queens Chappell, and fo madj permitted to come to it, therefore they took not liberty for the Mafie, to be the Caufe they fought for. I marvaile how it would have beea interpreted, in the beginning or midft of the firft War,if any in the Parliament had faid, We fight for Liberty for the Mafs, and to maintain that we have no power to hinder it, nor in any matters of Faith and Worfhip.

4. The fame Parliament (that are the Judges of the Old Caufe,) did put the Articles of

Heligioo

An Addition to the Preface.

Religion ( and that not for an Univerfal Tole-ration,but for eftablifhing the Proteftant Caufe) into all their Treaties with the King: and infift-ed on them above all i therefore they made it not their Gaufe to give liberty to the Mafs, or to difclaim any power about the matters of Faith and Worfhip.

5. The fame Parliament calling ah Afiem* bly of Divines, Authorized them but to Advife them, and that only about fuch matters as they fhould propofe to them themfelves: And they debated all that was propounded to them ^ and pafied what they faw meet: therefore it was none of their Old Caufe, that Magiftrates have nothing to do in thefe things.

6. The fame Parliament fetled the Presbyterian Government by many Ordinances: there-

tre they thought they had power in fuch mat-rs.

7. The fame Parliament paft an Ordinance againft Herefles and Blafpheming $ Enumerating divers that are againft Faith and Worfhip ; therefore it was none of their Old Caufe to af-fert a liberty in fuch things, and to difclaim a. power to reftrain them.

8. The fame Parliament made Laws againft • Popery, and put an Oath of Abjuration on them, .and executed the Ancient Laws againft them: therefore they did not fight for Liberty forthcMafs. S>.The

An Addition to the Preface.

g. The fame Parliament made it their great Argument and Advantage againft the King, that he favoured the Papifts,and intended them a Toleration or Connivance: And on this fuppofition they had thoufands that came in to fight for their Caufe: therefore they made it not their Caufe to fight for Liberty of all Religions, or of Popery alone.

10. The fame Parliament folemnly fwore themfelves, and engaged the Nation in Prote-ftations and a Covenant to defend the Yrote-jlant Religion, and to endeavour the Reformation of Religion in Doctrine, Difcipline > Wor-fl)ip 7 and Government, and to bring the Church inthe three Kingdomes to the nearefl Conjunction and Uniformity in Religion, Confefion of Faith? , &c. With much more that (hews, that they made it not the caufe of their War to prove that they had no power in thefe matters.

ii. The fame Parliament difplaced many in the Univerfities^pon the account of matters^)! Religion, and they caft out abundance of Mini-ftersupon the fame account: therefore it was not the caufe of their War to prove that they had no power in thefe things.

12. The fame Parliament accufed and condemned the Arch-Bifhop of Canterbury for en* deavom ing to alter Religion, and introduce Po-. ptry by befriending it: And Whidebanke and

An Addition to the Preface. others were accufed for befriending Priefts and Jefuites: therefore they took it not to be a matter beyond their power or duty to meddle in thefe things,nor was liberty for Popery the Old Caufe,

2. And as it is not the old Caufe, fc it is not zGoodCanJe.

For i. Itcontradi&eth the exprefie revelation of the will of God 5 in the holy Scriptures. Mofes had to do in matters of Religion as a Ma-giftrate •, and fo had the Ruling Elders of ijrael that affifted him: And fo had the Kings of ijrael and fada, as is well known. Infomuch that in A fas daies they covenanted to put him to death that would not feek the Lord God of ifrael. But of this more in due place.

2. It tendeth to the ruine of the Commonwealth : and therefore it is no good Caufe. How God was provoked by Aarons Calf, and by his Sons, that offered ftrange fire which the Lord commanded not^Levit. 10. and what was the effect, and what benefit the Calves at Dan and Bethel brought to ifrael and to tfercboams Mode, and the High places, and other errours about Worfhip, brought to the Princes and People ottfuda, we need not particularly recite. Law and Providence are quite changed, if Toleration of falfe Worfhip and other abufes of Rclieion^enwinot to the mine of the Common-c-eakh, ' 3,Thar

An Addition to xht Preface.

3. That is no good Caufe that vilifieththe Magiftrate, and teacheth the People fotodo, and fets up the Minifters of the Gofpel above him, more than a Prince in worldly fplendor is above a Slave* But fuch is the Caufe that I am now oppofing. The matters of Gods Wor-fhip,of Faith and~Religion,are more above the matters of this world, than that comes to. If Magiftrates be once taken to be fuch terreftriall Creatures, as that their bufinefTe is only about thefe vile corporeall things, their office will be efteemed of,no better than the Objecfl of it, or the work in which they are imployed.

4. The Decalogue was the Vitall part of the J>e\vs PoliticalLaws,and everyCommandement of the firft Table was feconded with a Penall San&ion : therefore thefe things belong to the Magiltrate.

5. That is not the Good Caufe that tendeth directly to the deftru&ion of Faith and Piety, and the Everlaftiug damnation of mens fouls : But fuch is this of Libertinifm which we oppofe: For, Popery, Mahometanifm, Infidelity, and Heathenifm, are the way to Damnation: But Liberty to preach up and to pra&ice them, is the means to make men Papifts, Mahometans, Infidels, and Heathens •, therefore this Liberty is the way to mens damnation.

It's well known by exjrerieaec, how ready

the

An Addition to the Preface. the multitude of ignorant, unfetled and proud people are to be led into any damning courfe, if they be dealt with by men of voluble tongues, and that come with any advantages to deceive them. A man that will deny the life to come, or revile Chrift and the Scripture, or teach men to worfhip Mahomet, or the Sunneand Moon, if he have-liberty, and a plaufible tongue, may look to have Difciples. The preaching of wifehood hath as true a tendency to damn men, as the preaching of truth hath to fave them. None can be wicked a-gainft their wills: rie that will bring men to damnation, muft do it by deceiving them, and enticing them thither: They that moil promote mens delufion in the matters of Faith and Holy pra&ice, do moft promote their damnation.

And how deadly an enemy contention is to charity and holy living, and how.certainly the Liberty in queftion will kndle continual contentions, is a thing too evident to need J>i$6f. i:

6. That's not a good Caufe that gratifieth Satan, and promoteth his Kingdom, and his malicious ends: But fo doth the Liberty now in queftion: For it is his Liberty y to deceive by his Inftruments, and fo to damn as many as he can. When he is let loofe to deceive them that

dwell

An Addition to the Preface.

dwell on the Earth , it is faddeft with the Church $ Satans Liberty to deceive, is not the Chunks Liberty, nor jxirchafed by Chriit for us,but is a heavy judgment. As Chrift teach-eth and faveth by his Minifters and Do&rine, and hath liberty when his Word doth run and hath its liberty 5 fo Satan teacheth and deftroy-eth by his Inftruments and Do&rine, and hath liberty when they have liberty.

7. We muft pray for our feives and others, that £ we be not led into temptation: ] Therefore it is not a good Caufe to let loofe Tempters by a Law, or to permit men to exercife their

f wit and eloquence and other Faculties, to draw as many as they can to finne 7 even to thofe finnesthat have the ftrongeft tendency toper-dition.

8. If Magiftrates muft give Liberty fen all to propogate a falfe Religion, then fo muft Parents and Mafters alio: (For their coercive Power is rather lefle then the Magiftrates then more; and they are no more Lords of Faith or Confcience.) But if all Parents and Mafters fliould give fuch liberty, it would be a crime fo horrid in the nature and efFeds, as I am loath to name with its proper titles.

9. A Pari: It tendeth to the deftrtt&ioh of an Army, to give liberty to all men todo their word to draw them to Mutinies and Rebellion:

An Addition to the Preface.

It tends to the mine of Families, that all have liberty to do their worft to tempt the Sonnes to theft and drunkennefle, and the Wife and Daughters to whoredome : It tends to the de-ftru&ion of the Commonwealth, if there be liberty for all to perfwade the people to fediti-on and Rebellion: And therefore it muft tend to the deftrudtion of the Church, and of mens Souls,and confequently of the Commonwealth in the chief refpe&s, if all have leave to do their worft to preach up Infidelity, Mahome-tanifme, Popery, or any falfe Do&rine or Worfhip, againft the great and neceffary Truths.

10. The particular Churches by the Power that Chrift hath given them in the Gofpel, may judg men for Herefie and falfe worfhip •, and muft not give fuch liberty. 7*7.3.10,11. A man that is an Hereticky after thefirfi andfecond admonition reject: Knowing that he that isfuchy is fubverted, and finneth , being condemned of himfelf ajoh. 10. if there come any to yon> and bring not this Doffrinc, receive him not into your houfe, neither bid him > Godfjtced: For he that biddeth him God fpeed, is fart alter of his cvildeeds. Rev.2.14,15,20. But I have a few things againfi thee, becaufe thou hafi there them that hold the Doflrtne of Balaam — So haft thou aljo them that holdthe Doilrincof the Nicolai-

tans ?

An Addition to the Preface.

tins, which thing I hate—Becaufe thou [uffereft that woman $cz,ah.el> which calleth her [elf a Pro-fhetefle, to teach and to feduce my Servants, to commit fornication, and to eat things offered to Idols. Elymas was ftruck blind for refilling theGofpel* and this (though miraculoufly } by the Miniftry of the Apoftle* Ananias and Sapbira were ilain for thinking to deceive the Holy Ghoft. Simon Magus feared ftich a judg-mentforfuch another finne: Paul wiflitthem cutoff that troubled the Calatians. He delivered Blafphemers up to Satan. All this (hews that it is not true, tY&tChrift only U to jndge&ch Errours, cr that we are to give account to'him alone. (And if Pallors may judge them as to. non-communion , Magistrates may judge them as to a necellary re-ftraint.)

Hence alfo it is apparent, that Pauls words Rom. 14. Who art thou that jud^efi thy Brother , &c. are nothing for this Lfoertinifme, or dtbafing of the Magiftrate: For he fpeaketh not to them that cali'd their Brethren to the Ma* giftmes Barre^but to them that cenfured them in their own minds, or in the Church by too rigorous uncharitable cenfures: And yet nothing is more apparent then that Paul did fe-vetely cenfure greater errours inFaith and Wor-iliip himfelf, as tbeforementioned paffages bar

c a witneile;

An Addition to the Preface.

witnefle: He calls the Judaizefrs, dogs, evil workers, of the concifton, &c. The whole context (hews, that in Rom. 14, and 15. it is about ("mailer matters, yea things in themfelves indifferent, that Paul doth condemn thecenfuring of our Brethren, either by mental orChurch-cenfure, which is nothing to the fubverfion of mens Faith, by damning Herefies, or to falfc Worfhip in the great fubftantial Points,

Object. But he that faith, that we mufi give account to Chrifi-alone,excludeth not the Church, hut only the Magiftrate: For Chrifi judgeth by the Church, and they are fnbordinate to him.

Anfrv. i.Itisexprefsly £ thejudgment feats cf men'} that by the Authouris contradiiiin-guifhed to the judgment of Chrifi: Ahd the Church, both Paftours and People are men, as well as the Magiftrate. 2. The Magiftrate alfois iheMinifier of the Lord, Rom.ii. and what he doth rightly is owned by the Lofd, and he is fubordinate to Chriil in his placets well as Minifters are in theirs.

11. The honourable Author tell us Pag.n. that £ the defired and expected end of this bleffed work in the three Nattonsy is the bringing in Chritt, the defire of Nations as the chief Ruler Among us. 3 Yea Pag. 19. That the choice of ferjons bearing his Image into the Magiftracy,

may

An Addition to the Preface. may produce to the Jetting up of the Lordhimfelf and chief ^udge and Lawgiver among us,'] Now either he meaneth that Chrift immediately by himfelf lliall be the Judge , or mediately by his officers The firft cannot be his fenfe, as I have many reafons to believe. And if ic be Chrift by his officers , then either by Civil officers , or church-officers. The firft cannot rationally be judged to be his fenfe: For a Holy Magiftrate is fuppofed to be the Means to bring in Chrift as Judge: and the Means and End are not the fame. And if it be the Government of Chrifts by Cbitrcb-officers,t\m is intended, I know not in particnlar what is intended. For if neither the Government by Biihops, Presbyters, People, or all conjunct, or any that we have had in England,be the Government of Chrift, I know not what Government by man we can expeft that is truly his : And therefore if we have not the Government of Chrift already, I defpair of having it ( Though I hope we may have it better exer-cifed by his Officers.) For I dare confidently fay, that the Government by the Romane Vice-Chrifiyis none of the Government of Christ that we Jhould :hofe for 7 and that I have f roved it.

But this is my Argument: If the Legiflati-onand Judgment by Jefus Chrift among us be

c 3 "the

An Addition to the Preface.

the End that our Government (hould aim at, then the liberty in all matters of Worfliip, and of Faith, is not the Good Caufc $ for this is againft, and moft inconfiflent with this Government of Chrift. I appeal to Reafon,wbe-ther to give men liberty to preach down Chrift as a deceiver, to preach up Mahomet, to worship th? Sun or Moon, to deny the Refurre&i-on, or perfwade men that there is no life but this,no Heaven or Hell, and to cry down Scripture and a holy life, and all aftual worfhip of God, &c. I fay, whether liberty for thefe (yea or the MafTe alone ) be liker to be the Government of Jefus Chrift, or conducing to it, then is the reftraintof all this Infidelity and impiety < Doth Chrift rule more when all we have leave to fpit at his Name, and call him Beelzebub y and to deny his Faith and Worfliip, then where none are fuffered to do this * This will be believed but by few that confider of it. At leaft when a Chriftian thar's now deluded with the fpecious name of Religious Liberty, fhbuld fee the pra&ice, and hear his Saviour reviled by the Jews, and the Mahometans, and the wicked heardened in their finne, by being told that there is no life but this, it would make his heartto turn and tremble,and then he would fay, that this Liberty fignifieth the Reign of Satan, and not of Chrift j and that it is the

loofing

An Addition to the Preface.

loofing of the Dragon, and no: the liberty or. the Saints. It's an unholy Saint that would have liberty to reproach his Lord, or deny the Faith, or any EfTential Article of it, or to {peak againft his holy Worihip.

12. Liberty in all- matters of Worjhip and of Faith, is the open and apparent way to fet up Popery in the Land: Therefore it is not the Goed Caufe.

The Antecedent hath fuch evidence, that it would be injurious to a wife mans under-ftanding, to fuppofe that he doth not fee it (that Popery were thus likely to be fet up.) And he that feeth it, and yet would effect it.-—

Confider i. How futable Popery is to a carnal inclination, (as I have manifeited elfcwhere.) 2. What plaufible Reafons Papifts have to delude poor fouls, from pretended Univerfality, Antiquity,efc. 3. And how few of the vulgar are able to defend their Faith, or to anfwer the two great Sophifticall Queitions of the Pa-pill, Where hath your Church been Vifibleinalt Ages f and, How prove you the Scripture to be the Word of God? 4. And how it will take with the People to be told that their Fore-fathers all died in the Roinane Faith. 5. And above all, what a multi tude of Jefuites, Fryers, *nd Prieftscan they prepare for the work, and

An Addition to the Preface. pour out upon us at their pleafure, from Flinders, France^ Rome, and other places. An J how tftefe men are purpofely trained up for this deceiving work, and have their common Arguments at their fingers ends •, which though they are thredbare and tranfparent fallicies to the wife, yet to the vulgar, yea to our unftudy-ed Gentry, they are as good as if they had never been confuted, or as the beft. 6. And what a world of wealth and fecular help is at their becks in France\F landers,Italy,Sfain, Germany, dec. They have Millions of Gold,and Navies and Armies ready to promote their work, which other Se&s have none of. 7. And what worldly Motives have their Priefts and Fryers to promote their zeal i Their fuperiours have iuch variety of Preferments, nnd ample Trea-fures to reward them with, and their fingle life alloweth them fo much vacancy from Dome-ftick avocations, and withall, they fo much glory in a Pharifaicall zeal in compaffing Sea and Land to make Profely tes, that it is an incredible advantage that they get by their indu-flry: the envious man by them being fowins his tares, whileft others deep, aad afbaot half fo Induftrious in refilling them.

8. What abundance have they lately won in England, notwithftanding they have wanted publique liberty,and have ooly taken fecret op-

portu-

An Addition to the Preface.

portunities to feduce i Perfons of the Nobility, Gentry, and of the Clergy, as well as of the common people,, and zealous Profeflbrs of Religion of late, as well as the prophane have beenfeduced by them. Princes in other Countries have been wonne by them $ and the Pro-teftant Religion cunningly workt out: And what a lamentable encreafe they had made ia England before our Warres, by that connivance and favour which through the Queen was procured them , (though incomparably ihort of this abfolute Liberty) is fufficiently known.

9. And it is not the leaft of our danger, that the moft of our Miniftersare unable to deal with a cunning Jefuite or Prieil: And this is not to be wondered at •, confidering how ma-nay of them are very young men, put in of late in the neceffity of the Churches ( which the world knows who have caufed) and there muft bz time, before young men can grow to maturity, and an unfurnifhed Nation can be provided with able experienced men •, And the cetiation of Popifh aflaults of late,hath difufed Minifters frcto thofe Difputations: The Reformation feemed to have brought down Popery fo low, that we grew fecure, and thought there was no danger o? it: And the Papifts of late have forboja much to meddle with us

bare-

An Addition to the Preface.

bare-f ac'd, and have plaid their game under the vizor of otherSe&s^ and withall young godly Minifters hare been fo taken up with the greater work of winning fouls from common pro-phanenelle, that moft have laid by their Defen-five Arms, and are grown too much unacquainted with thefe Controversies. We have fo much noted how Controverfie in other Countries hath eaten out much of the Power of GodlinefTe, that we have fallen by difufe into an unacquaintednelfe with the means of our ne-cefiary Defence •, and while we thought we might lay by our weapons, and build with both hands, we are too much unready to withftand the adverfary. Alas, what work would Liberty for Jefuites and Fryers, make in our Congregations in a few Monethsfpace! I muft confefs this, though fome will think it is our dishonour. It is not from any ftrength in their Caufe ( for they argue againft common fenfe it felf ^) but from their carnal advantages, and our difadvantages fore-mentioned. It's eafier f o pull down then build 7 and to fet a Town on fire than to re-edifie one Houfe $ and to wound than to heal*

10. And then if Popery (hould come in, what meafure Proteftants may look for at their hands, we need not go out otEngUxdznd Ire-land for proof.

Heave

An Addition to the Preface.

I leave it therefore to the Judgment of all men that are not faft afleep in their fecurity, and utterly unacquainted with the advantages of the Papifts, Whether this Define of Engaging the Magifirates by a Fundamental Confiitution, not to meddle with Matters of Faith and Worjhip, hut leave them all to Chrifi alonty be not the frefem fetting up of Popery in England 5 and the delivering all the fruit of our Labours, Prayers and Vi&ories into the Papifts hands {

And I would be refolved, Whether he that is not wife enough to know this ? Or, He that knoweth it, and yet would do it f Be either of them deftrable Rulers for this Commonwealth?

Obj. But Liberty for Popery and Prelacy 8 Still excepted.

Anfw. By whom < Not by the Honourable Anfwerer of the Healing Queftion. Clean contrary, it is [ Matters of Religion, or that concerns the Service and Worjhip of God, yea All matters of Gods Worjhip , ice. ~j without any fuch exceptions at all. And if all Worjhip be out of the Magifirates reach, than fo is the Majfe^ and the preaching for it. And if all Matters of Faith, then the Papifts Faith.

But if there had been aa exception againft Popery

An Addition to the Preface. pery put in, it would have been to little pur-pofe, as long as a general Rule is laid down that condenineth that exception. For if it be the ftanding Rule, that matters ot Religion and Faith, and all matters of Worship are out of the Magtflrates power : To fay then, that Popery fiall be excepted from Liberty, is to fay, The Magiftrate. ihall £ intrude into the.proper office of Chrip 3 (as the Honourable Author fpeaks,^*g\6.) to reftrain the Papifts. The unr>: ifonablenefle of this will quickly procure a repeal. And how can fuch a Senate deny the Papifts Liberty , when they plead their own Principles, yea their Fundamental Conftituti-on for it i It's paft doubt this Do&rine deliver-eth up England to the Pope: I know Infidels, and alfo many tolerable Se&s are all at work as well as Papifts: But Infidels go againft fo much, fo clear prevailing light, and make fuch a horrid motion to mens fouls, and the tolerable Se<5h are broken into fo many parts, and with-all would ufe us tolerably, if they (hould prevail, and all of them are void of thofe Magazines of Learned men, and Money, and Arms, and Power at their backs, which the Papifts have, that it's eafie to fee that the Papifts (yet fmiling on the Infidel > would fwallow up all. I am paft doubt that I (hall offend by thefe cx-pVeffions, But if it were my own cafe,I fhould

hardly

An Addition to the Preface hardly yeeld to die, left my friend would take it unkindly, if Irefiftcdhim, that would amicably deprive me of my life. And fhould I fi-lently fee the Nation and Churches here undone, left I give offence, when the matter is of greater confequence than ten thoufand lives i

So much to the Old Caufe : now of the Per Jons.

Prop. 7. It is not the Party that hath owned, and now owneth the fore-aefcribe& Cau[e, that have the Right of being free Citizen*, or of Compofing the Commonwealth , or of Go* verning or chooftng Governours, any more than thofe that own it not: Nor is any man to be dive fed of this Right, for not owning this Caufe: And ihould that Party only take them-felves for the free Ele&ors of our Parliament, and divert all others of their freedom, it would be one of the moft tyrannical, impious, perfidious ads, that Hiftory ever revealed to the world, and would prepare for the perpetuall ftiame of the Agents (to fay nothing of the mi-fery of their fouls.)

I prove it. 1. Falfhood and wickednefTe can give none aright to Chufe, or to Govern, nor can the want of it prove men void of that Right: But the Caufe here deferibed isfalfe and wicked: The firft branch of it £ That the Peo-

An Addition to the Preface*

pie have the natural proper Soveraignty. ] I have proved falfe in this Book: But yet I infift not fo much on this, i. Becaufe it is but £ Li-lerty of choice"] which we all maintain, that fome men mifcall by the name of [_Soveraignty.~] But for thofe that mean ill, as well asjpeak ill, their opinion fubverteth the foundations of Govern-^ ment.

And the other part of the Caufe [ thcllni-vtrfalLiberty in matters of Faith and Worfhip, dnd the nullity of the Duty and Power of the Magistrate herein ] I have proved it (and hope to do more fully ) to be a wicked Caufe. And if none fhall have Power or Liberty in the Commonwealth', but thofe that own fuch a wicked Caufe, let the world judge on what grounds you go, and what kind of Commonwealth we (hall have conftituted.

2. By this Rule (of confining Power and Liberty to the owners of the fore-defcribed Caufe) the Old Parliament muft be excluded from all Power and Liberty, and fo made flaves: For they fully fignified their Judgment to be againft it: Not only in all the fore-mentioned waies and ads, butj alfo by Aftsor Ordinances aginft prophane Swearing, and for the holy observation of the Lords Bay, and divers the like about Religion.

3- And all the Parliaments that have been

eyer

An Addition to the Preface. ever fince (that which the people chofe not, { call not'a Parliament:) have all difcovered their Judgments againft this Caufe.

4. So did the old Lord Prote&or Cor General, which you mil) in his time.

5. So did all the Parliaments in King J-ames and the beginning of King Charles his time, that madefuch ado againft the connivance at^ and encreafe of Popery and Arminianifm ( & you may fee in Mr. Buftworiks Collections: ) And were none of thefe fit to be exempted from flavery, and to be free men in a Common-wealth i

6. This very Parliament as it was before its diffolution, declared themfelves of another mind^ and medled with matters of Religion and Worlhip, as in many inftances I can quickly prove.

7. The Army according to this Rule, muft be enflaved. and deprived of Liberty and Pow> er. For they have more than once declared themfelves againft this Univerfal Liberty in Religion, Firft in their Agreement of the People, and then in the Injlrument of Government $ and now in their Propojals to this Parliament, they exclude from Liberty,Popery,and Pre lacy ^nd all that profefi not Faith in God by JefusChrifl, or in the Trinity 5 and that profeffe m to believe the holy Scriptures. And it the Anpy alfo

muft

An Addition to the Preface.

muft be denied Liberty, who ihall have it i when yet you defcribe the^W Party by their adhering to the Army? Even in thiscaufcj, which the Army was againft? They were indeed for too much Liberty, but not for fuch a Liberty as this.

8. The fame I may fay of all thofe Judges and Citizens of London, and other perfonsof quality, that owned the Inflrument of Government.

g. Yea,1 may boldly fay, That it is the farre greateft part of the godly in the Land that muft be disfranchized by this Rule: For the far greateft part of them abhorre the thoughts of Liberty for the Ma(Je 7 and for preaching up Popery, Mahomet anijm or Infidelity: Molt ot them defired the Acts for the Lords Diy , which fheweth that they are for no fuch Liberty.

10. And if it were a juft and pious opinion, yet there is nothing in it, that our Liberties fhould lie upon. It men have a natural Right to their Liberties, as you intimate ^ how can it be proved that this Right is loft to all that do not thus debafe the Magiftrate, and arc not {or fuch extended Liberty i We may differ much more than this I hope, without forfeiting our Civil Liberties. Good men are as lyable to differ in judgment about a point in Politicks « (^whict

An Addition to the Preface.

(which is little ftndied by them ) as of Religion: And in Religion it felf^ if other differences deprive us not of Liberty, why fhouid this only be thought fufficient. If one that belie-vetb not a life to come, may have< Liberty ^ why may not one who thinks thatfuch fiouldnot be tolerated to fr of agate their unbelief? Are thofe uncapable of Liberty in England,t\\zt have Liberty in all other Chriftian Commonwealths'; And are thofe uncapable of Liberty in England now, under the intended Commonwealth,that have hitherto enjoyed it, and confuted the Commonwealth? We (hall then fee how Liberty is promoted.

Prop. 8. Conqneft doth give neither the Ar-m% northe friends of the jore-described Caufe, any Soveraignty,or Right to deprive us of our Liberty that dtforvns that Caufcor any Right to Rule us,.or % to Refijl our Rulers.

I prove it thus: i. They fought and conquered but in the capacity of Subjefts % and therefore could win no more then the Rights of $ubje&s to themfelves.They fought not for $o~ veraignty to themfelves, therefore they won no, Soveraignty to themfelves. I (ijppofe they will not fay, they fought for it7 nor { fir more than the Securing and Improving of the Rights and Liberties which they had before.

2. What Armies win ( befide their pay andt £ iawtv.U

An Addition to the Preface. lawfullprize) they win for their lawful! Go-vernours. under whofe Authority they fight, and not for them(elves. If Towns and Ca-ftles won by Warre be not the Armies, but the Civil Powers under whom they ferve,much lefife is Soveraignty theirs by Conqueft. If any could win it by Conqueft it was the Parlia-' ment, to whom the Souldiers did profefle fub-jedion.

3. The Parliament that had a part in the Soveraignty were not (juftly) conquered by the Army: Therefore the Soveraignty could not be won from them by the Conqueft. For the Parliament had no Warre with the Army, or none wherein the Army could have a juft Caufe and pretence of Conqueft,

4. It is the Peoples Right to choofe their Governours.

But the People of England ( befides the Cavaliers ) were not conquered by the Army: Therefore they have notloft their Right by being conquered, nor can be denied the exercife ot it, nor can any pretend a Power ot Ruling rhem by Conqueft without their choice.

1. That we are not conquered by the Army i* p&ift, in chat we never tought againft them, ; he! therefore could not be conquered by them.

2. In that many of us fought for our Liberties as w ell as they. Obj,

An Addition ta the Preftee.

Obj. Bnt the Army were not Mercenary Soul-diers, and therefore are mt tied to the Lam of fucb.

Anfve. Either the meaning is, that they never took pay, or elfe that they made not their pay their ultimate end. The firfl will not be laid or believed. The fecond is a fecret of the Heart: but charity binds us to believe it to be true: For it is a hard Queition, Whether/^ a mercenary Souldier that kills men meerlyfor eight pence,or two {hillings fix pence a day (or more ) be not as bad as a Cannibal, that killeth them to eat. Sure we are he is unworthy the name of a Chriftian, if not of a man. And it's no good confequence, that men have acquired Soveraignty, or a Right to Refill the So-veraign, becaufe they were not fo inhumane. And yet none can fpeak fuch things certainly of ajiy but himfelf,becaufe we know not the hearts of others.

2. But ftill they fought as Subjects, though not as fuch Mercenary Soiddiers^ and therefore as Subjetls they were bouad to continue in Obedience tor confcience fake.

5. If Conqueft be a Title either to Rule,of rifift Rulers, then it is either the General only, or the Army under him that hath won to them-felves this Right. It the Gentrd enly, then thr Army are ncverthelefs Subjects (till: If to

da

An Addition to the Preface.

the Amy 7 then cither to the officers only, or to the common Souldiers. To the officers only it cannot be ^ for the fame reafon thac will put by the General from that Soveraign or Right, will fttt by them. And if it did not, how (hould we know whether it were All the officers y or which of them*. If it be the common Souldiers that have won the Soveraignty , and fo it is in the Major Vote, why then do the Officers prefume to command them i Yea then they muft be Ruled by them, as their Supream Go-vernours.

6. If Conqueft were a Title to Soveraignty it would belong to all that conquered: And I doubt not but there are ten., if not twenty Souldiers in theCountrey that have laid down Arms fince the enemy was conquered, for one that is yet remaining in the Army that had a part in that Conqueft.

7. If Conqueft were fuch a Title, I have reafon to believe that it is but a fmall part of the Army comparatively that have that Title, as being not in the Army at the Conqueft: I believe that moft of them are fince come in,or very many at leaft.

8. You fay that the Good People not in Arms, owning the fapieCaufe, have the fame Right: Therefore it is not meerly by Con-eucftv For they conquered not fo much as we

that

'An Addition to the Preface,

that continued in the Army, till the firft Warre was ended.

9. The trefent Officers at this lafi Change were not ail of a mind, that yet had an equal hand in Conqueft. And how comes an Opinion to make one part of the Conquerours to be the Rulers of the reft t

10. If Conqueft gave the Army Power to Rule or Reiift, then it feems they had juft Power to put out this Parliament when they did it, and may do fo again, if they think it beft: And may they do fo by all future Parliaments in their time, or not ? If not, how come they to have more Power over that Parliament \v\i\ch they ferved under, than over o-thers i If they have fuch Power over all, then why do they not tell us fo, and exercife the Government themfelves.

In a word, here is no room for any rational plea for a Right of Soveraignty by Conqueft. And if there were, it would be in the Majority of the Conquerours, that are not in the Army. And if there be no Right ef Soveraignty, there muft be Subjeftion, and no more Right of Refifting than other Subjects have. And if it be confined to the owners of the fore-defcribed Cauje, then the Army is excluded, that hath difowned that Caufe: Or if they did own it, it feems they would lofe d 3 their

An Addition to the Freface.

their Power,when ever they fhould change their opinion.

Teach not all Armies ( that fay they have higher ends than money) to take themfelves for the Conqueroars of their Soveraigns: And teach not future Parliaments that Do&rine, left they choofe a cheaper flavery from the ene-my D rather than theraifingof an Army to depofe themfelves.

In all this, I pretend not that the Honourable Authour is any further againft my Pro-potitions, than his plain expreffions fatif-tie the Reader: For I am not fure in this point of Conqueft that I well underftand him.

But I may fafely conclude. That they that go againft \_ the Laws and Conftitutions of Government ] and take [ Succejje and Conquest for their Law ] and Q their military capacity for their utmoft and Lift referve, in cafe all other fail, ~] ( :>s he (peaks, pag.g. ) have a lamentable Qiufe, and fetting their wifdome againft the Lords, and making their conceits or intereft their Law, do fall under the terrible Threatnings of the Word, againft the Refifters of Authority.

Prop. 9. They that pretend £ the imv.trd warrant cf J-nflice and Ki'?hteeufne(fe~] (z$ hefpeaketh^. 9. J and \^the inward reajon

and

An Addition to the Preface.

And fpirit of Government ] for the violation if Laws or Confiitutions, or Refifiing of. Authority, as being above £ the Letter, Form, outward circumflances, and empty Jbadows ~] do reject the Government of the Lord, and become their own Governonrs. ]

Reafon i. The Rule of Righteoufnefle is without us in the Laws^ and there can be no fuch thing as an Inward Righteoufnefle, which is contrary to that outward Law, the Rule of Righteoufnefle. There can be no fuch thing as an inward Righteoufnefle > that is not conformed to the Rule of Righteoufnefle, becaufe that conformity is its eflential form.

2. It it be the Intention of a good end, that ts here meant by the Inward Reafon and fpirit of Government 2 it's commonly known that the means muft be good as well as the end-, and that a Good end will not juftifie bad means.

3. Were it the proper fenfe of the Law that is called [ the reafon and faint of it 3 that's di-ftinguiihed from the Letter, we (hould all acknowledge, that the fenfe is the Law, and the Letter is but to fignifie the fenfe or matter: So that all would not have failed , to caft them on their military capacity as a lafre-ferve.

An Addition to the Frefacel

4. We all Jconfefle that there are cafes in which the Law of God may nullifie contradicting Laws of men, and the end being of Gods appointment, and the means but of mans, or clfe but of Pofitive inftitution, when the means ceafeth to be a means, and is inconfiftent with the end, it may ceafe to be a duty* But 1. That will not allow men to fet up means of their own, forbidden by God ^ and to do evil that good may come by it. 2. And I have proved that it muft be a greater neceffity than any could be here pretended. As it is dangerous pretending a Neceffity of Violating other Laws as in the Letter-, and to murder, commit adultery, fteal, bear falfe witneffe, upon that pretence •, fo it is dangerous as to dif-honour our Natural or Civil Father, or Refift them", much more to depofe them, on fuch a pretence, where there is not indeed a warranting neceffity.

I long thought that the too eafie pleading the Reafon and fpirit of Gods Laws and Ordinances of Worfliip againft the Letter and Form, would grow to the like afage of Ma-giftracy and mans Laws. But what God hath joyned, no man fhould feperate. As the Body may be kept under, and ufedasa fervant to the foul, when yet to feperate them is felf-jxmrder 3 and as the outward Ordinances of

Worfliip

An Addition to the Preface.

Worship muft be ufed in a fubferviency to the internal graces of the Spirit $ but not be caft off on fuppofition that they are hinderances: So Magiftratesand their Laws muft be obeyed in a fubordination to God and his Laws 5 but not caft off, refilled, or depofed, without and againft the Authority of the Univerfal Sove-raign.

But if all this were other wife, yet the owners of the fore-defcribed ( evil YCaufe y have nothing from the Spirit and Reak of Govern-• ment, againft them that have th^Vifdom and Honefty to difown it.

Yea, if menflioald really do good to a Nation by fuch unwarrantable Refiftance, it will not juftifie them from the guilt of the finne.

Prop. 10. For all this the Honourable Author dothaffert, (pag. 10,) That £ unto the wisdom of the Laws and Orders of the Soveraign judicature, the Sword is to become mofi entirely fab-]ttt and fttbfcrviem: ] Therefore fo [bouldyour Sword have been to the Parliament that vert violated.

They are no fmall fruits that would be procured by your conviction, if thefe evident Rea-fons might prevail for your Repentance*

1. Your fouls would be faved from the ' guilt*

v. • z. Thoufands

An Addition to the Preface.

2.Thou(knds may be faved from making the fume their own by anafter-coftfent or approbation.

$. You will ftop here,and go on no further, and no longer keep out fo many faithfull Members, under the name of the corrupt Majority, And when we are fet in joynt again, by your .Reftitution to your Subje&ion and Integrity, and our Rulers Reftitution to their Power and Truft, and the Peoples Reftitution to their RigtAnd Liberties,our Peace and fafe-ty will be Reftored.

As I was concluding, I received two Writings : One by Mr. Harrington, expreffing his juft indignation againft-an Oligarchy, or the fet-ting up of a felt-conceited Party, in ftead of a true Commonwealth*. The other to Mr* Harrington in a Letter ( of the fame ftyle with the Anfwer to the Healing gueftion) pleading for the Godly s Inter eft , and a Senate to have the Propoftng and Executive Power. I leave it to the Reader, whether the way I here hold be not the true Mean between the cx-treams < That All be acknowledged free Citizens, that jfubjeft themfelves to God in Chrift, and td the true Soveraign Power: yet fo as that wickednefle forfeit their Liberty.

Anchve muft e^rneftly crave, that the God-

h

An Addition to ihc Preface.

ly Party may not be defined by the fore-mentioned points of the ill Caufe ( Popular Sove-raignty, and common Liberty in all matters of Worfhip, and of Faith, as things without the reach of Magiftrates. ) The lefle Humility, the leffe GodlinefTe: But how little Humility have they that take all to be ungodly through the Land, that agree not with them in this bad opinion i It is Q the whole Party of Honefi men 3 that the Authour of the Healing <%ue-ftion would have one civil Incorporation, pag # ii. where he ibevvs the danger to [the Army and their Governours, that may come by fating and keeping up themselves in a divided inter eft from the reft of the Btdy of Hone ft men. ~] But he that can confine the whole body of hone ft men? to fo narrow a room as the Owners of the aforefaid Caufe, will give away one of his beft Arguments (his Chanty ) by which he (hould prove himfelf an Honeft man.

And we as earneftly crave, that neither fuch a Senate, nor any other new form of Government, b? impofed on the Nation or fet up without their free confent.

And if thefe juft demands fhould be denied us, and we fhould be unrighreoufly enflaved by' our Brethren, we Appeal to the Jufticeof the moft righteous God.

The fnare is here laid fo open to our eyes

(even

An Addition to the Preface,

I even the Defign to fet up a party over us, that by a Fundamental Conftitution (hall be engaged to debafe the Magiftracy, and let in Popery and Impiety upon the Land,) that nothing but force can procure the Body of the Nation to Confent. If ever fo vile a thing be done, and the name of Liberty or Commonwealth, be ufed as a fcora to an enflaved Peace, the Lord be Judge between us and our Oppreffours.

Adam

Adam Cont^en the Tefuites Directions for Preferring and Reftoring Popery and ChangingReligion in a Nation, before the People are awake: In his Politicks, Lib. z.cap. 1 6, 17,18.

Cap. XVI.

IStojhewthat Princes mujl determine of no-thing in Religion,as having Power to defend that which the Pope determineth of but no fewer to appoint or change any thing themselves ' or judge of Controversies, as pag. 673. The Church mufi Judge, And the Prince mufi Exe-wte,

Ca?,

The Jefuites Dire&ions

Cap. XVII.

Is to (hew 7 That to prefervc Religion, that is, Topery where it is, no ether Religion fhould he •permitted: and that Riches tend much toftrength-en the Clergy and preserve Religion : And {coin-ing the poverty of Proteftant Minifters, faith, That after their frjl attempts, their Mini ft ry de-clineth into meer contempt ', and that poverty and neceftity forceth them to pleafe the people. Lajl-ly, he perfwadeth to fpeedy punifhing of the erroneous, and cutting them off in the firft appear* ance, and to prohibit their Bonks,and to take heed of Julian's device, of deftroying Religion by Liberty for all Sects: ( Thus they do in Spain,Ita-ly, Auftria, Bavaria : 8cc.)

Cap. XVIII.

The way to bring in Popery, and work out the P rot eft ant Religion, he thus defcribeth :

I. That things be carried on by (low but jure proceedings, as aMaftcian tunes his Inftmment by degrees : Lofe no opportunity •, but yet do not precipitate the wotk.

R. 2. Let no Prince that is willing deft air: for it u an eafie thing to change Religion. For ivhenthe common people area while taken with Novelties and diver fit e> cf Religion , they will Jit down and be aweary,and give up themfelves to their Rulers wills.

R t 3. The Doctors and leading Pafters mutt be

put

for Reftoring Popery.

futout: but if that may be all at once: but if that cannot be Jet it be by flow degrees* When the Leaders are down all will fubmit.

Here he pretends the examples of fome Princes that expelled Lutheranifm, and giveth his advice under the cover of inftances :

i # The pnrpofe of changing Religion, and ex-tirfating Lutheranifm, mull be concealed: Not but thatfome of the wifer fort may know it, but the People mujl not, left it Jhould mcv* them.

2. Somemufl be fubornedto beg importunately of the Prince for Liberty to exercife their Religion, and that with many and gentle words, that Jo the People may thigh the Prince is not enclined to Novelty, but only to Lenity, and to a tender-ne(Jefor tender confciences, and that he doth it not as from himfelf. For the Vulgar ufe to commend a Prince, that cannot deny the Subjects their tie fires, though they arejuch as were fit to be de* nied.

3. One or two Churches only muft be defired at firfi, as being fofmall a matter, that the people will not much regard.

4. When the Zeal of Profeffours begins to rife againfi the change, they are to be pacified by admitting both parties to conference before tbt Go-vernours.

5. Let they: he a Decree f$r Pacification, that

The Jefuites Dire&ions $ne^ party do not rail at the other, nor calum? niate them. And \o the errours that are ib he brought in wiU have great advantage, when they are covered, and may not he contract-Bed, or [o much as named : And Jo the Raters will be thought to be onely Lovers of Peace, and not to intend a change of Religion.

6. Next that let there be fome pnbUcJe Di-fyutatiori between the Parties , but with fome difadvantage to them that are to be outed.

7. Let all this be done but on pretence that the feveral Parties may be joyned lovingly together in Peace : And when the Ministers refufe this, let them be accufed of un-peaceableneffe, and pride, and objiinacy , arid difobedience againfi the Magi fir ate, and not for their Religion.

8. When it comes to the putting out of fome Miniflers , and the People begin to Petition for them, let the matter be carriedfi-lentty ; and in the mean time, let the People be told , that it is because thofe Miniflers are: heady, ob (I in ate men •, that the People may be perfvaded that the Minifiers are faulty, and have deferved it , and may be put one~ ly to defire Liberty for the more Peaceable fntn.

S.Wheri

for Reftoring Popery;

9. When thus the people are deluded, and there is no danger of a re ft flame,then turn the Minifters mt of the Churches, and put in thofe that you would fet up in their ftead.

10. Then change the Univerftties, and tell all \he Fellows and J Scholars', that theyfhall hold their places if they will turn, elfe not, &c. many will change Religion with the Rulers.

11. Next he inftanceth in Aafia where the Prince pretended, that all the Profefjors and Mini fiers places were void at the death of his Pre-dec eft or, and he had the diftcfall of them i by LatP.

12. And the change was there made ( as he pretends) by flow degrees, one or two Opinions only changed at the frft,dnd not the whole controverted part of the Religion 7 andfo the people wiU think it hut as a [mall matter to yield in one or two Opinions, and he eafily brought to obey.

13. Laftly, They fall to writing againfi each c-ther^ and thofe that have the Court-favour feem to can fit*

All this Advice is about the third Direction ? I that is, how to work out the Minifters lately, which he covers under rietended inftan-ces of luch as have changed Religion in Germany.

4. The fourth Rule is, To put out of Ho-

Inours, Dignities, andpublime ofvees^ ail thofe e

The Jefultes Dire&ions that are mofi adverse to Popery : It is but juft that thofe that hinder the fafety of the Commonwealth , fhouldbe deprived of the honours and Riches of the Commonwealth, if men are depofedfor hey nous Crimes, why not for Blafihemy and Contempt ef Truth ? (you muft believe the J>efuite that this is the Proteftant Cafe.) if thofe of a contrary Religion be left in honour and fewer, they m/L be able to crofs the Prince in many things, and encourage the People of their own Religion.

5. The fifth Rule is, That when a Here fie (for fo is the Proteftant Religion to them) is wholly to bx rooted out, and this mujl be done by degrees, and in a way of reafon, and cannot be done by meer Command and Power, then you muft firft fall on thofe opinions that the Common People are moft againfl, and which you can quickly make them think abfurd : fo he inftanceth in feme that would work out Lutheranifm 3 that fj>eak honourably of Luther, and fell on them only under the name of Haccians : fo the Armi-nians at Utrecht, when they would extirpate Cal-vinifme, made a Decree, that no man fhould Preach any thing, that feemed to make God the Author of fmne. Thus a Magiflrate that would bring i# Pcpcry, muft fall upon fuch hey nous 0-pimoxs, which the impudent themfelves are half /ijhamedof^ and bring thefe into the light that

they

they may be odious, andfo the Teachers willlofe allthdr Authority, when the people fee that they are taken in a mamj c efl fault.

6. Thefxth Rule to bring in Popery, anda-bolijh the Proteflants Religion, is, to makeufe of tbe Proteflants Contentions. How eafie is it ^faith he ) in England to bring the Puritans into Order, if they be forced to approve of Bifhops ? or to reduce the Puritans in the Low Countries, if the Prince adhere to the Arminians i For the Variety of Opinions makes them doubtfully that before feemed certain-, fo that when the Magi fir ate joy net h with one fide, he eafily overturns the other y and leaves the whole obnoxious: As Paul did by the difjention between the Pharisees and Saduces, joyning to one fide, he efeaped 4 This ( faith he ) I would principally p erf wade an Orthodox Magi-fir ate to (that is 3 a PapiftJ For he may with & much advantage make ufe of the Proteflants dif-agreements, as of the Papifls Concord, toextir : pate Proteflants. As in Wanes, it is not only the skill and flrength of the Generall, but often alfo the Carlefneff'e of the Enemy* or his Miflahe that give very great advantages for fuccefje. When rigid Calvinifm was a(Jaultedby theLu-therans in the heat of the Paroxyfm, it wxs exasperated, and the fuddain reflraint did much hurt :\ But now the Arminians have of their own accord let go tire hardefi part of their ri?or, and jud% t

e z ealymiftS

The Jefuites Dire&ions Calvinifts to be impious,md perfecute them in the very Univerfity, and in other Towns the) force them to banifhment *? and would venture to do more and Crueller things, if they were not afraid of the firength of the adverfe Party. Verily tf Prince Maurice alone did hut fl and for the Ar-miniafls 5 the rigor of the contra-remonftrants would flag-, or he broken.

7. The feventh Rule is to forbid the Protectants pivately orpubliquely to Afj'emble together.

8. The eighth Degree mufl be to proceed to fe-verity of Laws and puniflments : Here he endeavours to prove this violence lawfully (Fire and fagot, is referved to the Iaft.) But this violence though it mufl be for the change of all, need not be exercifed on all. Cut off the Leaders , and the multitude will follow the Authority of the Rulers. Shame will retain [owe, and fear others, but a vain fecurity will prevail with mo ft,^ when they know not how to help it*. Within thefe few years, C if he fay true,) above anhundredthoufand have been turned to Popery in Vtmce^and more in Germany. Not any of the Princes ^/"Germany that Aid endeavour to draw ever his People to the Ca-tholicksj did ever find any force or Refiflance contrary to his Laws. Note this all you flande-lous Paprfts that accufe Protefbnts fo much of Rebellion to hide your own : Here's a ^fejuites

Teftimotiy

for Reftoring Popery.

Teftimony on Record for our vindication.

His next Rule is+ The good life of the Popi/h Magijtrates and Clergy: ( And that let them ufe as much as they will.)

Chap.19.Htf commendeth many [matter helps: As 3. Mmjcky to entife people by delight. 2. To catife all at their marriage to profefje the Popifh Religion* and Jo rather then go without a Wife or Husband they will do it. 3. So alfo to deny to Protefiants Church-Priviledges, at Baptifm, Bu-riall>&cc.

LaHly he Concludes y That where the work mufl be fecretly done by degrees , the Magif rate must keep the Institutions y Prefentation, Confirmation* and Examination of Mini ft er sin his own hand ?> andfo ( if he cannot cafi them out at once ) he mufl cafi out the moft dangerous, ( that is, the a-bleft Proteltant Paftours,) and put over the Churches? the Di[agreeing, andthofethatdonct mind matters of Controverfie much , and thofe that are addicted to their own Bornefick bufinefjes ( worldly men,) andfuch as are addicted to the Rulers: Let him coole the heat of Herefie, ( he means true Religion ^ ) and let him not put out the Unlearned: and fo their ReligiomviHgrew into contempt.

Let the Magi ft ate cherifh the Diffentions of the erring ( he means the Protectant) Teachers : And let him procure thtm often to debate together*

e 3 and

The Jefukes Dire&ions

and reprove one another. For fo when all men jee that there is nothing certain among them> they will eafily yield to the truth ( he means Popery.) And this Difcord is profitable tofhew the manners of thofe wicked men. For he that will read the Contentious Writings tff Lutherans againjl Cal-vinifts, or Calvinifts againjl Lutherans 3 will think he readeth, not the invectives of men a-gainfi men, hut the furies and roaring of Devils a^ainfl Devils. A fair warning ! But the Je-fuite tells you not what is done at home J From theft things the Ruler may talce occafion for a change: Let him enquire into the Original ofthefe accusations: And if he find them true Joe maypumjh the Guiltyjf falfejje may punijhy(t\m is>caftout) the Accufers.

I have given you the fumme, (not the literall tranflation) of this Jcfuites Politicks, for the bringing in of Popery into a Nation: It all fuppofeth that the Rulers feem not to be Pa-pifts themfelves, that they may do this in the dark.

ThefummeofCamipmeltisCcuitfell, for the promoting of the Spanish inter eft in tngland, in guecn Elizabeths daks: was,\.Ab$ve allto

breed

for Reftoring Popery,

treed diffentioni and discords Among our felves. 2. To have Seminaries inVhndo:s y thatjor the changing of our Religion, mayfirftfow the feeds efDivtfion in points of natural Sciences. 3. By fubornedforreiners to promise great matters to the great ones here. 4. To promtfe to King. James the help of Spain, fo he would fet up Popery, or at leafl not hinder the Indian Fleet. 5. At the fame time to perfwade the chief Parliament men, to turn England into the form of a Commonwealth 5 by telling them that the Scots mil be cruell when they come to Rule tbem,&c. 6. To perftvade gueen Elizabeth that King James would revenge his Mothers Blood, &c. 7. To exafperaie the minds of the Bifhops againfi King James, by perfwading them that he was in heart a Papift 9 a»a would bring in Popery. And by thefe means the feeds of an inexplicable War will be fown between England and Scotland, Jo that no fatty will have leave to difiurbe the Spaniard. Or if King James prevail, he will he a friend to Spain. Or if the I (land be divided, or the Kingdom made F.leffive, we fhall neither have mind nor Power to enlarge our Dominions : Or if the If and be turned into the form of a Com?non-wealthy it may keep contjnuall War with Scotland, and mannage all its affairs fo fiowiy, as that they can linlehurt the Spaniard. 8. the Ca-tholicks here alfo are to be awaked and fined up*

e 4 that

The Jefuites Pire&ions

that the Spaniard may take thefirjl opportunity to enter upon England undeit pretence of helping them*

8. The Irifh are Per leaded to Rebellion.* Thtft ( with the hiring of the Dutch to defend the Spa-nifh plate- Fleets and fall out with us, that we may not hinder it) are thefumme of this Fry an defign againfl England*

Their Method to win particular perfons, you may find in Cofterus Prctf.Encheirid. Thoma a JefudeconverfeGent./.8,^r.2 # §. 2. p. 544, 545. Poflevinus Lorichius 5 ov.

1. Be fur e to keep the Refyondents part,and not the Opponents. It's not fo cafe to prove, as to wrangle againfl Proofs.

2. Follow them with certain ^teflions, 'which the vulgar are not verft in. As 1. Where was your Church before Luther < or where hath it been vifible in all ages ?

Q^2. 'How. prove y cm that you have a true Scripture that is the Word of God among you ?

QT 3 . What ex pre/Word of God do the Cat ho-licks ( the Papifis ) contradict ?

Q.4. How prove you that you have a truly called Mimflry, that is to be-, heard arid believed ly the people ?

<\5. By what warrant did you feparate from

thi

for Reftoring Popery.

the Catholick Churchy and condemn all your own forefathers, and all the Chrifit an world ?

Qj5. if you will [eparate from the Catbo-Uek Churchy what reafon have you to follow this Seci, rather than any one of all the reft ?

Qzj. What one man can you name from the beginning that was in all things of Luthers or Calvins Options*

0^8. Do you not fee that God doth nofblefthe Labours of your Minifters, but people are as bad as they were before ? what the better are you for hearing them ?

Many morefuch filly guefliom^ they train up their Deceivers to fropoundandprofecute y whicha knowing man difcerneth eafilj to betranfiarext Cheats •, but the Ignorant may be gravelled by them. And if I find it neceftar^and have time, God willing I (hall furnijh we Ignorant with the true Refolutions. ,

THE

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THE

CONTENTS

Chap. I.

THfrtf # 4 God that is mans Creatour, proved, p. 4. Chap. II.

(70^ is the Soveraign Ruler of Mankind: proved and that this is in Order to another lifcs.

p. 6. Chap. III.

Of the ConfiitHtion of this Kingdom of God,

p.i8.

Vindicated againfi Tho. White a Papifi.

p. 21.

And againfi Mr. James Harrington,^ p.45.

Chap. IV.

?/ the Admnifiration of this Univerjall Kingdom

The Contents.

dom* p«42

Government neeeffary by Dhine Ordination

P-5 2 Chap. V.

Of a particular Commonwealth in genetall fub

ordinate to the Univerfall p. 5 8

'the People as fuch have no %overaigi

Power. p.63.

Chap. VI*

Of the divers forts of Commonwealths. p. j6. That Democracy, or popular Government is n-

fually the worfi. p. 85?. proved by twenty

Reafons. of the objective or mater tail differences of

Governments, p. 106. ofthejuft andun]uft\

Limitation of the Soveraign.

Chap. VII.

Of the Fundation> efficient and conveying Cau-fes>and means of power.p. 121. God as the Univerfall Soveraign, is the Originall of all Governing fower. The difinlt afts by which he conveyeth it tc

Man. p. 124

What's necefarj Dif}ofitively to the being oj

Authority. p. 128,

What providence doth tofet up or take down\

p. 134

Th\

The Contents^

The Peoples part. p.lSfl

Wicked people jhouldnot chooje Governors in a Chriftian Commonwealth: proved fully.

p.i68,i72,<£r,

Of forcedconjent. p.181. ( many other Cafes through the Chapter are resolved.)

Of Fundamental Laws, and of the conflicting Att. p<i82 5 i83 #

"The People give not the Power. p. 190.

How the Conflitution may or may not be changed, p.ipj. Chap. VIII-

of the be ft form of Government and happy eft Commonwealth* p. 8.

A Theocracy or Divine Government defcrihed 7

jo far as we may attain it. p. 2 09.

Bow near the Church and Commonwealth

fhould be commenfurate p. 21 6.

The Reign of Chrift and the Saints on earthy

which may be boldly promoted by us.

p.221. No form of Government in the hands of

wicked unfit men > will make a Common-

tveahhfo happy, as the worft form with fit ;cn.

r. Harringtons models infxffcim to the

ends pretended. p. 2 24.

Ch

AP.

' The Contents.

Chap. IX.

How a Commonwealth may be reduced to thu The-ocraticall tempt> if it have advantages > and the Rulers and People are wiL<ng.

P. 24*.

Bight Rules of practice y principally to be coh-

fidered by all that deftre a HOLY and HAP-

PT Commmonwealth.

Chap.X.

Of the Soveraigns power over the Pallors of the Churchy and of the differences of their offices.

p.285*

Where many Cajes arerefolved, aswhofhall

judge of Controverfies and Here fie ? of

excommunicating the chief Magiflrate .

of Governing Minifiers, and of the Magi-

firates duty in matters of Religion.

9 Chap.XI.

vf the Soveraignsprerogatives, or Jura Regalia, or power of Governing by Laws and judgement. ¥-3 l 3' A Law defined, and the Definition explained, and vindicated from fome exceptions.

p.317.

Here the Reader mufi observe, that having de-

fined a Law in gentry in hafle I forgot to

addt

The Contents*

adde the Definition of a Polieall Liw ia fpecie. But there needs but tno things to he added to the General Definition. I • That it be made by a Politic alls over aign^.That it be for a Politicall end> even the geodef the Commonwealth. Of abrogating^ andfufpending Laws^ appointing Magiftrates, and other Jura Majeftatis,

Chap .XII.

of due obedience to Rulers, and of Reftfiance :

Rom. 13. expounded. p. 346.

How far we muft obey^ not reftft. p. 354, &c. Where many cafes are refolved.

In what Cajes we may dijobey or refiHtheper-fons that have power, p.375. Where many weightj Cafes are refolved. As about Heathen Princes. P-439*

How far we may fight for Religion. p*44i.Sa-ravias objections anfwered. P445-

The Caujes and Evil of obedience. p.45*.

Chap. XIII.

\Mn Account of the Reafons that perfwaded me ( and many others ) to take up Armes in obedience to the Parliament in the Lafe Wanes : Tendered for their fatisfattion 1 that are uv^ufll-j offended through their

mijtakifig

The Contents.

?nifiaking of Hhe Cafe: Or in hope of

I greater benefit to my felf, if they can prove

that I have erred. P456.

Meditations upon the unexpected Neivs of the

fe\ Viflofoing of the LJl free Parliament, and

jowe other fafjages^A^nW 25. p«49X*

A

A Hcly Common-wealth.

If work^is not to write a Treat Ife of Pc-Imckj ^taking in all thais meet to le underftood. concerning the Jnftitution , Confiitmion and Ac.miniftration of a Common-weal : nor yet to follow the CMethode that would be rctfuifite for fuch an Undertaker', but only to lay down a few Political Apho rijmesy containing thofe things that are denjed or faffed over by [erne of the frond Pretenders to Politicks y that opdofing the Politician to the Divine , acquaint us that their Politicks are not Divine^ and consequently none y or worfe then noneiand alfo to cleare upfome of thofe things thatfeeme to me to be too darkly delivered in the Writings and fpeeches of many good and learned men ; and which the Confciences of many are much perplexed about y in thefe times ; to the great lofs ami hazard of Church and Common-wealth : And I muft begin at the Bottom, and touch thofe Prxcognita which the Politician doth pvt^uppok^becaufe I have to do with fomc, that will deny as much, as (hame will fuffcr them to deny.

Chap. I. tThere is a God, that is mans Creator.

Thef.i. There are men inhabiting the e art hi

HE that denyeth this, denyeth himfelf to be a man , and therefore is not to be chfputed with: yet proveth it to others, while he denyeth it.

B Thef,

2 There Is a (jod ^ that is mans Creator. Thef. 2. (JWan is not Eternal ; bnt had a beginning

We fee it of all the Individuate y that they bj Generation receive their Exiftence ; There is nc man alive now here in flerh , that was alive a thouiand years a^o. Generation fucceedeth Generation. And as all men that are now on earth hac a Beginning ? fo muft there be one firff wan that alfc had a Beginning. Or elfe he muft have been a pun Aft , without Compofiticn , or imperfe&ion, felf fuflficienc, and without caufe, and fo not have beer Man but God y and therefore not the fuppofite thai wefpeakof: And as he had been infinite in Duration af art ante ^ fo muft he bzapartepoft: for thai which have no caufe , can have ditfblution or end But this is not the cafe of man : therefore man had z Beginning.

Thef. 3. Man did not make himfelf.

For before he was , he was n»t: and that which u not , cannot work. Nothing can do nothing : who-foevcr made him , knew what he did, and how, anc why. But neither he that was not, nor his parents knew either what was doing while he was formed in the womb > and how he was fafliioned , aor to what end each part and motion was appointed. Therefore neither did we make our felves . nor are our Parents the principal caufe of our Bern*. Nor could the firfl man be made by himfelf when he was not, or his Parents that had none. ^

Thef.

Tlxrtis a <jod > that is mans Creator. 3 Thef. 4. jherefcr: 'man hath a fuptrier Maker.

If he be anefteft, he muft have a cau r c. Nothing below can be his principal Caufe : Nothing doth lay claim to fuch an honor; Nothing is fufficient for fuch a work: All things below are effeits thcmfelvcs , and therefore have their caufes.

Thef. 5. Man being a living Creature> confifling of foal and body , his foul Is vegetative , fenfitlve and rational , ( or intcllettnal ) and hath an Intellect to dl-rell^ a, Will to ch'ufe or refufe y and a Power to execute Its Commands.

Senfe it felfe is a fufficient Diicerncr that we are fenfible: and Senfe and Reafon that we are vegetative: And Reafon fufficiently difcerneth that w*eare rational: not by an immediate intuition of the Pow* er but by an immediate IntelledHon of its own Afts. Wnile I reafon to prove that man is rationall, and you reafon againft it, we both prove it,

Thef, 6. Wifdom is the due qualification of mans Understanding ; and Virtue , or moral Goodneffe of his Willy and tAblllty y and Promptitude for Execution of his executive tower.

Mans foul is capable of thefe; and fome in a lefs , and fome in a more excellent degree are polTefled at them: fofew men will confefs thcmfelves to be whol-lyvoid of Wifdom and Goo !nefs y that we need no: prove the exigence of thefe Endowments.

B z Th

4 There is a (]od, that is mans Creator.

Thcf. 7. He that made man y doth excel/ all men that he ever made in all ferf Bions of underftanting , Will and Tower.

For no one can give that which he hath not to give, either formaly or eminently : Nothing of it felt can make that which is better then it felf : for then all thefuperabundantperfe$ionofthecfFe<a fhould be without a caufe. He therefore that made man , muft needs have more Power,Wifdom and Goodnefs then all the men that are, or ever were in the world • bc-caufe they had none but what he gave them.

Thef.8. He that is the principal caufe of man , is an Eternal^ Immrnfe , moft perfect Being y an infinite Tower y Wifdom and Goodnefs\ that is y he is (jod.

Either man was made by a Creature, that had him-felfe a Maker, or immediately by the uncaufed Primitive, Simple^ndependent being, which is the caufe of all things elfe. If he were made by a Creature, that Creature being but a dependent Being, could be but dependent inks caufation, andfo could be but theinftrument of, or fubfervient to the principal caufe. And as the firft caufe is not diminished, er lofeth not any of his pcrfe&ion by making the Creatures, and communicating to them,no more is he the lefs in any effeS, becaufe he ufeth them: But as they have no Being but from him, fo they can do nothing but by himjand as his perfe&ions arc as glorious, as if there were no Creature in Being;fo the eff efts > which as his inftrumentsjthe Creatures perform,are as much

his

his own, as if there had been no Inftruments. For if they are Creatures > they can neither have nor do any good but wholly'from the Creator; fo that if it could be proved, fas it cannot) that the firft caufe did immediately make man , yet would it not alter our cafe , or conclude him to be ever the lefs our Maker.

And that he is an eternal Being without Beginning or caufe, is clear: For elfe there fhould be a time > (as we-may call it) when there was Nothing. And if ever there had been a time when there was AV thing , there never would have been any thing : For nothing can do nothing,andmake nothing: He therefore that thinketh God had aBeginning,thinketh that he wascaufedby nothing,\\ithout a caufe: and lb that all things were made by nothing,

wind as the Eternity of God is thus moft clear^nd is his Immenfity. For he made not that which is greater then himfelfe, or that can comprehend him, elfe he fliould communicate more then he hath * and the effeft to be beyond its total caufe, which isim-poflib'.fc: And if he comprehend all things, and be greater then all things , he muft be immente. And that he is infinite in Power, Wifdom,and Goodneffe, and fo moft perfe& •, is clear, be caufe ail the Power, Wifdom and Goodneffe of the Creature is from him; and therefore he hath more himfelfe then all the Creatures have: and therefore is infinite in all. If all the Power, Wifdom and Goodnefs in all the world were contra&ed into one perfon, it muft be left then his that<giveth all. None can make that which is better then itfelfe. I pafs by all other Argumencs,as intending at this time no other demonftrations; but B g tbcfe

6 God is (the Soveraigv Ruler of x Aim-kit W-thefe, from chelate v which we are to treat

or'. And from theic the conclulion is now made plain, that TBE%E Is <tAGOD: and that PlE CREaTLDMAN.

\ Chap. IL Godisthe'Soveraign Ruler of Mankind.

Thcf. 9. The foul of wan is capable of knowing that there is a 9 od, whofe everlafiing favour is his happi-mfs^ an ( of loving him, do firing h'im , and feeing to enjoy hi mi and he may k^'ow, that nothing here bdorv can be his proper end and happ\nefs %

rHE experience of all that have the leafttfrne , Godlinefs doth aflfure us of the truth of this. Thus it is with them: They are convinced of the vanity of all things elfc* 5 and their defires are fct on the life to come. And what they f lafefs, the reft of men -are capable of.The foul liveth quite below itfelfe,and without any true fatisfa&ion or content, or any true improvement of its faculties y that lives for no more then temporal things, and looks for no life after this.

Thefe. 10. The nature of man is fitted to be here ruled by the hopes and fears of a life to come : and without thefe the world cannot be ruled according to (he natn-turc vf man.

\\c Dgi dtfaft* that moft of the world is ruled by

fomc

God is the Saveraign Hjder of* Man -kind. 7 fomc hopes and fears of a life to come. Mahonx-tansy and moft Infidels profefs to beiieve it; Efpeci-ally their Law-givers , who therefore make the better Laws. And the fame nature of man y and common experience deciareth, that were it not for fuch hopes and fears, che world would turn Car.nibds^ and bi like fo many ravenous beafts. Men in Power would have nothing iufficient to reftrain thsm from the greateft wickednefs; and fecret Murders,Burmn~;s, Stealings, Slanders, Whoredoms, and other Villanies would nil the world. So that the Hopes and Fears , and con-fequendy the Frcm'fez and Threats of a Happinefs or Miferyheareafrer, are Gods means agreeable to humane nature , for the due Government of mankind.

Thef. 11. Therefore the foal of man is immortal , and he is made for a life to come , where he jhall be for ever happy or miserable.

i

For God maketh his Creatures fuitable to their ufe and ends. Every work-man will fit hi; tools , or other work to the cad he makes them for. God bath nor beltowed thefc noble faculties on man in vain. If he would have had him uncapable of enjoying God hereafter, he would have left him as he hath done rhe bruits, uncapable of knowing him, defiling and feek-ing him. If he would not hzvt given us another life, nor. punifh the wicked with a future mifery, he would not have promifed or threatned fuch thi nor ruled the world by the Hopes and Fears of them. For Go&is not impotent or defective in Wifdom and Goodnefs, that he fhould choofe , o- be neceiftcare^, to govern the world by deceits and lies. He hath hi*

B 4 choice

S Cod is the Sovereign Ruler of Man-kind.

choice of better means: and tells us in the nature of his works for what he made them.

Thef. 12. Were there not a life to come for man , his Knowledge , Dejires , Hopes and Fears , would he his tormrat , and the noblenefs of his nature above brutes y would make him fo much more mifer able than they , and the wife [I mtn y and the befi would bejnoft unhappy : which are things not to he believed.

It is apparent, that the knowledge of a God and

Happincfs > which we may not enjoy, would tantalize

us; and the fore-knowledge of an everlafting mife-

ry>as poflible and probable to the ungodly * would be

a continual caufe of fear and care to us: And there

is nor a Heathen that ever I yet met with , or fcarce

ever heard of, thar dare fay, He isfure that there is no

life to come : They all confefs, That it may be fo 9 for

ought they know > though fome of them take it to be

unlikely and do not believe it. Now the very

Tofftbillty which is difcerned by almoft all , and the

Probability which is difcerned by molt , muft needs

excite abundance of cares, aud fears , and forrows,

which would be all in vain,and delufo:y,and vexatious,

if there were no fuch thing,as a life to come>which is

the Objeft of thefe affections: yea,the wifer any man

is, the more he knoweth the infufHciency and vanity

of all below, and the great Probability of a life to

come; ( fuppofing him to be without a certainty )

And therefore if there were no fuch future ftate, the

wifeft men fhould be the moft deluded , and fo prove

in the end the moft foolifh , which is a thing not to

•be foppbfed, that the mod wife and perfect Author

c( nature fhould be guilty of. God would not hav£

given

given man wifdome as his Excellency , and the image .of his Maker, thereby fetting him a6ove the reft o£ the inferior world, and all this to make him indeed a more miferable, deluded,befooled Creature, and the fcorn,as ic were of nature I The Lord of nature doth better fuice his works unto their ends, and is not the common deceiver of the world.

Thef. 13.//" there veere no life for man but this , \nens pious performance of their duty to God and man , and their prudent care of their own felicity would be their lojfe ', and mens wickgdnefs and folly would be their galn y and the worji would be leafl miferable i which are things not once to be imaomed.

It is impoflible that any man ihould be a lofer by God , and by the faithful performance of his duty; Satan himfelf, when be would make man miferablc , endeavorcth to that end to make him flnful, as the onely way ; and never dreameth of making him miferable oy his duty ; nor hath the impuden-cy to move that he may be deftroyed for well-doing : It is abhorrent from the wifdome and goodnefs of fhe'bleffed God, to fet man in the world upon a courfe of duty , which the more he performeth , the more he lofeth by it. The work is good, or elfe it could not be our duty : and the doing of good mud *end to our good, and not to our hurt. It is man$ perfe&ion or excellency to be obedient to his Maker , and to exercifc wifdom, piety , honefty , and a due care of his own felicity, to which his nature doth fo potently incline him : therefore to think that this is his folly or lofs, is a contwdi&ion to the wuuxc of the thing.

And

And that fuch a cow re of dury is naturally incumbent on us is evident: For nature teacheth us_ that the God that made usfhould be feared, and loved, and fetved above alband that we fhould live foberly, righteoufly and pioufly ; Yea , more then fo , when the worfer fort of Infidels and Heathens cannot fay , that they are fare their is no life to come : and when the mofi'f the world believe there is ; and when the common reafori of man-kind ( even of the Heathens ) acknowledged it to be probable , in this cafe , the plaineft voice of %eafon doth command , us , to make it the very care and bufi-nefs of this life to make preparation for another. When we all know how fhon\ uncerain and certainly vain, and unworthy to be much regarded, the pleafures, and profits and honours of the world are, or any thing that it can ycild us , Reafon tells us that he is worfc then mad, that will not prefer a probable everlafling happinefs, and the avoiding of a probable future mifery, before fuch things as theft?. And therefore Reafon telleth men, that if there be fuch 3 probability of future joyzs andforrows , it flionldbe the principal care ancj bufiue'fs of our lives to attaine that joy , and avoid that forrowe ( though there were no certainty ) fo that mans natural Reafon concludeth that the principal work of his life on earth , fhould be to prepare for anothet life, fo exceeding great a matter as that, being not for a lefler to be neglected, or rafhly ventured.

But now if after this, there were no fuch life of future joyes and forrows for us, then all this care and diligence were loft ; and that courfe of life that wif-dome it felf dire&s man to , woufcTbe in vain , which

is

God is the Sovereign Ruler of Max-kind. 11 is not to be imputed to him that givcth wifdom unto man: And as he that performeth his duty moft carefully to God, would fufter moll in the world ( as experience telleth us ) and moil be deprived of the pleafures, and honours, and profits which the flefh defireth, and fo be deprived of that which fenfuality accounteth felicity ; fo on the contrary fide , the naoft impious and unconfcionable mtn would be freed from all the forefaid cares and fears, and labours of wife men for another life, and would have liberty to plcafe their flefh, and live in all the feafu-all delights that they can attain, and fo they would be gainers by their folly and badnefs;and consequently folly would be wifdom, and wifdom would be folly ; good would be cvill, and evil would be good. It [ being certain then that a fojfibilitj and probability of another life is obvious to the light of nature , and that this fojfibilitj and probability obligeth every man in reafon, to live here in preparation to another fife, and to think no paines or cofl too great for fo great an end, and consequently that the God of nature , hath in nature prefcribed man this work;it muft needs fol!ow,that either there is fuch a life indeed hereafter, or elfe that God hath made our nature, and appointed our lives to be all but vain,and falfe,and delufory, and commanded us, or dire&ed us to that as good, which (hall be ourlofs; andfhewedus that as evil, which would be our gain; And if God cannot or will not govern the world without this courfe of delufion, falfhood, and fruftration, then he is below fome of his creatures, or at leaft not perfe& in power,wifdom andgoodnefs: and then thpre is no God, and then there is nothing.

Thcf

12 God is tkejSovertogn Ruler of Man-kind.

Thef, 14. It is not the ejfential conftittttive farts of man^ by which he is proximately capable of his felicity or end , but his moral perfections and accepta-blenejfe to God.

1. Otherwife aH men fhould be happy , becaufe all arc men , which is not true. 2. Otherwife there fhould no means be appointed for man to ufe , in order to his end ; for he hath his natural powers without any induftry of his own. 3. Elfe there fhould be an equality or felicity to the obedient and difobe-dient , the vertuous and vitious , and confequently vertue were no perfeftion and no vertue,and vice no vice; duty no duty , and fin no fin,if all tended to the fame eijd, and were equally confident with our welfare. 4. The light of nature teacheth all men, that vice defervcth punifhment, and vertue praife, and that Murderers, Traitors, and other wicked perfons deferve not that happineffe in this world,which others? have,l)ut forfeit their accommodations or lives; and that there is a certain laudablcnefs or capablenefs in humane a&ions, according to which men fhould be efieemed and ufed , and that it fhould go well with the good, and ill with the bad.' ?. And mans happineffe being Gods gift, can be given to none but upon his termes, and to fuch as are acceptable to him. 6. And the corruption of the beft things makes them wortt; and therefore a bad man is worfe then a beaft, and muft be more unhappy ; as a bad Angel is worfe then a man: who otherwife confidercd in his effenti-als was much above us.

Thef.

Thef. 15. Man therefore muft be fitted for his felicity and conduct* 1 to his end y by moral meanes.

For the means muft be fitted to his intellectual nature, and the motives to hi? faculties. God movcth not living creatures, as he doth the inanimate : We caft a ftone , but we drive a beaft. God can carry a man up and down, as if he had no life of his own: but if he had intended to do thus ordinarily by him , he would not have given him life: for he doth not his excellent works in vaine; fo God can move man as beafts are moved, fufpending his reafon, and drawing him by meere fenfitivc baites, and moving him byobje&s that fliall neceflitate his faculties to aft; but if he had intended 10 ufe him as a beaft, he would have made him but fenfirive as a beaft, and not have given him the nobler faculties of adifcurfive intellect, and free-wil in vaine. To thefe therefore muft the means be fuited.

Thef. 16. UWan oweth perfect dutj to his Maker, and muft have moral means agreeable to his nature to di-red him in this duty , *nd oblige him to it.

He that is capaple of duty , and is what he is , and hath what he hath intirely from God , muft needs owe himfclf, and all that he can perform, to God, and therefore muft have inftru&ions ofhif Makers will, and be direfted by him concerning his duty, which elfe he cannot perform*

Thef.

14 God is the Sovenign Ruler of Man-kind.

: Thef.17 U\fan is a fociable creature^ and muft be obliged according to his nature , to the amies of relation and fociety.

We arc fociable through natnyall inclination , and alfo through necejfity , being every man inefficient for hiinfelf, and needing the help of others to our prefent fubfiftence, and iafe, and pleafant, and com^ fortable being, and to further us in Gods fervice, and to our ultimate end: And vv* are made fociable for the common good , and the propagation and preservation of mankind: and principally becaufe that holy focieicies honour our Maker more then holy feparate perfons.

Th ef. 18. Thefe Moral means, muft be the Revelations of our end y and the frefcript of duty neceffary to its attaimnent^andthepromifes of good\ and cemmwati-4ns ofpuniftment necejfary to provokj us to performance y with needfull exhortations and dehortations y and fitch fubfrvient helps : that is , man is made a Creature to be inftrutted by Dottrinc y ruled by the ufe of Laws.

For an unknown end inviteth not the Rationall Creature, nor is intended or fought. As bruits mult be drawn by fenfitive objefts, fo man muft be drawn by intellectual objects fuited to the nature of man. And j thefe obje£ts muft be propounded, that they may be | apprehended : And as fenfitive objefts are offered to beafts to work upon their fenfitive appetite aud fanta(ie>by way of neceflity (becaufe that is agreeable to their nature)fo are iheooje&s of the Rational foul

pro-

Cod is the Saver aign Ruhr of OM&vkind. I5 propounded to our Intellect and free will , that they may be rationally and freely received , which is a-greeable to humane nature* And as we have natu-rally a power of Volition nd Nolition , chufing andJefufing, and the Affe&ionsof Love, and De-fire, and Joy, and Hope , and Fear> &c. fo none of thefe are made in vaine; and therefore all muft have their obje&s: and thefe muft be the great things of the life to come which we are made for, with the matters of this life that help or hinder them ; or clfe they cannot be the obje&s that are moft fuitable to our faculties, and for which it is that we are men. So that it is plains from the nature of man > that he is a Creature to be governed by Laws.

Thef. 19. If man muft know his End and Meatus , by Doftrine^ and be obliged by Laws y then muft there be Judgement and Execution of thefe Laws.

For Laws are vain and delufory without execution, and will diiliononr the Government ;as if he could not rule without vaine Promifes and Threats. Laws are the Subjefts Rule of Duty, and the Judges Rule of Judgement : therefore moft certainly if God have Laws, he will have judgement according to his Laws.

Thef. 20. If man muft have Laws , andthofe Laws be executed, then muft there be a King, or Soveraign Governour of man.

- For there can be noeffeft without its caufe: no Laws without a Lawgiver, no Judgment without

a

a Judge, Legislation , and judgement with the execution of the fentence,are the parts of Government: and therefore are the Afts of a Governor.

Thef. 21. The Sovereign Tattler of'mankjnd mnft be but one , and one that hath fuffclency or chief eft A$-tltnde^ and hlgheft Title.

i. Mankind hath One Original, and one Common nature,and one End,and their Creator and Governor is that end, which all fhould intend, and are capable remotely in their naturals to attain and enjoy: therefore they can have but one Soveraign.

2. He that is the Soveraign Ruler of the world muft fas to Aptitude^ i. Have wifdom enough to know all the Subjc&s y and all the fecrets of their hearts, and to difcerne each vertue and vice , each duty and fin that's done within by their thoughts, wills,or affedUons:and alfo he muft oe wife enough to know all the concernments of all his Subje&s through the world, and all at once ; and to know what Laws to make for them, and all the means that are fitted for their Government.

2. And he muft have fo much goodnefle as to be immutably true to the common end of the Government , and to be indefeftible in Truth and Jufticc. 3. And he muft have fo much power, as to be able to Protect all his Sub jefts in the world , and to reprefs all Enemies whatever > and to rpward all according to their works, and to punifh all that fhall offend,and fee to the execution of his Laws.

3. And befides this Aptitude t he muft have the chiefeft Title to be their Soveraign.

Thef.

Thef. 22, Therefore God^andonly God Is the Sovereign Ruler of mankind y as havirg alone 4he fufficiency or aptitude in his infinite perfections , and the Higheslr Title by Creation^ and a plenary propriety thence refusing.

i. God and he only hath the fulneffe of wifdom * goodnefs, and power•> neceflary to fo great a work. Or if thefe perfe&ions in any creature were proportionable to the Government of all the world.i .Yet were all this but in dependency upon God , and therefore that creature were not apt for foveraign Rule , as having and doing nothing of itfelf, but by a higher Caufe. 2. -Creation is a Foundation from whence themoft abfolute Right of Government doth refulc that is imaginably but in the order following.

Thef. 25. God having created man 7 a Rational free Agent , to be Ruled as aforefaid , and conferred on him all the benefits of which he is naturally poffeffed y doth by a neceffary refnltancy ft and related untd man, in a threefold relation y viz. our Abfolute Lord-(or Owner) oar Soveraign, Ruler, (or King) and */*r/w0/?bountifuIl Benefactor; and man {lands Re* lated unto God as his own, his fubjeft (as to obligation) and his Beneficiary.

Man being firft confidered more generally as a Creature, whatever he is^muft needs be his Makers: ■"' Creatio n gives fo perfeft a Dominion as leaveth no pretence for a competition, to the Creature himfelf, or any other Creature, fo that making us of nothing ,

C H

18 Of the Con^itution of Gods Kingdom.

it is impoflible but we ftiould be his Own: and therefore Dominion or propriety is the firft refult of our Creation.

Man being confidered as before defcribed, a ratio-onal free tAgent to be Ruled Morally , or by Laws; it fcext follovvcth by neceffary refultancy, that his Maker and Owner , is his Sovereign King ; having the Jus Imperii , as well as the Jus Dominii , which none elfe can have but derivately and fubordinately to him,wc have then evinced from the nature of man (waving other arguments further from our fubje& ) that</0_D IS THE S.OPE RAJG^E RULE'K OF MAN-K IT^V.

Chap. III.

Of the Conftitution of Gods King* dome.

Thef. 24. The World then is a Kingdom whereof God is the King , and the form of the Government is Monarchia abfoluta ex pleno Dominio jure Creationist an abfolnte Monarchy fr&m or with a plenary Dominion or propriety of perfons and things , by the Title of Creation.

BEcaufe this is the foundation of all my following difcourfe, as I have evinced it from nature , fo I ftiall for the ufe of them that are pretenders toChri-ftianity , more fully manifeft it from Scripture, and then anfwer what fome fay againftit. Though he is not a Chiiftian indeed that believtfh it not y

(nay

Of the Confiitution of Gods Kingdom* Ip (nay he is a certain Athcift y it being a denying God to be God , do deny him to be the Governour of the world ) yet becaufe fome among us that renounce not Chriftianity openly , and fome that pretend to it and to a belief of Scriptures, do yet directly or indirectly deny this, I fhall at lcafthelp all to (top their inouthesj while they own the Scriptures.

Pfal. 29.10. The Lordfnteth King for ever. ] Pfa* 47. 6 y 7. Singfraifes to our King y fing praifesjor God is the King of all the Earth.] Pfal. 10. 16. The Lord is King for ever and ever .] Pfal. 24. 10. The Lord of HoJts y he is thiKing of glory. ] Ifa. 43. if./ am the Lord jour holy One , the Creatour of lfrael y your King.] Zach. 14. 9. £ And the Lord fhall bee King over all the Earth y in that day fhall there be One Lerd<> and his T^am? One* ] I Tim. 1.17. |~ Now unt9 the King Eternal 7 Jmmortal y Invifible y the only wife God , be honour j and glory f y for cver % and ever y Amen^\ 1 Tim.6. i$.\jVhois the blejfed and only Potentate j the King of Kings 9 and Lord of Lords. [ Mai. I. 14. [ For I am a great King y faiththe Lord of Hefts y &c^\ Pial. 47. 8. Godreigneth over the Heathen ] Pfal. 4 47.2. [For the Lord mo ft high is terrible; he is a great King over all the Earth. ] Pfal. 95. 3. For the Lord is a great God y and a great King above all GodsJ\ In the Lords Prayer^ having firft acknowledged his Celeftial dignity and Paterrial relation > and prayed for the Hallowing of his name( which is our ultimate end) We next pray for the coming of bis Kingdom j and next for the doing of his will y or aftuall obedience to him, and that In all the Earth as it is in Heaven y acknowledging him King of Heaven and Earthy and we pray for Trovifion y Remiffton^v^ProteEiiom Ci from

lo Of tbeCon^itution of Gods Kingdom. from him as our King , making it the conclufion of our prayers, and fumme oi our praifes, that the Kingdom^ Tower , and Glory are his for ever. J The Prophetkall Kin^ doth thus begin his folcain praife to God, i • Chro.g. lo, 11.12. Bleffed be thou , Lord God ofTfraelour Father for ever & e ver.Thine O Lord is the great neffe y axd the power^nd the glory , and the Vi-tlory y & theMajeJtyfor all that is in theHeaven and in the Earth is thine: thine is the Kingdom 0 Lord , and thou art exalted as head above all^ both Riches and Honour come ofthee^and thou Relgnefi over all , and in thy ' hands is power and might % and in thy hand it is to wake great , and to give strength unto all. ] Pfal. 2 2, 17,28. ARtheends of the Earth {hall remember and turn unto the Lord: and all the kindreds of the Nations , {hall w or {hip before thee: For the Kingdom is the Lords y and he is the Governor among the Nations • ] And ^Pfalm 145.1, 5,11,12,13. [ They {hall fpeahj>f the Glory of thy Kingdom ^and talk of thy Power; to make known to the fons of men his mighty Atts y and the glorious Ma)eJly of his Kingdom : thy Kingdom is an everlafting Kingdom , and thy Dominion endureth throughout all fenerations. Pfalm 103. I9. [The Lord hath prepared his Throne in the Heavens , and his Kingdom ruleth over all. ] Verfe20. The Angels do his Commandments^hearkning to the voice of his word. / Verfe 22* His Dominion alfo extendeth to all his works in allplaces. Ifa. 37. 16. faith Hezt-kjah , [ Thou art the Cjod , even thou alone , of all the Kingdoms of the earth ; thou haft- made heaven and earthy Pfalm 146.10. The LorA{kail reign for c>ver7\ Pfalm 97.1. The Lord reigneth^ let the earth re Joyce.'] Pfalm 99.I. The Lordreignethy let the people tremble.']

Pfalm

Of the Conftitution of Cods Kingdom. 21

Pfalm g^.g.With righfeoufnefs Jkall he judge the world, and the poplewi-h equity.) 2 Chron. 20. 6. Jekofa-phat faith, ( O Lord God of our fathers > art not thou. God in-He averted rukft thou not over all the kingdoms of the heathen? &c. i Pialm67. 4. £ Thou Jhalc judge f he people righteouJLy y and govern the Nations upon earth.)

- It will be ufelefs to add more; for he that will not believe thefe > will not believe more. From his Legation, and other Acte of government, I fball ful-lier prove the point anon. That God is our cheif Governor.

B it one Thomas Anglus ex Alhiis Eaft~faxonum y in tnghlh, Thomas white % a Papifi , in his book about: T r :ry , and his other Writings, would perfwade us,rhp.t fuch notions as thefe are but Metaphorical, an., the conceits of vulgar heads, when properly ap~ plycJ to God, and that indeed they that are wifer, kno.y rhat God goyerneth as an Engeneer, that is, by a phyiifrall Promotion only, as men govern Clocks and Watches, or the Pilate, governeth a ftiip.]

But 1. Scripture cannot be fo eluded by any that truiy .believed it to be G ods \Vord> its evidence is fo plain and full. All that it faith might elfe be denyed with fuch an anfwer as this; But affirmation is no proof.

2. It is before proved v that a meerPhyfical motion and Government is not fuited to the nature o£ the rational Creatu re : but that he muft be governed by the propofal of convenient Objc&s, it is by Laws or moral Government. 3. If man can be governed without Laws,why do Parents command, and Princes make Laws, and judge men by thena. 4. Man muft

C 3 b-

* 2 Of the Confyitution of Cods Kingdom.

be ruled by his Creators WilL^not meetly as operating phyfically by afecret influx, but as known ; And we cannot know Gods Will immediately; for no man hath feenGodat any time; who hath gone up into Heaven / but we muft go to the word that is nigh us, Tfym. 10. Only by Signs can we know Gods Wiil concerning our Z)uty ; and thofe figns ar& laws.

ButlfuppofethatMr.^A//* doth mean, that God hath laws, but yet thefe Laws do infallibly determine, and obje&s neceflfitate the Will , andfo all Cauiality is properly phyfical, and that which we call Moral, affe&eth as neceflarily as that which we call Phyficall, though man cannor fee the force of caufes in their connexion and fecret influence.

But i. If this were true, that moral operations thus caufe, yet (till it is one thing to govern a rational Creature by the force of duly propofed Objefts, and another to move him as a lifelefs ftone : And if the firft way of Government be granted as to God, he will ftill be the uhiverfal Monarch. (And let them confider how the Pope can reign as Vice-God, or Vice-Chrift, if God, if Chrifthimfelfdo not reign. ]

But 2. Wefhallnotbeleevefuch bold Affertions without better proofe then he hath given, i. Becaufe we know that there is true contingency in the world, which his Affertion would overthrow. 2. we know that there is a Will in man that is a felf determining Principle , and naturally free , and that this part of the naturall excellency of man , that's called Gods Image, and maketh him capable of moral proper Government, with Bruits are not. 3. Becaufe Jus Do&rinc of Neceflitation by a train of Obje&s ,

overthroweth all Religion , and not only denyeth the fcope of Scripture , but blafphemeth God > and denycth the before manifefted Truths, which the light of nature doth reveal. For which way ever men will wrig2le,thcre isnofliift lefc, for them that hold this unreliable caufation of Objeds, as to the Will, but plainly they muft affirm, that God is the principal caufe of all fin, f fo far'as it is capable of a caufe ) and confequently of all the calamities and damnation of the finners. For whether it be by ne-ceflitating phyfical predetermination , or by necessitating objc&s, is all one. God is the chief caufe of the faculties of the foul that arefuppofed thus to be neceflitated , And God is the chief caufe of the Ob-jefts y and their difpofition ; ( and all the temptations , according to the oppofed Do&rine ) fo that God is hereby made the chief unrciiftable deternia-ing caufe of them to fin; even as much as by make-ing fire and ftraw , and fetting them together, he i> the caufe of the combuftion. And then that he fhould hate fin which is principally his own work > and fend his Son to die for it, and damn the impeni-tenr for it, will not be believed , but taken for fceni-cal Delufions, by thofe that practically hold this Opinion. And fo Scripture and Chriftianity is made a fcorn, and all Religion and Conference overthrown. All this we will believe , when Mr. white hath proved that a CM an is a Beaft^ and that the frill hath no more freedom then the Appetite of a Bmt. But he debafeth the noble nature of man, and knoweth not the natural liberty of the Will, which makes man capable of a Government, different not only from the motion of a Jack, or Clock, or Ship, but alio

C * from

from the driving of Coach-horfe.s > or the over-fighc and ordering of a Hock olfheep , vvho are not governed by Laws and• judgement. What Biafphemy more odious, then to make God the chief nece-flita-ting caufe of all the fin that is committed in the world, and then to make fuch a flir againft it, and preacjj them from it>& irinift the penality of it on Chrifhand damn men for it in everlafting miiery \ But as ?. ra n takes it for his honour that he can make a Watch that by natural inclination can go of it jfclf withquthis own continuall motion , foGod hath .honour:.-. ! iim-felf by making a free Agent that can determine ic lelf, and be the principal (though not of its Acljon as A£lion,) yet of its determination or A&ion as comparative: and though moral Habits may yet be iirong Inclines of the" Will,and moral freedom may be loft, ( and is in the unfandtified ) yet natural liberty remaineth as eflential to the Will ; and even in Heaven it will be infallibly determined to good , not by the deftruftion of the natural Power or liberty initielf ,butby theperfe&ionof the moral Habit, andtheprefence of the moft glorious Objedi, and the fecurity and manutenency of thepromifed grace of him whom we fhall there behold for ever. And i hough in this life Objed^s may-determine the htel-'lettper modum natnra by neceflitation 3 ( further then it is commanded by the Will, and its ads ziz.jartici-taiivi Uleriixi6f*nie habits may be fo potept as(with convenient Objefts), infallibly and constantly to determine the Will; yet it is not fo wichall > nor do JJabits as fich , or Okjefts as fuch , Necejfitate the Will, and determine it by the way of nature, as they do the Scnfe and Jntelleft.

Bat

But my Objections areoffmall moment to Mr v jvhitcy for he will grant, me the conclution as a certain thing; He oft affirmeth , (in his treat of Purg m and elfewbere) That God hath no vindictive Judge-mentor'jvftice; And he demonttratethy that all the world , or as good as all, iliall be happy ; (if you take alifo:demonlt;a:ion that is but ufhered in with an £rgo)ln Hi Enclid.Metaphyf.Stoech.K. this is his Propof \6.Mentes incorporateplenty; adbeautudvneni perveniunt. And will you fee it demonftrated*? \Cumenim inftrumentum propter tttionem feu effet-t urn propter qutrnft^ injlrumentum Mud eft' fftiftantU-Uter malum quod ftibftantiam fui ejfeclus<no» eStnatuin p.rficere: §>uare cummundusfit inftruventum ai per--ducendas mtntes incorporate ad Beatitudinem, nifihoc ejficiat , ent fubftantialiter mains ; fubftantia autem Be atifcandi genus humanum clareefi , ut tot particn-lares aniniA beatificentur ut que. deficiant nmjintfutfi-cievtes ad partem confiderabilem totius mttltitudinis conftitHendam^ &c. So again Be Med.G/fmm.jhatit*

jinfw. 1. But who ran tell how many arc a considerable part ? If one of a thoufand may i perifti, and yet ^©d efcape.your Judgement3 why not one of nine hundred / and why not one ofeignt hundred? and ; why not halfe, ormoft. 2. But will not your cenfure fall heavy on God upon your grounds,if any at all pei;iih ? If fo , why were you fo modeft , as to be aihamed to fpeak out , and fay, that you demori-ftrate that none fhall perifh ? *%. Experience eel let h us, that it is too coniidcrable a part of the world that are ungodly \ fenlual, Gluttons, Drunkards, Whoremongers, Murderers, yea, moft of the work! by far

that

2 6 Of the ConftitutienofGods Kingdom.

that are Infidels and Idolaters, and millions that be* lieve not a life to come, and feek not after ic, yea» that hate and perfecute them that do. And fhall all> or almoft all thefe be faved ? What danger is there then in fin, and what is the ufe of Chriftianity , or Piety, or Confcience, if the Heathens, and Infidels, and impious are fo generally happy ? Is this Popery? and this the Champion of the Roman caufe ? 4. Do fuch Papifts as thefe believe the Scripture , thatfo frequently and plainly fpeak the contrary,telling us, That [the Gate is fir ait , and the way is narrow that leads to life, and few there bethatfinde it , Mat. 7. and that many fhallfeek^to enter in , and (J all not be able y Luk.13.24. ] and that it is a little fiock^tim (hill have the Kingdom , Luk. 1232.] And that without Holincfsnone ]hall fee God, Heb. 12 • 14. Nor enter into his Kingdom without Regeneration y and Converfion y and mortifiing thefiefh, and living after the jprit , and doing tlnwill ofGod y John. 3.3, <j.Mat. 18.3.Rom. S.I, 13. Mac. 7. 22, 23* And thatGod hateth Hi the Workers of iniquity <> Pfalm ^. 5. And that he will fe-parate thern as the Goats from the flieep, and judge them toevcrlafting fire, Mat. 25; and that Chrifi will come inflaming fire , rendring Vengeance to them that know not God , and obey not the G off el of our Lord Jefus Chri& % 2. Thef. 1.9,1 o. andfunijh them with tvcrlafiing deft rutt ion from his pre fence.- And that all theyfhall be dawned that obey not the truth y but had pleiafure in unrighi-eoufnefsy 2. Thef.2.12. lAnd that their worm never d*eth » and their fire is not quenched , Mark 9.43,44.4^.46. Are not thefe, and many fuch paftkges plain enough? Or is he a Chrittian that believes them not ? Ai \d is he not of no Religion , or a

falfe

OftbeConfiitution of Gods Kingdom. *? falfe Religioner falfe to his Religion,that is a&amed to own it, but will pretend to be a Papift, a Chriftian, when he is no fuch thing? 5. Nay, would not Julian , and moft fober Heathens have been afhamed of thefe men? and Jews, and ^Mahometans think them unworthy of their Communion? When all thefe pfofefs to believe the neceflity of honcfty at lcaft, to the attainment of felicity! Butthefe mph pluck up aft-Religion by the roots, and tell almoft all the fwi-nifh impious difhoneft perfons in the world of x certainty of fal vat ion. (but wo to them that truft to their demonftrations) Forfooth, The world is naught if it bring thm not to happinefs ! And what need then of Honefty to Felicity, when the rout of the difhoneft are fure of it without it ? Arc thefe principles fit for Magiftrates to allow their people to read, unlefe they defirc their perdition? 6. But to his Demonftrati-on\ Before he had come to his Ergo , he had many things firft to have proved; as, that the World is a to-tal and fujficient lnftrument , without fupernaturall or fpetiall Revelations ; That this lnftrument is not only a propounded and commanded means ,but that God hath absolutely decreed and refolved de event*, y to accompli^ the felicity of all (or almoft all ) men by it : and that with almoft all the Heathen*, and Jdolaters, and Whore-mongers, and Murderers in the world, this lnftrument doth not only bring Felicity to their choice, ( and the way to felicity ) but alfo unrefiftably or effettnalh caufethemto choofe it,orfave them with' out Juch a choice; and that ttiere is nothing for man ti do for his felicity , but to be wheeled to it by the inftrumentality of the world; and that the haters of holinefi (hall be happy without Holiffefs 7 thu is, Happy without

HtppinefS)

2 & Of the Constitution of Gods Kingdom.

happwtfsy or found.andhealthfull without.hqaltb , or elie iTnall be made holy by the world at the departing of their foulcs> and that agaiafttheir wills, when he hath proved iuch impieties and - contradi&ions as thefc, tye fhalTreview his demcnft ration.

But his great foundation is £propof. 4. Dctts Creaf. cetera propter ipfarnet :] demonftrated. thus, [ Cxm enim nihil extra Veum fit till amablU (v\ hich was before demonftrated in fpigfit of Scripture and natujjc, too) & natnm perf cere ipfam y clarum efiyfi [olus. Deus confideretpir yindifferens e$e y Creata jintly&c nei Qjiare cnm A gens ex cognitione"agat ex Intentioncb^y clarum eft y Deum in ere at tone intendere bonum ipfa-rum creatHrarum yfeu ere are ilias , : ut ipfis > nonfib\* :> berk\fl .

Anfw. i.It feems then God loveth not the Creature, and yet made the world for them only , arid hot hirrifelfe. He will make them bppy \vlthout l6ve: But it hath of old b*en thought a,defciipnon of love, vellebonum allcmut ipfi 'benefit : to will the felicity of another. 2.. The will of GpcUs the beginning of all things: and therefore. the will .of Godmuft be the end. The .§ood pleafureof his will produced all things,'/and.the'" fulfilling or plea-fare of.the fame will is the end- of all things. Its not poflibie that God fhould have, any ultimate ..end but himfelf, nor >that any of his operations 'fhould be ultimately for any thing.below him that is their Original ; Can the/ infinite God j make a temporary finite imperfect Creaturerthe ultimate end of his intentions , This were to mak? it God; it being his prerogative to be the Omega as well as the Alpha , Thomas Animas is more to be regarded' her* then,

Thames

tffthe Constitution of Gods Kingdom. 29 Thomas ex Albiis , r.q.103. a. 3. crUtrav% finis gu-herna^ionis mundifit aliqtiid extra mundnm ?, R. Cum prixcipinmrerum ft alt quid extrinfecum a totonniver-fo y fc'ilictf Dchs> necejfe eft quod etiam finis rerun* jit quoddambomm extrinfecum <>& hoc rat tone apparct , err. And before £ Cum finis rsfpondeat principio , non pstejlfieri ut principio cognito^qnis fit rernm finis ignoretur J And doth not Wt.nhite think that God was die beginning of all ? That which is chiefly loved by the principal! Agent, is chiefly intended ip his principal works at leaft: but Mr. white thinks that no Creature is amiable to God , therefore none can be loved by him : therefore none can be his ultimate

2. But you fay > \twas'indifferent to God whether Jhey were created or no i Anfw. To his commodity it was indifferent, that is, he needed them not: and to his tv ill it was free , if you mean that by indifferency : But yet that free will chofc to make a world , and to communicate his goodnefs to his Creatures , for their felicity and not for his own,(that could receive no addition from them ) but yet for himfelf , even they and their felicity being ultimately for the good pleafure of his will. God can fulfill 0: pleafe his own free will, without receiving any addition of felicity , and yet all the felicity of the Creatures fhallbe but a means to that his pleasure.

% That which was Gods ultimate End muft be before his intention( the finis ch\) for it is not pofflble that he fliould intend fo much for nothing; for that which was not amiable or exiftent, nor could be fo much as in ejfe cognito , if the will of God had not firft caufed ic : and'God doth not wholly and dire&ly go out of

him-

3 o Of the Conflitution of (jodi Kingdom* himfclf in his Volitions : Buc no Creature had a be. ing before Gods Intentions , nor could their bein< be intended by him with out the pre-exiftence of hia to whom their being fhouldbe ultimately referred*

3.H0W for Intentio fims is properly agreeable tc God, and what it is that is called by us , Intentm in God , is no more known to you, then how man) ftars are in the firmament, and when proud men wil reduce the greateft matters, and cleareft certainties. to their uncertaine fancies they magnifie themfelves to their own perdition, and prove the moft peftileni enemies to the Church and truth.

I conclude then that ultimately God doth not make his Creatures ut ipfis bqnefit^wt he makes them and difpofeth of them, fome to felicity , and fome to fervitude or mifery for their fin , but all to the flea-fure of his will. His will is the fountainebzyond which nocaufeistobeaffigned , and his will is the end , beyo nd which there is no end. And one would think th is foouldbe no controverfie.

And 4. I would know of this man, whether he would take it for a happineffe or net, to be a Toade or a Snake. If not,whether God is bound any more by the Law and rcafon of his Creation to make all men happy that deferve mifery , rather then t<? make all Toads and Serpents to be men , tkat never finned. If it crofs not the reafon of his works, that you ftiould labour, and weary and famifli, and beat and kill your Horfe or Oxe, that finned not: why £hould it croflfe the reafon of his Creation to condemn the obftinate defpifers of his grace ? If you fay [ beemfe he made men for everlafting htppinejfc t and not beafts , ] I An-

fyver,

fwer, 1. It is the temporal hafpinefsoi beaftsthatis denyed them. 2. He made wicked men no more for happinefsjthen Snakes and Toades, (unlefs amece* dcKtly to offer them that happineffe which they re-fufe.)

But let us hear the proof of this ftrange conclufion of yours; That [Nihil extra Denm eft amabile ab iffo. Prop. 3.] This is all £ Cum nihil fit amabile quod no*fit bomm ( true ) neqne bonum nifi habittan de-lettet haUntem , ( pircly falfe ) & delegare habente* fit eumperficcre ( falfe as univerfally afferted) C*** dcU&atio fit freeiptns actus cognofcentis , palam efi y bwne bomm effe intr infect perfcttivum cognofcentis y cut efi bomm , fed mhil efi intrinfec e perfeftivttm Dei y cum in eo fit effentialiter omnis plenitudo entis feu perfefti-oMis : nihil itaqne extra J)eum efi Bomm & amabile.

Anfwer. I. There is a B§num infe & fimf liciter , 35 Well as a Sonum alicui refpeftivttm. As all love is not of CoHcupifcentU proceeding from defeft , ( nor ftri&ly aAciti*,) fo all good is not defired or ufed as a means, nor is bonum habimm y or defired , but fomc' loved (imply for it felf.

2. All delegation or complacency is not to per-fe& him that hath it. Scripture mod frequently a-fcribeth love , delight, and complacency to God, which are not to perfeft him. I conclude then, that 1. God loves the creature as Love fignifieth his will to doe it good. 2. He loves the good which he hath communicated to the Creature, as good according to its proportion, with a love of fimple Approbation and Complacencie. Not that he loves any thing in it but wiwt is from him! nor fo without himfelf, as if

alj

3 % Of the Conflitution of <jods Kingdom* all did not live, move and be exiftent in him ; but yet die good communicated to the Creature.is diftin<9 from God himfelf .All that isfrem Godisgosd(hz faw that which he had made to be good , and very good ■ Gen.l.) But^W may be accounted amiable to God : therefore all that is from Cod may be accounted amiable to him.

5. What a God would this man feign to the world that lovethnothing that he hath made, (ioi he can love nothing that is not amiable J when indeed he hateth nothing that he hath made, but for fin which he made not,and he is love it fclf. The magnifying of Gods love to man in the work of Chrift is his Incarnation , Life, Do&rine, &c. and the work of the Spirit, and all Gods Ordinances, and the End of all his Mercies, and the very work and ufe of Heaven it felf. And this learned man that's blinded with pride > would teach us now that God loveth no man and nothing but himfelf, God knows better then you what love is in himfelf who hath expreffed it of himfelf. Ask any honeft man on earth whether he believes this do&rine y or would have it true, that God loves no man.

4, And what a world of Creatures doth this man feign thit are none of them good and amiable.

5, And fee whether he teach us not all to deny our love to God. For 1. To tell men that God loves? no man , is the way to have no man love him. 2. If God muft love nothing for himfelf, becaufe nothing is sjood to him, it will follow that man mutt love nothing for God ultimately,upon the fame account. As nothing can add to God, fo we mutt love nothing as that which can add to God; And therefore- if that

be

.reafon enough againft Gods loving any thing for himfelfe, ic will be rcafon enough againit our loving any thing for him. And if God doe all for ann> be-caufe he can have no oih^r end f then man muft on the fame reafon doe all for himfelf. And therefore when he makes God mans End, he can mean but the final objeA that makes us happy , which is onely to love God for our felves, as our own felicity. Buc that God fhould be more loved fimply for himfelfe, then as our felicity is apparent: i. In that nature taught the Heathens to love the common good , a-bove their own felicity : therefore our own felicity is not our higheft end. A valiant Heathen would havefacrificed his life for his Countries good: not onely for a reward to himfelf in another world, nor onely for the fame (if their Profeflions may be credited J but for the common good. 2. And the light of natural Reafon, telleth all them that have not cap* fivated Reafon tofelfifanefle , that every man fhould xlo thus: If the Common-wealth ihould perifli unlefe niy life redeemed it, or if my death would favc the lives of ten thoufand that are of greater uie then I, my Reafon rclls me I ihould readily facrifice my life for them, though I had no reward for it to my felf: which vvas the ground of Pauls words, %pm. 9. 3. [/ could wI'(h that my [elf were accurfedfrom Chrljt ^for my brethren , &c. ] Not that he a&ually made fuch a hoicc, for it was not offered to his choice: but that it was more eligible, if it had been offered, and if the perdition of one could be the falvation of thou-fands, it were ia it felf an evill to be undergone for fo great a good ; if it had been fo appointed us of God. The greateft good is greatliefif to be defired,

D chough

34 Of the Confiitutim of Gods Km

rhough it be not our own. He that won

felf be annihilated, rather then the Sun fl

ken out of its natural place and office, o

annihilated, though it were fuppofed tl

furvivc) fhould go againft the cleareft I

jure. That which refilicth this within us

inftin&, or loathneflfe to dye or be mifcra

is in every fenfible %Ammal , and therefo

fubje<fted to Rcafon as the Appetite is. T

not take away the appetite , and make a m,

ter, and loath fweet, & c . but k may fc

cannot take away our hathnefs to be mifer

may tell us that we (hould fubmit to it fo

mongood. And this fheweth that man:

fona! felicity is not his higheft end , eve:

of natural reafon. And if fo, it is mo

that if we muft goe above our felves, We

the higheft, which is to God: whofe p

complacency in his works , is above all tl

the works themfelves , when we fay [J

his end and oars ] w£ meane that [ tb? cot

efhis Excellency to his Creatures , and his±

pearance in them ik his Complacencie : ] 1

Glory and Appearance is but Mater]ally h

the complacencie of his#7//) which was the

is formally his End.

And ifftill you dream like a man of I God can have no delight and complacenci thing but himfeif, becaufc he ncedcth no it cannot perfeB him. lAnfw. i. Bell ( whether in himfelfe or another ) is not i as mam delight^ nor is it to be comprehe: and therefore from'things beyond our re*

Of the C 0 n$itution of Gods Kingdom. 3 5 cot deny the evident truths that are within ou r reach. As God doth firlttake pleafure inhimfdfe without any note of imperfe&ion , and deferves nc c to be accounted imperfect, becaufehe is not moft happy without that pleafure, fo he next taketh pleafure in his Image, or the appearance of his perfections fliining forth in the Creatures ; which will be moft eminently in his Son, as the Giorified Head of the Church, and then in the glorified Church his body. And when he hath told us that he lovethand ukjs pleafure , and ddighteth in his Sonne, and his Church, it is but a folly of a high nature for us to ,con-tradift him, and fey , he fpeaketh all this after our conceits; We grant that the expreflions are A-nological or Metaphorical: But therefore we conclude they are not meere falhties, but fignifies fom-what tranfccnccnt in God, that hath lb much analogic orlikenefsto the Love, Complacency, Delight of man, that we cannot fitlier conceive of it then under thefe notions. - And therefore we muft conclude both that God detighteth , or takes pleafure in his works, and loveth Chrift, and his Church, and yet that he doth not this to perfeft himfelfe, or adde any thing to his own felicity : but the very Complacency of his Will is his higheft End ; and therefore as it is folly to askc the Original of Gods will which is the Original of all things > fo it is no lefs to askc, what is the end of his will, which is the End of all things. To heap up here the plain abundant Tefti-mony of Scripture, that there is Complacency and Love in God, to a Chriftian is ncedlelfe, (and to moft Heathens) but to Infidels that believe not the Scripture, is vaine. See Aqum. 1. q. io. art. 2. pro-

E>2 vih£

$6 Of the Confkitution of Gods Kingdom.

ving that God loveth allthings^ contrary to this 23rr« tifb Thomas , that faith , he loveth nothing , becanfe no± thing is good, We ftiall only give him leave to conclude what he pleafc as of himfelf. If he will needs maintain that he is not good himfelf nor amiable to God, and confequently to no good men, let him have his liberty.

In his precedent propofition. 2. He would per-fwadea fool that yet he is Orthodox , while he main* taines that [ Ens primum eft Cjubernator Univerfi five Deus : but his defcription of Gubernation telieth us his fenfe ) Gttbernatorcm dicimus cum qui ex cognitione & potest ate, per alios agenda dirigit & efficlt J fo that it is a Phyfical Government only that hath ejection ever conjunct with direU'ion that he meaneth. And fa his Moral Government by Laws fitted to free Agents, where his Sapiential Excelhncie is purpofcly fet forth to our obfervation and admiratioa , and when he*-ffeEleth not all things that he commandeth as a Governor , this is caft out of doors 5 further then as it is fancied to be a Phyfical engine. But x. God doth notcaufeall the fin of the world, and make that a part of his Government of the world ; nor doth he the lefs Govern when he Commandeth , becaufehe doth not effe& mens obedience ? but permit them to difobey. We magnifie his Omnipotential operations, and that in the very falsification of his fervants ; but we will not therefore deny his Sapiential frame of Government > nor fay that God Governed) noc when his Laws are Broken, unleffc by caufing men unavoidably to breake them. Thefe blafphemous dotages are no part of our Belief. And that you may fee how he profitcth, he concluded

dudeth his Book in thefe words^Palameft , Deo nihil rcliqnHm ejfe prater Creationem & confervationcm, hoc efi nihil omnino de Gubernatione , fed earn integre cornmijfam ejfe crcatnrisjton erraturis a legibus divinis in CrCAtionc ipjis /W/7/Vjthat his. Nothing is left to God but Creation and Conversation^ that is > Nothing at all ef Government* &c. this is wholly from the beginning committed to Angels So that it is not enough to overthrow the whole frame of Moral Government of free Agents , but the very Phyfical government which is left, is wholy in the hand of Angels, and nothing of it left to God-But 1. Its nevertheless the work of God, if it be the work of Angels; Though he ufe means, yet im-mediatione virtntis & fttppofiti > he is yet as neere himfelfe to the effeft, as if there were no means,and as fie is not the lejfe by the Exigence of Angels, fo he Doth not the leffe becaufe of the Agency of Angels.

2. The proof of this univerfall Government of Angels isnone,but the Ergo of a dreaming man,that fnorteth Syllogifmcs, And therefore if we (hould not deny it, we muft yet remember what Paul ad-vifeth us concerning Mr. white^ and the Bhemenifts and fuch like , whom in their Anceftors he was acquainted with, Col. 2. 18. J^Let no man beguile j ou of Ijonr reward, in a voluntary humility ^andworfoipping of Angels^ intruding into thofe things which he hath not feen, vainly puft up by his flejhly mind. ] ( And who would not worfliip Angels if they are our only Governors! But yet 6e makes praying to them as need-lefs, as it is to pray to the Sun to fliine , or to the poafe to move the Clock.)

3. Is it Angels rhat lend or give the holy GhoSl fy renew and jaH$ifie the Lied of God ?or to infpire the Pttphets.Vrovz thisif you can. Or is rhe Holy Ghoft fome Angel? Neither can you prove that. You finde not in Nature or Scripture that the Image of God is wrought by Angels on the fouls of men/

4. Did not the fecond Perfon in the Trinity immediately aflume the nature of man?was he conceived by Angels? Incarnate by Angels?yea not immediately incarnate at all ? nor immediately lived in flcfli on earth, dyed, rofe againe, Intercedeth for us , &c. Doth God doe all this remotely only, and Angels Proximately ? Then Chrift was an Angel ? ^ndisit Angels Proximately , and Chrift remotely that ftiall judge the world.

' ?. Though I deny not but Angels might be firvice-able in giving UWofes Law, yet how prove you th'at Angels are our Law-givers ? Laws we have, and Laws Divine ? and they are none of them, given us in the name of any Angel as his Laws. Very much weafcribe to them, in their miniftration for the heirs of life, and in the Government of the world: butwefhall notdefie them, and deny Godt-o be God. Note thztyPropof. 2. This man himfe/ftndkssr it all one to be I God] and to be [ Gevernonr oftht Umverfe~]Uc therefore rhat faith he hath wholly committed^ Angehxkit^j ovemment cftheUxiv:rfe y faith according to Mr. whites expofition, that he hath diverted himfelf of his Godhead, and wholly committed it to Angels to be Gods.

But the Reader will think I have been too long with this Man. But 1 am concerned in it much to confirm and defend my only Foundation , that

COD'S

GOD'S OUR SOVERAIGNEK1NG

and I would have you know what points they be that Papiife are introducing, and the reft of them tolle-ratc as not defide. This is the man that hath prefaced toTnrbervilsManuall , and written for Trains 9M,&c. And I would have men awakened to take notice what pcrf ons in the prefent controverfies we have to doe with , and what a defign is laid among men that feem of divers parties to deftroy Chriftia-nity,andfctupHeatheniime or Infidelity: If they have their way and expe&ed (uccefs ^ theWorflup-pcrs of the Sun, are like ere long to be none of the worft among us in Religion : But God will Lhame diem.

Thef. 2 5. The denial ofthe Sovereignty of God , and his Moral government is the denial of Deity, Humanity, Religion , Morality and follic)/ , moftof . which J frail rnanifeft brief fly in thefe following ln-ftances.

1.1 have ihewed already that it is a denying God to be God, becaufe to be God, is to b* the Governor of the world, at leatt in Title.

2. If God be not Governour, he is not juft: For communicative Juftice he cannot exercife on Creatures that are wholly his own. And diftributive Juftice he can have none, if he have not the Relation which Juftice doth belong to. He that is not a Ruler, can-aot be a juft Ruler.

3. If God be not our Governour,he hath no Laws? andfo the Law of Nature and Scripture is overthrown.

D 4 4' Then

40 « Of thcConflitution of Cods Kingdom. 4.Then man doth owe him no Obediencetfor where there is no Ruler and Law, there is no obligation to Duty : and fo man is not obliged by God to be pious, juft , honeft or ioberj but if God will make him fuch r he will be fuch.

5. And then it will follow, that there is no fin: All things chat men do, are fuch as God doth move them to: but there being no Re£tor and Law, there can be no trangreflion . ■;

C. Hence alfo it will follow, that there is no ver-rue, which is but the Habit or difpofition to duty: for if there be no obligation to a&ual obedience, the habit is in vain, or is no moral good: for all moral good Is denyed here at once.

7. And hence alfo it follows , that the Habits of Vice are not culpable, becaufe the ASts are not fin-ful ayainft God , there being no Law and Governour againft whom they are committed.

8. And Chriftianity is hereby moft evidently fub-verted: For Chrift cannot die for fin, nor redeem us from it, if there be no fuch thing; Nor can the Spirit mortifie it in us.

9. And hence it will follow, that all the Miniitry and Ordinances are vain, and not of Gods appointment. If he have no Laws, there is no need of any to teach them.

10. Hence alfo it will follow , that Scripture is falfe that pretendeth to be the Law of God, and tells u^of all that's here denyed.

11. And therefore there can be no pardon of fin : for where there is no Governour, there is no Law : and where no Law> there's no fin ; and where no fin, the'rs none to pardon.

12, And

m. And then there needs no confeflion of fin,no^ prayer for pardon, nor care or means to be ufed againlHt.

15. Nor can any man ow God any thanks or praife for the pardon of his fins, if there be none. ■■

14. And it will follow,that there is no puniihment, for fin either in this life or in that to come, except what is inflifted.by Creatures for offences againft Creatures.

15. And it will follow, that there is no Reward for the obedient; for if no Governor, Law aad Duty, then no Reward.

16. And then there is no Judgement of God to be expend. For their is no poffibility of Judgement where there is neither King, nor Subjeffc , nor Law , nor Right, nor Wrong, not Reward > nor Puniflv-ment.

17. And it will follow that fin is as good as obedience, and a wicked man as good and happy as an honeft man : For nothing that men do is morally evill, and all things Equally, Phyfically good, according to their Phyfical Being,and God even as Phyficall Governour is the chief caufc,and therefore the effc& cannot but ta good , nor can there be an evill man in the world.

18. It will follow, that there are no Devils: for they could break no Law, nor do any evil, but the

y good that God, or rather the fuperior Intelligences made them do.

19. In a word, it hence followeth , that man is but a beaft, that is, neceflitated by Objc&s, and not a free agent governed by Laws.

20. And becaufe I would make them twenty, let

this

4 1 tffthc Conftitutian of Gids Kingdom. this be the Iaft: Ic followeth hence , that ( God being not our Rc£tor,and Law-giver, andfo their being no hn againft him ) if the Governors of the Commonwealth fliall hang or baniih thofe that hold this traiterous opinion againft the God of Heaven , and divulge it, or if any man that meets them, cudgel them, it is no fin againft God, nor doth he need to fear any puniftiment for it from God.

By this time you fee what thofe men fay,that deny the Soveraignty of God.

Thef. 26. God is the end 7 ds well as the beginning of the divine (^Monarchy of the world.

Of this by the way, I jfpake before. He is his own end, fo far as he may be faid to have an end; ( which is not as man , that is imperfeft, and without his end, while he is ufmg mcanes to attain it) and he is our cheif end, on the grounds and in the fenfe before explained. The appearance of his gtory, and the fulfilling of his Will, being the higheft Univerfal good. Should the end be lower then the beginning, a multitude ofabfurditics would follow ; This end therefore is principally to be refpc&ed by men of all degrees.

Thef. 27. It is the reafonable Creatures tnly that are the Subjects of Gods Kingdom.

Qthqr Creatures are no more fubjeds, then fheep andhorfesare fubje&s of any Prince: They are the matter of as proper Dominion , ( I mean Propriety ) as Men 5 and areoiuProvifion and Pofieflions: but

they

Ofthe Constitution of Gods Kingdom. 45 they are not capable of fubje&ion, for want of rea-fon and Free-will. They arc as properly ordered by Gods PhyficalGoverment , as men are , but not by his Moral Tolicy , which is the Governement that now we treat of.

Thef. 28 All mm as men are thefubjefls ef Gods Kingdom , as to Obligation and Duty , and God will

not ask Jhe confent of any man to befo obliged.

For Gods Kingdom is not conflituted primarily by Contract,but his %jght refulcing immediately from his being our Creator, and fo our Owner , our Obligation^ founded in our being his Creatures, and his Own. Themoft abfolute flave imaginabIe,cannot be fo much obliged to you antecedently to his confent, as man is unto his Creator,from wnom he is,and hath all that he hath,

Thef.29. He that confenteth net to Gods Soveraignty , k and is not a voluntary SubjeEl , fhall be neverthelefs ebliged^both to Subjection ( or that confent ) and to Obedier.cc ^ and topunijtment in cafe of dijobedience : but he can have no right to the Priviledges or Benefits of a fubfeU , and fo nloth make himfelf worfe then a fiave y by'being a Rebel.

He that is born under the moft Abfolute Lord,can-not by his own will exempt himtelf from his obligations. If he could make Gods Laws not obligatory, and himfelf no Debtor to God for his fubje&ion and obedience, then might he depofe his Soveraign at hispleafure. And moft would take this as a readier

way

44 Of the Cmfiitutim of Gods Kingdom.

way to their fcnfual content and fafety ,-to repeal the Law , and depofc their King > to fave them the trouble and labour of obeying him , and be from under his Judgement and punifhments. No man can acquire benefits or priviledges by his vice : The L aw fuppofeth that a mans faults may not advantage him. But to deny confent to the Soveraingnty of God*and to deny our own Obedience, would be our fault. But Benefits we can claim no right to, if we confent not to them and to the terms on which they are conferred. No man can plead for that which he refuted : nor can he plead againft another for not doing feim good againil his Will. Though yve may offend God, yet we cannot injure man, by not doing him the good that he refufeth. And the greateft blcffings of the Kingdom of God , are fuch as a Refufer is noc capable of; Nor is he capable, while fuch\ of the DutiesofaSubjeft. And therefore though he cannot exempt himfelf from obligation and puniflhmenc by diflent, yet may he deprive himfelf of the protection of the Sovcraign , and forfeit all his hopes of the benefits

Thef. 50. God therefore doth not beg authority by calling for cur confent , nor u itJx the fower of man by confenting to make him King s "orbyDijfenting to de-fofe him , as to his Right and his aBuall Legiflation 9 • Judgment and Execution : But it it in his power to make himfelf a Rebel , and fo fall under the fen-tenet'of the Law ; and therefore Confent is required to our benefit as a condition y and as the neceffary caufe of our following Obedience : but as no caufe or Cotwyer of governing tAnthority to <jcd.

A

Of the Constitution of Cods Kingdom. 4 5 A man would think the earth fliould never have bred a man that would contradid this truth that isja his wits. For by fo doing God is pulled down , and manfet over him > or made a beaft, and all morality' ( as by the former opinion ) overthrown. But Mr. Harrington in his Oceana, pag. 1 d.makes God but the Propofer , and the people the Refolvers or Confirmers of all their Laws , and faith , £ they make him King t Deut. 19, They rejett or dtpofe him as Civil Magi-firate^and £ left Saul ,15am, 8.7. ] adding [ The Power therefore which the people had to depofe even God himfelfashe was Civil Magiflrate , leaveth little donbt 9 but that they had power to have re jetted any of thofe Laws confirmed by them throughout the Scripture. » . 1 Anfw. They could violate a Law, and deny obedience to it; but they could not nullifie it,or prevent, or deftroy its obligation. So they could be Rebels againft God, but they could not fo rejeA the duty of voluntary fubje&ion , nor efcape the puniihmene of Rebellion. One fingle perfon may thus rejeft God and his Laws at any time,(to his coft^ as well as the Major Vote of the people. Its a lamentable cafe y that fuch blind perfons that know not fuch things as theie,diouldfoperverfely trouble the Common-wealth with their loathfom obtruded fancies. Mans confent doth not make Godif/V,nor his diffent depofe him v *s to hisPower,or the cheif part of- his -a&ual GovernmentiHe will be K.infpight of his proud-eft enemies: and be will make his Laws ; and thofe Laws (hull actually oblige ; and men (hall be guilty , that firft confent net to be Subje&s, and then obey not: and thzyjhall be judged as Rebels, (Luk.19.i7.)

and

4 6 Of the Constitution of gods Kingdom.

and the Judgement executed: Only their confent is, i, A proper Caufe of thdr own Obedience. 2. And a Condition//^** non of their Intereft in the Benefits. A little Power will fervc a man to be come a Rebel > and be hanged. Will you fee the face of this Gentlemans opinion.

U The world by diflfenting may make Cod no God, that is, no Governor of the world: and fohc boldeth his Government on our wills. 2. if his Do&rinebe true, the Law of nature is no Law, rill men confent to ic. 3 At leaft where the Major Vote can carry ir,Atfaeifm, Idolatry, Murder, Theft, "Whoredom, &c. are no fins againft God. 4. Yea, no man finneth againft God > but he that confenteth tojris Laws. 5. The people have greater Authority or Goverment then God. 6. Rebellion is fove-raign power in the multitude. 7. Diflfenters need not fear any Judgement or puniihment from God. 8. Cannibals and Atheifts are free-men, as not con-fenting to Gods Goverment. 9. Men owe not any 5ubje&ion, Duty, or Obedience to God at all unlefs they make themielves Debtors by confent. 1 o.The troublefome work of felf-denying obedience , and ail the danger of punifhmenr here, and hereafter may be avoided eafily by denying Gods foveraignty anadepofing him, and no man need to be damned if he will but deny to be a Subjeft of God.

Thefe are the apparent Confequences of the Do&rines of Mr. Harrington , if he will be under-ftood according to the open meaning of his words: But if he will tell us that oy [ their Power of making God Kine, or depofing him, and of refolvingon, and confirming, or reje&ing his Propofals, j he

mew

Of the Conftitution of Gods Kingdom. 4^ meant only a power of voluntary fubje&ing them-felves to their abfolutc Lord and King , and of obeying hi«Laws ,orelfea Po.ver of Rebelling, Difo-beying and perilling, he will turn fomeof our in-r dignation and companion into laughter, but his language will we not imitate.

Thef. 31. Mankind being fallen by "Rebellion under the heavy Penalty of tlx Law of God was redeemed

• h J c f us Chrift * and fo God hath a fecond Right of Dominion and Empire , even on the title of %$± demption, and is now both our Owner and Ruler on * two-fold Right.

It was not fome tolerable lofs, but a total ruine and undone Condition that the wttld was redeemed r from : and. therefore Redemption is a ;uft title to Propriety and Rule , which" God will have us to acknowledge, if we will have the fpecial benefits of Redemption as his title by Creation.

Thef. 3 1. The Lord Jefus Chr-ifi as Mediator having performed the worl^ *f Redemption , hath received from the Father a Deri v? A Supremacy over the redeemed world, and is efablijled the King of the re deemed) and Adminijirator General.

To Believers this is paftControverfie. Scripture is plain and full , Read PUlm 2 Mat. 28.18. [ All Power is given to me in Heaven and earth. ] A&S 10. 36 He is LordafaU. ] Rom.14.9 Forthisendhe both died) rofe and revived y that he might be Lord both of the dead and living.] Ephef. x. ax, 22. [ He

fet him aphis own right hand in heavenly places , far above all Principality y and Power y and ijliight y and ^Dominion y and every name that ts named y not only in this world y but alfo in that which is to corns ; and hath put all things under his feet\&gave him to be head over all things to the Church jvhich Is his Wp.JJohn.lj.j. t The Father hath given all things into his hand , ] John 17.1. [Thou haft given him Power over allflefh y that he fhonld give eternal life to as many as thou haft , given him y ^ John 5.12, [The Father judgethnoman> but hath committed all Judgement to the Son y that all menfbouU honour the Son a* they honour the Father life that honoureth not the Son y honoureth not the Father ■which hath fent him y ~] A£te 5. 31. [ Him hath God exaltedtoh a Prince and Saviour y J Mat.25.31,32, 33,34. \when the Son of man jhall come in his Glory > &c. Then (halt the King fay to them on his right hand &c. ] See Phil.2.g y io y i 1.

Thef. 33. There are divers Rankj of Subjects in the Kingdom of God: as fome are Rebels , and only fub-jeBts by Obligation y or ftrangers that have not fet eonfented;and others voluntary plenary fub'ye ft s y that have right to the priviledges of the Kingdom : fo thofe that are free-f*bjeBs are of (evtrtl rankj y as to Ofpce y and Place y and Gift.

Some arc Officers, and fome only fuch as muft obey : Some Officers are Civil, fome Ecclefiafti-cal -, Some are rich , fome poor: fome adult 9 fome Infants: fome weak of pare 7 fome ftrong,*^*.

tkef.

Thef.34. All that will be free Snljeftsof the King* dome of God , ntnfl be engaged to him infolemn Covenant ; which regularly is to be folemni^cd by their tfaptif/n.

The Ifraelites covenanting with God cconjun&ly ( as Dent. 39. and oft) and diftin&ly ( as in Circum-cifion^r.) is known. Thofe that would not ftand to this Covenant were to die , 2 Chron. 15.15. And ,thofe that folicited any to rebell againft cheir Sove-■ raign,Dr/r.i3 #

Chap. IV. Of the Adminiftration of thetlniver-fal Kingdom.

HAving fpoken of the C O N STITuT I ON of the Kingdom of God , I fliall proceed to fpeak of the A D M INI ST RAT10 N thereof.

Thef. 35. God as the Soveraign Ruhr of markind hath given him the Law of nature , commonly called the Morall haw , to be the %$le of his obeiience.

i. The Law of nature in the primary moft proper fence, is to be found in naturarcrum y in the whole Creation that is objefted to our Knowledg, as it is a Glafs in which we may fee the Lord, and much of his

E Willi

Will; and as it is a Synifier of that \y ill of God concerning our duty. 2. The Law of n ature is fome-time taken for that Difpodtion or Aptitude that there is in mans nature to the a&uall knowlcdg of tbefc naturally revealed things, efpeciaily fome clear and greateii Principles, which almort all the world dif-cern. 3 And it is fdmetiflic taken for the A&ual knowhigeof chafe plain and common P inciples. 4. And iometime for the A&ual knowledge of all f that meer Nature doth reveal. When I fay God hath given man this law of nature, I mean, both that he hath made an Imprefs of his minde upon the Creation, and fet us this Glafs to fee himfelf, and much of our Duty in,& alfo that he huh given to the very nature of man a Capacity of perceiving what is thus revealed, and a difpofition efpecially to the Reception of the mot obvious Principles; fo that by ordinary helps, they will be quickly known; and the reft may be known if we be not wanting to our fclvcs.

Thcf.. j<J # This Law of Naturt commandethtu much duty , to Go'I dircttly y 10 our felves ? to our Neighbours in their private and publike capacities.

Thef. 37. The furn of the dutie commanded towards God j is to love him with all our hearts : more particularly it is y that we mo ft highly efteem y honour , reverence*) believe and trutt him , and adhere to him in love , and feekjnm , defend upon and ferve him Tfith all our powers and faculties : ivorjhipping him according to hh nature andrevtaled wiH , and nfing

ho-

honourably his Name y and dtvoting to his [fecial worjhip a fit proportion of our time,

Thef. 38. Our duty towards our felves y is an ordinate Love of our [elves , and care n [ our bodies ^ but especially of our foals y for the great ends of our Qrcati-on and Redemption.

There was the lefs faid of this in Scripture ? and the Decalogue, becaufc it is written fo deep in nature, and hath fo great advantage in our natural defire to be happy.

Thef. 5p. Our duty towards our Neighbour as fuch 3 is to love him as our [elves y that is, to love him with an Impartial I Love , not drawing from him to our

, felves y by an inordinate [clfifhnefs : which mufi be expreffed about his Life y Chaftitjy Eft ate, Honour , and any thing that is his : Godlinefs y Sobemefs , and Righteoufnefs , are the general Titles of all thefe three.

Thef. 40. Rejides thefe Natural laws which are promulgate to all , God hath a Larw of Grace y and hath many Tofitive Laws; and both forts are con* tained in the holy Scriptures.

Thef.. 41 . God hath appointed an orderly cenrfebj the miffion of fit pcrfons as his CMejJengers to promulgate y preachy and explain thefe Laws , both of Na-turall and fupewaturaf Revelation to the World; and to command their obedience y and exhort them there* *xto : and it U the duty of the hearers to learn , and E z ebey

>e

obey , yea , and the duty of thofe that have not the G off el , to enquire after it, and feek^ it , according to themtafure of that light thsy have y which giveth them intimation of its being.

Thef. 42. God hath appointed both in Nature and Scripture , that the world be divided into Tylers and Ruled , Officers and mecre SttbjeEls; and that the Officers Govern under him , by ^Authority derived from him\ and the people obey them as his Officers. And he hath not left it to the choice of tht Nations whether t hej will have Government 01 not

Thofe Politicians therefore that fay a Commonwealth in its own nature doth not participate of moral good or evil>but is a thing neither commanded noi forbidden ,doe fundamentally errcin their Politicks, It is poffible for one or few perfons in extraordinary cafes to be dilbbliged from living under any Government. ( But the Cafes are fo rare, that it is not cneof many millions of perfons that is ordinarily in that cafe.) But to man-kind in common ,it is made a duty to live in this order of Government, where h may be had. He therefore thatfhould think he u born a Freeman, and therefore will maintain his liberty , and be Governed by none, ( being not a Governor himfelf ) doth fin againft God, in violating his Order, as Souldiers fhould do in an Army thtt would have no Officers, nor be commanded by any but the General. This is eafily proved, for,

1. Nature immediately makes an inequality in our procreation and birth, and fubjc&cth children

to

to their Parents as their undoubtedly ri^hrful Governors,

2. Nature doth make fuoh inequality of perfons in point of fufficiency and endowments > as necef-iitateth Government, while fome arc unable or unapt to fubfift comfortably without the Government of others: And therefore even in ttate of marriage Nature fubje&eth the weaker fexe to the Government of the ftronger. And irs natural for perfons of weak underftandings, and other endowments to have fome that arc wife and able to Govern them , left they be deftitute of help and left to ruine.

3. Nature hath made man a fociable cre'ature,borh by Necejfity y and lnclin*tion\ and therefore muft be in ordered f ocieties.

4. Nature hath made man a lover of man, and fo far as he is good, fo far to be Communicative : and therefore the wifdom and ftrength that any doe exccll in, is for the good of others; and all things muft be fo ordered that the whole may be the better for the gifts of the feveral parts, and the weak for rhe ftrongj and therefore there muft be G overned focieties.

4-Providence kcepeth fome in iuch neceflitie of others, as requirerh their relief and protection, and Government. Some by paucity are infuffi cient for their own defence: fome by the proximity of potent Enemies and Thieves: fome by the fcituaticn of their Countries,and fome by warit.

5. The vitioufnefs of men hath made Government now of double neceflitie, to what it would be if man wetc innocent, when men are Wolves to one another-, and the weaker can keep nothing that the

E 5 ftronger

ftronger hath a mindc to ,and no mans life can be fafc from cruelty and revenge ; when there is fo much backwardness to vertuc and well doing, and fo much vice to be reftrained , it is now no more queftion whether Government be naturally ncceflary, and fub-jeftion a duty ; then v hether Phyfitians be neceflary in a rageing plague , or food in a famine.

6. Experience tells us that Gods work,or our prefer* vation cannot be well carried on without it; without it the wo. Li would be a confufed crowd. It would dishonour the Soveraign Ruler, if his Kingdom were turned into a tumultuous rabble , God doth not immediately , that is without futable means, exercifc his Government by himfelf. He could have eafily done it:but it is the beauty and perfection of his Kingdom that there be diverfity of Orders, He could lighten the world without the Sun : but he hath cho-fen rather to communicate fo much of his Splendor to a Creature : He will have men like our felves to b^ his Officers among men, as fitted for our familiar converfe. An d What would a Nation be without Government >but a company of miferable men, robbing and killing one another, what would an Army be without Commanders ? and how would they defend themfclvesagainfl the enemies.

7 # The Law of Nature requireth Jafticc; that it may goe well with the 6 ood , and ill with the evill; and that vertue be encouraged ,and wickednefs pu-niflied . therefore it q:ireth that there be a courfc of Government in the \ r >orldto this end.

8. There isCovemment among the very Angels and Divtls : therefore it i$ not to be avoided or thought a thing inuifferent amoog men.

All

All places have fome Order,

9. The Analoycall government in the Micro-cofmc, man, doth prove a Natural need and excellency of Government. The Inteleft in man is made to guide,and the Will to Commnand, & all the inferiour faculties to obey: fliewing us that in foci-ctics the wife (hould^«/^,the Good fhould command, and the Strong and all the reft fhould execute and o-bey. An ungovcrned man is a mad man , or a bad aua.

1 o. The great difparity that is among all Creatures in the frame of Nature, intimaceth the beauty of Orderly Political difparity. Look but to the San and Moon, and Stars, and fee their inequality 2nd Order. Bcafts differ in ftrength , and the very (tones of the field are not of equal bignefs and fhape. The filly Ants have an Order among them , and a Hive of Bees are a Natural Common-wealth.

Thef. 43. As the difference of mr faculties , «ni onr ferfonal ftlf Government y fo a/fo Domefiical , Political y and Ecclefiaftical Order of Government andftibjettion) are the Inftltmions of God y command* ed in hisLnws.

1. The well governing of a mans felfe ( which is taught by Theological Ethicks) is both nectary to his own felicity y and a principal requinte to the fafe-ty, beauty, and felicity of the focieties, that confift of individual pcrfons.

2. Domeftical Order is commanded of God , part* •1y ia nature direftly , as the Rule of Parents , a*id o-iediencc of Children : partly by the intervention of

E 4 con*

contra&s for the application of the Law to the individual perfons > as in the Relations of Husband and Wife , of Matter and fervant, where note, that in the firft, it is one thing for Nature to yve the Law , and another thing for Nature to produce the perfon: Nature as procreative brings forth the Childe ? from whence the mutual Relations refult: but it is Nature partly as Indicative of Gods will , and partly as endowing us with Principles or Difpofitions of Morality (that is, as a Law ) that obliged Children to o-bey, as Parents to Govern : fo alio the Law of Nature and Scripture is it that impofeth on wives and Servants the duty of obeying, as on Husbands and Matters the care and duty of Governing ; but it is Choice that determineth of the Pfrfons that are to Rule and to obey , that this or that fhall be the manoi the woman that jfhall be a Husband or Wife is of choice : and that this or that fhall be the Mafttr or Servant , and alfo ( thefe being free Relations) it is here of choice, whether they will be Married or not, and fervants or not. ( To the world in general > the Relations are neceffary , but not to every individual perfon. ) But whether the Husband (hall govern>and the wife obey 5 and whether the Matter fhall govern, and the fervant obey, this is not of choice : fo that if they (Kould by Contrail agree, that the wife fliall not be fubje& to the Husband ,it were iffofatto null, as being contraty to the divine Inftitutibn or Law.

3. As many Families cohabiting without Political or Civil Government, would want that which is is neceiTary to their own Wel-fars and the Common good. As an Empire is divided into feverat Provinces ,or Principalities > fo God hath made it

neceffary

nccefifary that the world be diftributed into many particular Common-wealths. An Univerfal humane Monarchy is impoffible, it being beyond the Gapaci-' ty of any one io to govern ; (the more to blame the Pope for pretending to it,) God only can govern all the world. But men as his Officers have their feve-ral Provinces, which in due fubordination to him and his Laws, muft be governed by them.

4. Becaufe men have immortal fouls to fave, and an everlafting life of happinefle to attain , or mifery to fuffer, and God himfelf hath a final Judgment to pafs on all according to his Laws, and becaufe men are rational free Agents that muftby knowledge and choice be brought incba fitnefsforfeliciry, and be kept in acceptable obedience to their Soveraign; therefore hath he appointed Pallors to teach and guide the people in the way of life, and to acquaint them with his Laws, and his future Judgement, and in free ordered Churches to lead them in the publick Worlhip of GocL, and exercife that fpirituall Government by his Word, which fliall prefervc the honor of his holineffc in the world, and difference between his fervants and the rebellious > and lead his people towards pcrfc&ion.

Thef.

5 8 Of afukordintie Commonwealth in General.

Thef .44. As God is the univerfal King , and hath a univerfal Kingdom and Law^fo doth he in this life extrcife him]elf fome pan of his executive power ; in protecting his faithful I Subjects , encouraging the goody and punifhing offenders by himflf, and by the Miniftry of Angels : hut his full tlmvcrfal J :<re~ mcntvfiillh* .fur this worlyvhenall (hall be finally fentenced by him to ever la ft in? Joy or Mfery. fo

much of Gods UNIVERSAL ADMINISTRATION.

Chap. V,

Of a fubordiaate Common-wealth in General.

HAving fpoken of Gods Univerfal Kingdom , I am next to fpeak of the diftinit, fubordinate Common-wealth which God hath by inftitution made the parts of it. And here firft I fliall fpeak of thtT^ATUREoiz Common-wealth in general ; and then of thofe Modal differences which have obtained the name of the divers fpedes of Commonwealths: and that, 1. As the difference is in the number and Quality of perfons that have the Sove-raknty. And, 2. As it is in the gradually or modally cfiverfified Matter, or Obje& of their power. And having fpoken of the Conftitutive Caufes, I fliall fpeak of the Efficient.

Thef.

Of a ftbord'rr.Ate Common-wealth in General. %9

-

Thef. 45. *A Common-wealth is fomnime taken for the foctetj Governed, fometime for the Government of that foctet) ; fometimc ipis taken properly in the fir ft Jigmfication , and {onetime analogically , for that which is a Commonwealth, but ofyih imperftEt kind ,or only fecundum quid.

Thef. 46. -A Common-wealth properly fo called, is [ Afocietjof Cjods Subjects ordered into the Relations of Soveraign and SnbjeUs for the common goody and thef leafing of God their Abfolute Soveraign m \ Or , [ it is the Government of a fociety of Gods Subjects by a Soveraign fubordinate to God , for the common food, and the Glory, and vleajing of God. ] Or it is £ The order of a Civil body , conjiftitg in the Authority of the Magiftrate , efpecially thefu-pream, and thefubjettion of the peoplc,forthe common good, and thepleajing of God.

Many Definitions you may find in politicks,a!moft each one having one of his own, though moft of them to the fame fence. And therefore if I ufe not any of theirs in all the terms, I am as excufable as they.

Thef. 47. A Common-Wealth fecundum quid, or A-nalogicaHy fo called, is Q The order of a Civil body y confifting of Governours and Subjetts intended for their corf oral Wel-fare , bm acknowledging not Gods Sovereignty\ nor intendingfpirhual and cverlafti*£ r oody nor tht flctfog or honour of <jod. ~

As

6o Of afukrdinate Commonwealth in General . As the bcft anions of Atheifts, or any men thac have hoc juft Principles or ends, arenotfimply or properly Morally-good , but only fecmdumqiiUi and lAnoUgicaliy , lo is it vvirh their Politicks and Common-wealths. The abfence of any one of thefe JEflential Ingredients, makes their Government another thing. If it want either Moral-dependance upon God as abfolute Soveraign , or the acknowledgement of his great Univerfal Laws which muft be the Fundamentals to their own, or if they intend not any fpiritual and everlafling good to the focieties, or intend not the honour and pleafing of God,but begin and end their Government with their carnal felves> this is not fimply or properly a Common-wealth , butfeemtdtim qmd^ and Analogically ; even no more then an Ideot is a reafonable man. Its agreed on by Politicians, that a Company of Robbers that choofe them a King, are no Common-wealth, becaufe they deviate from the Univerfal fundamental Laws; Much lefs is a Company of Rebels a Common-wealth that feek both the fubverfion of King and Kingdom: and fo want both the neceffary Beginning , Means and End. And a Juftice of Peace or Judge may as well Jiave Power,when they have renounced their Depen-dance on the Soveraign,and Loyalty to him,as a King or any other can have juft Power when they have renounced their Allegiance or fubje&ion to God. ( of which anon)

Thef.

Of s fubordinatc Comnum-Mtlth in (Jenertl. 61

Thcf. 48 The form of a Commonwealth h the Relation of Soveralgn and. SubjeEls to each other; The SubjeEl matter is a civil body , or Community of Gods Subjects : The Relate and Correlate are the Several*n and the Subjetts : The fundamentum being the chief controverted point fhall be [pokjn of by it [elf. The Terminus is actual order y and the common good , and the f leafing of Cjod thereby attained. %

The Relate are Heteronym* : the Soveraign is the chief in Honour and Power, the Subje&s are the Chief in real worth , and finally preferred. The Aggregate matter muft be rational Creatures: for bruits are nor capable, and they muft be Gods Sub-jefts, and parts of the Univerfal Kingdom; as the Members of a Corporation in this Common-wealth, muft be members of the Common-wealth and Subjects of the Soveraign. How far they muft be fubjeifc to God (hall be fhewed after. The necreft Terminus or end is the good order of the body procured by the Adminiftration. By £ Order ] here I mean not the Relation it felfas I did in the definition , but the orderly ftate and behaviour of the fociety , which is the exercife of Government and fubje&ion, and the obedience to God, and juft behaviour unto men that is manifefted therein. This end is a means to the next end,which is the Common good, and thar to the ultimate end, which is the everlaftinghappinefsof man, and the fulfilling, or plcafing of the Will o£ Cod.

TheC

6z Of a fdor dinate Commit- wealth in General.

Thcf. 49 The Sovereign of one Common-wealth mufl be One, and but one {hi/ perfon , but one naturalperfon may be the Soveraign of many Commonwealths , and many , yea , many thoufand maypoffib-ly be the Soveraign of one. .

There muft be one Head to every Civil governed body,and but one; that one Natural may be ten Civil perfons ,andfothe Head of ten Common-wealths is evident in that there is more necelfary to individuate Common-wealths , then the Unity of the Hesd ; and the Natural Unity of the Head is not necelfary. One natural Subjttf: may have many Relations: As the fame man may be a King, a Generall, a Husband, a Maikr, &c. fo he may be a King of many Kingdoms, The Kingdom of Scotland was not the fame with the Kingdom of England. Many Kingdoms may have different Conftitutions, one of them have an Emperor, another ^ limitted King, another a more Jimitted, and yet all have the fame man. And as he is the Emperor, Duke or Prince of one Common wealth, he is not the fame Civil perfon, as he is y as King of another : And that many natural perfons may be one Civil perfon, fhall be further flicwed when we come to the fpecies of Government.

Thef. 50. Though the Sovereign and fubjttts are always'civilly di ft intt ,yet the fame natural per-Jons that are Soveraigns in one refpefl; and degree r may be Subjects in another ^and i contra.

But this belonging to the fpecies ,we flball fay more of it in the differences of GQYcrments. T6ef,

Of a Subordinate Common-wetltb in <jener*l. 6$

Thef. 51. The people as people are not the Soveraign Tower , neither a* natural ferfons aggregate , nor as having the chief Propriety andftrength y nor as any way endowed by God with governing Authority; And therefore the diftinttion of fome Politicians^ Papifts and Protefiants ) of Majeftas realis & perfonalis, and the Afjertion of the Popular , that the People are the real Sovereign y or have the Majeftatem Realcm , ( unlefs the conflitution of that individual Common-wealth fkdlgive it them)isfalfe y and not to be endured.

If the people any otherwife then by particular Constitutions, ( by fundamental Ccntrafts) be the Soveraigns, or have any Governing civil power, it muft b^ either by nature, by accident, or by divine Inftitution: Butnoneofthcfe vvayes: therefore not at ail.

That they have none by nature is plain, in that they are not by nacure a Community or Aggregate Body. And when chey are ib, they have naturally no Sovcraisnty, as I prove.

i. Where there is no Common-wealth, there is no Soveraignty: but in a mee: Community or Aggregation of men before any Contracts, or voluntary Conftitution,there is no Common-wealth: therefore there is no Soveraignty.

2. if a meer Aggregation of natural men did make a Common-wealth and Soveraignty , then a Fare or Market might be a Commmon wcalth:6r a fhip laden with P affengers or a Prifon full of Captives, or an invading Army of enemies. But the Confequent is confefled ^ ftlfoood, therefore % &*. If

If meer nature make an Aggregate body of men to be a Common-wealth , or to have a real Majefty , ( or Soveraignty jthen every aggregate Body of men are a Commonwealth, and have that Soveraignty, but the confequent is falfe : for there arc Schools , Colleges , Societies of Merchants , and many other Corporations and Societies that are no Commonwealth ; therefore, &c.

3. If nature make a meer Aggregation or Community of men to be a Commonwealth, or to have Real Majefty, then men may be a Common-wealth , and havefuch Majefty without, yea, and againft their own confent: ( For there may be a Community of Men that confent not to be a Common-wealth. )But the Confequent is falfe, therefore fo is the Antecedent.

4. It will follow alfo, that no "End intended by the people is neceflfary to the being of a Commonwealth ; ( For men may meet, or cohabit, or aflfoci-ate, and combine for feverall ends.) But the Confequent is falfe againft the nature of all fuch Relations and AflTociations, therfore, &c.

5. If nature make the people Soveraignes, then */r^r all conjun£ly, or a M^or^te: But neither ■alt i nor a Major Vote : therefore none.

1, Not/4//: For , 1. Where there is no Subjeft, there is no Sovereign : But if all conjunctly arc feigned to be the -overaign , there would be no Sub-jedt: therefore , &c. The Relate cannot be without its Correlate. 2. If all muft be conjunct in the Soveraignty , no one would be punifhed, nor any righted: for every man would be judge in his own caufe, and every Delinquent would have a negative

. voice

Of dfubvrdinate Common-wealth in General. 6%

voice in his own fentencef and no Murderer would fuffer, till he, and all his friends confenr.

2. If ic be the Ma^or Vote that is affirmed to have the Soveraignry ; Ianfvver, i. Nature givethno fuch Power: There is nothing in nature to tell us that i ooi fliould have Power of Governing ( and fo of the lives ) of 999. 2. Nature giveth them not fo much as an aptitude , much lefs Authority and Right. 1. The aptitude is in a Supercminency of Wifdem, Goidnefs and Power : but nature giveth none of thefe, much lefs all to the Major Vote*, therefore it gives not fo the Majtr Vote'to much as an Aptitude for Government. 1. The world knows that knowledge followeth not the Major Vote. A few Learned experienced men, may be wifer then a thoufand times as many of the Vulgar. 2. Aad their Vertue will be defe&iveas Ifieir Wifdom is, 3. And (though Power 6e more for execution then for proper Government, yet ) it is known that ten ftrong men may beat twenty weak ones, and that an Army of 30000 doth often beat an Army of 40000.

3. Yea, Nature ufuallydenyeth the Aptitude fo* Government to the Major Vote. For, 1. They are ordinarily moft imprudent, wanting the natural and acquired parts that others have. -i. They areu-ufally moft vicious: The moft are feldom the beft » in the Beft Countreys of the world. 5. They are commonly divided, and hardly kept in Unity among thcmfelvcs; and therefore are unfit to be the Center of Unity co the reft.

6. If Nature place the Soveraignty in as aggregate

body of the people, then either in a certain number,

66 Of afubordimte Common-wealth in General.

or an uncertain. Not on a Certain Number: for

nature limiteth it not to fuch a number,nor doth any

affirm it: Not to an uncertaine number, for then

every member that is added to. the Common-wealth

may poffibly alter the bent oF the whole Soveraignty.

E.G. If it be half Protectants, and half Papifts, and

onePapiftbc admitted into the company,he will

give the Papifts the Major Vote. ■ And thus thee-

ncmies may at any time fubvert them , and the

fociety will wheel about like the Weather-cock, one

party making Laws, and the next Repealing them,

as each can get the Major Vote.

7. If Nature do make the people the real Ma-j e fty 5 or give them any Governing power, then it is either becaufe they are the b?//>A' , the heft ,> or the ftrovgeft : But it is by none ofthefe: For, 1. It is proved, that ordinarily they are void of the two firft and oft of the laft. 2. If not, yet they are bur an Aptitude, and not a Title. 3. Elfe if one Nation be wifer or better then the reft, all (hould be fubjeft to them ; or if an enemy ftronger then we fet footing on our foil, tbey are naturally bur Governors. And 4. Then there can be no Injuftice, if ftrength or wit may carry it : for he chat cheats or beats another that hath Right to all he hath,or if any man can prove too bard for the Prince, his ftrength would be his Title,

8. If Nature had given the chief Governing Power to the people, then God would not have £one contrary to this in the inftitution mentioned in his word: But he hath gone contrary to it, ( a* fball be {hewn) therefore, &c

$< Nor would the commoncft Governments of

the

Of a f^ordinate Common-wealth in General. 6 J

.: Nations of the earth be contrary to ic : for rhat which is of nature , is molt common to naturall men. Buc no men that I hear of, are Governed by the people as fet over them by mecr nature : And few take them, to have a naturall aptitude : and therefore moft places have Monarchy orArifto-cracy.

io.The Power of Governing a Common-wealch is not a natural thin ^but a Right that muft come by Commitfion from a Superior ; therefore it is nor di-reftly conveyed by mcer nature: therefore the multitude have it not by nature.

2. And if they have it not by nature,then either by ibaie fupervenient Accident, or by Contract: If by Accident , either by Propriety in Riches, or by acquired Prudence or by Conqueft. But none of thcfe ways can it belong to the Community, or Major Vote, as fuch.

For. i. A few men many be richer then many,and have Dominion of more Lands and Cattle. 2. And thisgiveth no man Right to be the Governour o£ others.

2. Acquired Prudence is but an Aptitude, and not a Title ; and yet it is fuch as the multitude are void of.

5. They cannot be faid to be Conquerors of them-felves, or of the minor part.

3. Nothing therefore remaineth to be pleaded for the popular Soveraignty, but Contract , or Divine Jnftitmion. And if Contraft do. the deed, it is* either a Contraft about this very form and end in queftion , or about fome other. 1. If about mot\yrr y ic cannot give them Power in this. If a fociety

F 2 Cantrait

Contract about Merchandize , Phyficjc, Literature > or other fubje&s and ends , this makes them not a Common-wealth, a. And if it be a Contraft to thisfpecial End y then it is not by Nature JltA then it belpn^s not to a Major Vote as fuch, but followed* the confent of various Refublickj as each are confti-iHtcd by that confent.

4. And immediate Divine Inftkution cannot be pretended for it, as fhall be fhewn.

In all this difpute I mean by [Majefias realis ] what the Politicians themfelves profels to meane, whom I difpute againft , which is not a meer fplen-dor or honour, &c. but as they call it themfelves, Heal is Impcrij Majeflas , the chief radicall power of Government, by vertue of which they fay, that[Afo-jeflas perfondis a reali Majefiate jttdicari poteft~\and that L personalis Majeflas a re ah originem dncit] and that [ tibi contra leges fundament ales agit ide§ an* mhilatur & exfpirat , & realis vivificatur & In ean-dem armatur. ] There is not the leaft degree of Qo^ verning Power in the people as fuch/ This-Do-&rine hath been guilty of Rebellion and confufion in Church and State: it hath overthrown the very nature of Churches and Common-wealths; by turning the Governed into the Governours ; and confounding the Rulers and the Subjeas. It croffeth the Orders of Gods own Inftitution that require the Governours to Rule well, and the Subjects to obey them ia the Lord, and not to be the Rulers of their Ru-Jtr,.

Thef.

Of a Subordinate Common-wealth in Cjcnertl. 6$

Thef. 52. 7hough the people have not any Soveraignty or 9 werning Authority as people, yet have they a certain Right to that Common good which is the End of Government, and each man hath that propriety in bis life and faculties, and Children , and Eft ate, and Honour , that no Rulers may unjustly take the] r e from him ; which Right as it is fecured partly by the Law of Nature, partly by other Laws or lnftitutions of God, and partly by the jpecifying Fundamental Contracts rfthe Common-wealth , and commonly called[Thc Liberties of the People] and thejnfifecuritjofthefe Liberties, is it that fome tAuthours have miftakenfor a Majeftas Realis and % a popular Authority to Government

Thef. 53. Ma}efty or Sovereignty is the Higheft Tower of Governing the Common-wealth) and the Fountain of all inferiourPower.

Thef. ?4» *As Power or Authority is Jus Regendi, a Right to Govern, fothe Sovereigns power in fpe-cial conjifleth in the Only Right of making the Universal Laws of the Common-wealth, and conveying Authority to inferiour Governors, and having the Higheft Tower of Judgement from which there is no appeal to any but God.

1 • Authority is oft taken in other fenfes: efpeci-allyforthceflfe&ivelntereft that any man hath in the efteetn of another, either for his Learning, Wit dom, Goodncfs, and Fidelity, Riches or Strength. And fo there is Authoritas Affirmant is, Docentis*

F 3 "&**-

Suadentis , Tefiantis y CMinantis , Tromittentis , &c, according to mens feveral Interefts. And Power is oft taken for meere ftrength. But it is Civil Power of Authority that we are here tofpeakof, which is nothing elfe but {.Jus Regendi ] A %igh to Govern with an obligation thereto : ( except in God the Absolute Soverai<zn who can be obliged by none ) As Government is an Honour and Dignity, and demanded! obedience from Iriferiours, fo it is [ *A 'Rjght : 3 But as it is an aft of obedience it felf to a Superiour Power that commandeth it as his work, fo it is from an Obligation of that Superiour which is God.

2. If any of the aforefaid Power of Legiflation and Judgement be referved to the people , they have it not as people j but as participating in the Suprema-cie.

And if the King ftiall by Law or Cuftome have the fole TitleornameofSoveraigneor Supream, and yet cither Lords , or Senate, or people jfhall participate in the faid Legiflation , or Higheft Judgement, they fo far participate in the Soveraignty. For it is not the Honorary names' ', but the thing that we enquire after.

Yet quoad exewitium a Soveraigne may refufeto cxercife his higheft Judgement ? and caufe it con-ftantly to be done by Judges, and the people may limit him therein. Legiflation therefore is the chief-eft work of Soveraignty ; ( of which more a-non.)

When a Soveraign giveth power to Corporations to make Laws they are but By-Lavvs,fubordinate to the taws of the Common-wealth, & are about particular

matters

matters, and therefore are not Common-wealth Laws, but Corporation-Laws : And yet they are Originally the Soveraignes Laws, in that the Power came from him,though Proximately they are their Laws that made them. But if he fhould Depute another to the power of making Common-wealth-Laws, he fhould depute him toanaftofSoveraign-

Thef. 5 ^. Severaignes arefome perpetual, that is for life , andfome temporary , or for a limited time; And therefore Politicians fhonldnot make it Ejfen-tiaho Sneraignty to ke perpetual.

Time here cannot alter the general Nature of the Power. It is really the Right of Chief or Soveraign Rule , if it be but for a year or day. As the Major or Bayliff of a Corporation is truly a Magiftrate though but for a year, as well as thofe that have the place for life , fo is a Soveraign. The Duration is not effential to the Power. As he is a King that may be cut off by Death the next week after he is Crowned , fo is he that receivcth the Crown but for a limited time. If he take it for two hundred years, ( which is above the ufual life of man) if he fhould (o long live,he is as truly King,as if no years were named. And if fojthen no man can fix a term between two hundred years, and two hundred dayes, or two days, which muft make our effential diffcrencc.And therefore a Di&ator is a temporary Monarch.

F4 Thef,

Thcf. %6. The Soveraign is above all the Humane Laws of the Common-wealthy that is, he hath power to make Laws arid to repealethem , cornel them , adde to them, difpenfr with them , and pardon the breacty of them to particular perfons , and as a Soveraign is not bound to kjep them by obedience him~ fclf, nor tofuffer by them.

The reafon of this > is evident from the nature of Sovereignty and of Laws. He that is hijseft hath no Higher to obey : Laws are but the fignifications of the Law-givers W//, and therefore can go no further then his will. He cofnmandeth others and not him-felfe. It is proper to a Subjeft to be obliged to o-bedience by a propet Law. ■ And therefore if King , Lords, and Commons that had the Reall Soveraign-ty here among us, had broken a Law that threatneth death, they had not forfeited their lives by it: nor is there any Superiour to be their Le^all Judge.

Thef. 57. Tit is not the Soveraign free from the Obligation of the Laws pfGod y nor from the Obligation ef the Fundamental contracts of the Cowmen-wealthy vor of any of his publick^frtmifes : nor may he dif* penfe with his own Laws , (much lefs make Laws ) aaainfi Gods Laws or the Common-good.

Btit for violating thefe,he hath none to judge him asGovernour but God; if the people qucftion him as violating the conftitution, and destroying the Common- health , it mull not be as Subjects, nor as his SovcraLn : For Subjects as fuck > muft obey 7 and

not

Of subordinate Common-wealth in General. 75 not Rule : and Sovereignty they have none. But if they do it, it muft be as Partus in the ComraEt y vin -dicating the violated Contrails upon natural felf pre fuming grounds, as men kill their Enemies in Wars or Duella, for their own defence : which is not as Rulers of the Enemies where they kill. But whether this may be done, or in what cafes, muft be fpoken of more diftin&ly by it felfe anon.

thef. 5 8. But it is poffible {how fit 1 difpute not) that the fame natural per fan that hath the chief part of the Soveraign Tower , may be both Soveraign and. fub'yeftinfeverallrtfpefts ^ and fa have feveral civil capacities^ and then ke may as fubjett be obliged by the fame Laws which as Soveraign he makes , and may be tunifhed accordingly ; that is , // bj the Conftttution and by his own confent ( m receiving a power on fach terms) he be thus fab jetted.

A Prince may by the Conflitution be obliged to be refponfible in his Courts of Juftice, for Debts, or Wrongs, or Crimes and fubjefted to more or leflfe penalties. But he is not thus obliged to duty, or fuf-fttingas faveraign , but asfabjeft: and therefore it is fuppofed that he have notthctoulfoveraignty; but in point of Judgment^ fo much of it be committed to the higheft Judicature as /hall put them in a capacity to judge him. And if the fame perfon(natural)mighc not be fubje& that hath part in the Soveraignty,thcn in Ariftocracies and Democracies, many would be from under Lifts. But though this be pojJfible y yet is it unufaall and dangerous to the Common-wealth > that any Judicature ihould have power to behead the

Com*

74 Of a fubordimte Common-wealth in General. Common-wealth, and that the Highest Judgtmentbz in the hands of any that have not the Highefi Legislative Power y and that to be exercifed on the Le-gvflators : and that a Subject ( in all other refpe&s ) iliould have power co judge his Soveraign to death; To be refponfible about matters of propriety is not fo unfit. But that the Honour or Life of the Soveraign (whether a Angle Monarch, or a Senate,or both inmixt Governments) ftiould be in the power of inferiour Judges, is unmeet andunfafe to the Common wealth.

Thef. 59. The exifience of the Natural P erf on of the Soveraign is not necejfary to the exigence of a Common-wealth.

And therefore its faid that Rex non rmritur. For when the perfon is dead , (e.g. in an Ele&ive Monarchy) the Species Jives in the Conftitution,and in the minds and wills of all the people , who therefore will choofe a fucceffor.

Thef. 60. But the natural exigence of Subjects is necejfary to the exifience of a Common-wealth. JBe-caufe it is not a Body capable of living in a meere conftituiion^ or the rnindes of men^ nor to be revived frefently by mans determinations.

Thef. 6j. Subjects are either Imperfect, and only fuch by Obligation and not confent, (as are Rebels) or plenary by confent. Obligation is for Duty : Confent is the condition of the bene ft , and the necef-f*ry c%u[e of Duty it felf.

Thef.

Thef. 62. Confenting Sub]efts are either fuch as have only the benefits of Protection and Jufiicefor their Lives, Honours,Eflates,&c. or fitch as alfo are Burgeffes of the Common-wealth, and, are capable of bearing Office, and choojing (joverneurs.

The reafon of the difference is fometimes from the difference of expreffions of confent, but ufually from perfonall differences of Aptitude and Capacity: fome being children, Idiots, fervants , poor, and fo depending upon others, and unfit to have a hand ft Government.

Thef. 65. It is not the defeft of fecret intent ions of the Ends of Government, that can nullifie the being of a Common-wealth ; but if the Common good be not the prof effed end, it is null.

Thef. 64. h is no further true government then it is a means to the Snds of Government , which are letter then the means ; nor may it be fet up againfb its

1 Ends.

Chap;

*]$ Qftbtfeverd forts of Commm-mdths.

Chap. VI.

Of the feveral forts of Commonwealths.

HAving fpoken of the Univcrfal Kingdom , and next in general of particular fubordinate Common-wealths, that God hath by inftitution made the parts of it; I mutt Firft fpeak of the CON ST ITU-7ION j and next of the ADMINISTRATION ofthefe. And about the Conjiitution I fliall firft fpcak of the MODES (or SPECIES as commonly called ) and then of the Individuation.

Thef. 65. God hath not in his llniverfal Lawes re* firained the Nations of the vu or Id to any one Mode or Species of Government , but left it as a variable thing to be determined according to the condition of each people , whether one or many {hall have the So-veraignty under him.

There is a twofold diverfity of GovernmentsrOne is in the Verfont Ruling ; Another is in the Matter of Government: whether the former dodeferve the name of 'Specification or not, it hath by Cuftome obtained that name: And fo Monarchy , Arifiocracie y and Democracieizz called thediftinft Species of Go-vernmtnts or Common-wealths. In the Matter of

' Govern-

Government there is difference > in that feme have greater power, and fome have lefs: fome Soveraigns are limited to certain things , and degrees of power ; and fome are. unlimited: and fome limited more, and fome fefs. And otae would think this difference were a?great as the former.

I know fome pretend to a Divine Inftitution for Monarchy , but they mean onely that it may from Scripture be proved to be bejt ; but not that no other but it, is Lawfnll. Thus Michael Hudfon and others affertittobe JurcDivino : As for their pretences, that would make Democracie the onely Government that hath the ftamp of God, I think them not worth the writing againft.

-*0-D~

Thif. 66* fhe true format nature of a C^ntmoH-weal ism every one of the Modes or Species hot* inquefli-on ; fo this it is ab[urd to appropriate the Title of a Common-wealth to any one of them alone .

Yet fo do the new Popularifis among us, calling Democracie only [ a Common-wealth ] which they fliould rather call [a Common-government ] if it imply no contradiction. The Constituting UHatter of every Common-wealth is the Pars Imperans , and Pars fubdita : the Governours and Subje&s: and the forme is their Mutual Relation as refpc&ing the End: the nee reft End is Order,and the next the peoples fafety and welfare hereby maintained and promoted ; together with the Honour of the Governor: the more principal End is our prefcar plcafing of God and honouring him, and the ultimate end is our aorepcrfeftcvcrlafting plcafing him in our fruition

of

j$ Of the fever d forts of Common-wealths. of him in glory. It is named Refpublica a Commonweal , partly from the matter , becaufe it is the publick Affaires that it is exercifed about: and partly fromthe end,becaufe it is the Common good that it is inttituted for , and is to be intended. A Vicinity oj Community, City or Society may be where there is no Common - wealth. Any Number of men incapacity are the remote fubjed of it . A City or Community drawn neerer by contracture ufually or oft the more neer iubjeft of it. For ufually fome Contract difpofeth them , and makes them a Community , or City, before they become a Commonwealth, or foif may do at leaft. Though fome call it not a City till it be headed with a Governour, and foit is a Common-wealth. Its not the Attaining but the Intention or Ttndcncie of the Government to the C omm °v-g 0 °d that is eflential to a Commonwealth. An accidentally unhappy Common-wealth hath yet the forme, and muft have the name.

Thef. 6j. The reafon why God did not Uuiverfelly by his Law tye all the World to One forme of Govern-mint , isbecanfeths difference offerfons^times^la-. cesy neighbours, &c* may make one forme be ft to one people > and at onetime , and place <>that is voorfb to another Monarchy is befl for fome y Arifiocracie to otters^ *nd Democracie to others.

Some places may have fewer perfons fit, and fome more: fome places may lie under the advantages of one man, or of many y or of the multitude , fo as that they cannot live profperoufly. without pleafwg them*

and fo fubffuttiog to them.In fome places the people

arc

Of the feveral fort s of Common- wealths. 79 are much add idled to One way > and in fome to ano ther: fome Common-wealths do niort intend Pre-fervation , and other Incre.ife of Riches, or of Poffejfions by enlargement of their Territories. And Cuftom may do much.

Thef.68. That U the be ft form of Government to this or that People , that all things confidered, doth moft fowerfuHy tend to their fplrltual and ever l aft ino welfare , and their Holinefs^ Obedience^ andpleaftng of God.

Nothing more fure or clear,then that the ultimate end doth moft put the due eftimate on all the means. If Government be no means to this end, it is not good, defirablc , nor of God : for if it be not to and for God, it is not from him. There is nothing in all the world that can betheObjeS of a humane A#, but the ultimate end, and the meanes thereto. If Government be neither,we have nothing to do with it: But if it be one ( as certainly it is ) it cannot be the end;, and therefore mu(t be a means: and if fo, that is the beft means which moft tendeth to the attainment of the end.

Objeft. Bnt the Common corporal Profperity is the near andproperend y and therefore that muft eftimate the meanes.

AnfwJLvtik that nearer end is it felf but a means to . our ultimate end; nor to be any further valued or regarded by a rational Creature, then it hath a tendency thereto ; and therefore that which hath no value it felf y but what it hath as a means to the ultimate end, can convey no other to its fubordiaate means.

Nothing

80 Of the fever al forts of Common - wealths. Nothing more furc then that our ultimate end mtift turn thefcalesofour estimation of all means. A horfe may be ftronger then a man , and a dog founder, and a Tree live longer here. The Turkifti Dominion may have more riches, and Power , and larger Command then th^Englifli Common- wealth: Buc it is not therefore the happier : That which moil advaaceth the people ro falvation, and keeps out.fin, and keeps our holinefs and pleafeth God, is the beft Government. He that beleveth not this, is at the heart-ah Infidel. A prifon with holinefs and the favour of God, is better then all the Riches and Glory of the world without it: The com on caufe of the Damnation of all that perifti is the preferring of Riches, Honor, Pleafure,Liberty,and fucb flefhly accommodation before God and Glory. No men on earth therefore can more promote the Devils work, and the perdition of fouls, then thefe that plead for corporall advantages in the framing of their Common-wealths againft Gods intereft,and the well-fare of mens fouls ! They too grofly play over again the game that the Devil playd with Chrill that foiled him , CMat.^. when he offered him all the Kingdoms and glory of the world, if he would wor* fiiip him. None but thofe that have forfakenGod fliall be fo far forlaken by him as to follow thefe impious Principles. We will not contrive our own adverfity, nor tefufeprofpericy when God affordeth it: But we muft eftimate all with refpc& to our ultimate end, and prefer the flames before a Crown when it is againft this sad.

Thef.

Thef. ^9. That is the be Ft form of Government that moft condnceth to the common fafety o* the inte* reft of God y and the well-fare of his Univerfall Kingdom.

The good of the world * and the whole body of Gods faithful Subjects is more to be look at, then the. good of a particular Common-wealth The fame Principles that prove it fordid and impious to value our private perfonal profperity before that of the Common-wealth > do prove it as bad to value the good of one Common-wealth before the Uni-verfal Kingdom of God on earth. If a people could live moft profperoufly to themfelves in the {late of fome petty Republicks and Free«Cities, but yet are thereby uncapable of doing much for the faf?-ty o^vel-fare of their brethren abroad , it is not the moft defirable Government.

As that is properly a Domination , or */0-verninjr offervants 7 which is principally for the Rk~

Thef. 70

vernin^ . ............

Icrs benefit y and that is a Common-wealth which is principally for the Common-benefit ,fo the more any form of Government tendeth to the Common-weal or Good of all , the more defirable it is \ (fappofing the two fore-mentioned conditions.)

This alfo is plain , becaufe the end ftill eftimates the means. And as Millions are better then one and Godsintercft more concerned in their wel-fare, fo their wel-fare is more the end of the Commonwealth then his. The Prince in this refped is for G the

82 Of the feveral forts of Commonwealths. the people, more then they for him.

Thef. 71. Tet is the Honour of the Prince , as he is Go ds Ojficer^and partlcipxtcth of Authority derived from him s onepart of the end of a Common-wealth , and not to be feparated from the peoples foneft;, in car intentions.

Mr. M% Hudfon maintained that this Honor of the Soveraign is xhz nobler end , and to be preferred before the peoples good. I think they are fo admirably linckt together, that we cannot fairly bring them into Competition or Diffention. Gods In-cereft in other reijpe&s is moft in the people: though it is only the Rulers that participate of his Governing Power and Honor. Gods mcreft in the Magi-, firates Honor , is better then the Peoples profperlty as theirs : And Cjods Interesl in the Peoples Welfare , and the Worftiip and Obedience that he hath from them, is better then tht Maglfirates Honor as his own: And the peoples Wei-fare as their ownjis better then ihzM*glftrates honor as his own: There remains therefore no queftion to be decided>but this jvhethcr Go Is Interesl: in the Idlers honor , or In ihe peoplesW.l-fare % nws~t be preferred.]VJh\ch needs no further decision, becaufe they are never to be feparated , but both to be ftill regarded. Honor is commanded us to our 5uperiprs in the fifth Commandment, and if any fin of theirs do make them uncaple of their ovrn part in the honor, ftill Gods part muft be fecured, that is, when they are bad Rulers they muft have the Honor of Rulers, though not of good Rulers, and that re-fulteth unto God: and if they ceafe to be Rulers,

Magi-

\

Magiftracy ceafeth not ? and therefore it mutt (till 6e honoured, and God in it.

Thef. 72. That form of Government is not to be judged moji for the common goody which giveth the great-eft Power to the multitude^but that which provideth them with the greateft advantages toferve andpleafe God y and help theirBrethren.

Lee Satans (laves think the Hlghefl are the H applefi , who are animated with Pride, and take th& admiration, applaufe and fubmiilion of men to be their felicity : but none will think fo that are not blinded with ambition : The befooled Admirers of the glittering vain Glory, and pomp of worldly dignity and greatneffe, do think a trouble and grievous burden a defirable thing , and pare of their felicity. And therefore as every wicked, proud and fenfual man would fain be higheft, and the Ruler of all? fo when fuch proud and wicked men write Politicks,no wonder if they animate their Writings from their ownfpirits and principles , and make that the happi-eftftate to the people in which they may havemoft of Governing Dignity andpowsr which is far from Truth.

Thef. 73. The great burden and work, of the %ftler> is ths principal thing to be lookt at in his office ; and the Honor is but for the workfakej and for God that giveth him his Power} The people therefore are msre beholden f a faithful Governor fhen the Governor is to the people , and receive more from him > then he fr$mthem.

Ga Moft

$4 Of the feveralforts of Commonwealths.

Moft men belive not this, though it be moft evident , becaufe Ambition and carnal Admiration of fecular pomp doth bind their minds. But confider, i. It is but one man, or a few that are the Receivers from the people, and it is the whole Community ihat receiveth from the Prince. 2, His cares and labors are far greater for them , then theirs for him or for the moft part for themfelves. He that never, was u Court, may eafily know , what a milerable life it is fas to private plcafure) to have the care of a Common-wealth, and to have fo many Expcthnts and Petitioners to fatisfie,and of fo contrary diipofi-tions,interefts & expe£tetions,wbere it is impoflible for the wifeft or richeft Prince to fatisfie or gratifie all 3 and unavoidably neceflfary to difpleafc many , & then to incur the paffionate cenfures of thofe that are difpleafed : To have fcarce time through multitude of bufineffe to look to the health of their own bodies; nor do fo much for theit fouls as they that are out of the crowd, and have opportunity of Retirements. 3. And their lives are more in danger by the Plots and PaflTions of enemies and diicontented men, then the Sub je&s are. 4. And worft of all,they ftand in the moft incommodious,dangerous ftation as * to their own falvation : The Pomp of the world is potent to deceive, and the gteatnefs and multitude of Bufinefs t o divert; and the words of flatterers to pervert, and their applaufe topufteup; and carnal Inrereft to engage them againft the mortifying Do-ftrine and flefh difpleafing yvays of Chrift : fo t4iat few great, noble and mighty arc faved, and its wondrous heard for the rich and great to enter into heaven. So that { conclude, that for wicked men that

believe

Of thefeveral forts of Common-wealths. 8 5 believe not a life to come, and intend not the common good, but their own advancement, to fcramble for a Crown, and clamber iuto honor, is no wonder, and accordingly they are like to ufe it. But if any good man, than knoweth what he doth, do accept of a Ration of fo great work, and fufferin.;, and danger* the people a:e~ more beholden to him , then he to them. Wife men know the weights of Crowns.

Thef. 74. Of all the three ordinary forts of Government , Democracy is to mo ft people , and ufnatty the worft.

Let us firft know what the forts are out yve fpeak of, and then prove the Aflertion. And firft I will not meddie with Domination, which looketh principally to the Princes ends, & but confequently at the common good, but only at the Monarchy thats calls c ] A Kingdom. ]

Thef. 75. r. tsf KivvdomA a Common-wealth that hath one perfon only forjTs Soveraign , the end of who_ e Constitution and Admmftration is the common good.

The very Title of Rex, a King, is the moft modeft and convenient that a Soveraign can have : for ic fignifieth but one that rnlethj dlretteth or guideth T whereas Imperator , an Emperour , fignifyin' a Commander , is fitted to the General of an Army, and of too high importance for him that Rulethoy Laws. And Domlnus a Lord, in its proper fignification, ir. higher then that*, and fignifieth one that hath a Pro-

G 3 prlety

yriety and Power oiDifpoftng of y as well as Ruling the perions and things that are uqder his Government , and ordereth them for himlelf as his own.A Protestor is a n?me that I may not now defcant on; but I may boldly lay, that a JC/Vg,and %Prince y Rex y & Princcps are lower as to pretenlioh,-nd have in them the kaR appearance of Arrogancy, or found of Arbitrary Power, and are moft fuited to a moderate Government.

Thef.76.7Ttf C orruption of Monarchy is commonly ceiled Tyranny -which is when theOnt that is appointed to rule for the Common-good y doth deftroy the Common good y orfubjcliit to his private interefi.

Some call him alfo a Tyrant that wants a juft Title; andfo diftinguifh the Tyrant that wanteth Title from him that abufeth it. But, 1. No man hath a Right to proper Tyranny 5 or to deftroy the common good. 2. The other is more ufually and fitly called an Invader , Immtkr y or Ufxrfer •> and folet him leep his name.

Thef. 77. Arift acy is a Common-wealth that's Governed by fome of the i?efi for the Common-

The Corruption of it is called Oligarcftie y wh\ch is the confufion of the Community, when forpe of the firongeA or rieheft,but not the beft to get poflef-fionof the fupream Government, and manage it for .heir; rwate Interefts, and not for the common gcod. li they be chofen by full Suffrage,yet it may

be

Of the feveral forts of C°*nwon-wealths. 87 be an Oligarchic, as well as by Invaiion: the per-fons and abufe may corrupt the form.

Thcf. 78. Democracy is a Common-wealth where the Soveraign Fewer is in all , or the Ma)or Vote of tie people to be ewrcifdfor the C ommon -g*°A*

Some popular forms admit all the multitude to vote in Government without diftin&ion: Mo(ft:e wif-r,and admit only perfons thus and thus qualified, ttat have fuch Eftates, or of fuch Ranks and Orders : fome give equal power to all that have Votes: fome limit the inferior fort,and give more power to thofe of greater riches, The Corruption of this is called Qchlocratie , which is the confufion of the Community, when the Rabble rout or multitude have the Rule , which they exercife to fatisfie thc:ir giddy hu-mors,or fome private Intereft againft the Common-well-fare : Scarce any Democracy efcapes this.

Thef. 79. A mixt Common-wealth is that y in which either two, or all three of thefe forms are fo conjmttj that the Supremacy is divided among them i fome* time equally^ fomethne unequally m

It hath been a Controverfie , to which of thefe forms our Englifh Common-wealth was, arid is to be reckoned: the uncertainty of this was one caufe of our Wars: Many thought it was a pure Kingdom or Monarchy, where the whole Soveraignty is in the Kin?. The Parliaments have affirmed it to be a mixt Common-wealth, yet denominated a Monarchy or Kingdom from fome eminent Prerogatives of G 4 the

the King : The Reafons given by them 1 ihall not ftand on,fave only this One. The Le iflacive power isapart , ifnoc theKigheftpartof the Soveraigrityi but much of the Legiflative Power is , and hath been in the Parliaments hands: therefore much Oi the So-veraignty is in their hands.

But to put all out of Controverfic , the King him-felf in his Anfwer to the Nineteen Proportions of trcParliament, averres the fame himfelf. As to them that argue from the Oath of Supremacy , and theTirle given to the King, 1 refer them to Mr. Law Jons Anfwer to Hobbs Politicks, where he fhews that the Titb is oft given to the fingle perfon for the honour of the Common-wealth and his encouragement , becaufe he hath an eminent intereft, but will nor prove the whole Sovcraignty to be in him : and the Oath excludeth all others from without, and not them whofe intereft is implyedas conjunft with his. The Laws and Cnftoms of the Nation muft expound fuch Names. The eminent Dignity and Inter^! of the King above others, allowed the name of a Monarchy or Kingdom to the Commonwealth though indeed the Soveraignty was mixt. in .he hands of Lords and Commons. If in the mixture the intereft of the Prince had been leaft conficlerable , it fhould .not have been called a Monarchic or Kingdom, but an AriHocracy or Democracy from the Party that had the moft eminent in-iyitereft. *

Thcf-

§ <) Of the fever al forts of Common-wealths. °

K

Thef. 80. whether the natural perfons that haze the Sovereignty be One, err*;/, or ten thoufand ^ yet they are all but one Civil fcrfon y called the Sove-raign.

IhzCMajeftashin one Civil perfon called the Head of the Common-wealth : and the Commonwealth is individuated by the Head or Soveraign: and therefore if there were more Soveraigns or ' Heads then one, there would be more Commonwealths.

Thef. 81. That Democracy or Popular Government is ordinarily the worfi > is proved by all thefc Arguments ; 1. Becaufe tt comes neareft to the utter confounding of the Governors and Governed: the Ranks that God hath feparated by his InfiitHtion.

It is certain that God himfelf hath appointed that fome be Rulers ', and fomehz Subjects: Now to make the Rulers and the Subje&s the fame,and fo to make the people rule themfelves, is next to the utter confounding of the common.wealth , and nullifying Government. And therefore it is faid four times overin the Judges. 17.18,19* and 21. That [ In thofe days their was no King in ifrael: ] and twite its added; [ But every man did that which was right In his own eyes y 1 as if there had been no Government at all. And all becaufe the temporary Monarch was interrupted , and the A ittocracy which continued began to grow weak,and favour too much of Democracy by the ufurpation or tumults

of the people Thef.

$> o Of the feveral forts of Common-wealths.

Thef. 82. 2. Nothing more incident to corrupted nature then for felf-love: to blind men y arid every man to be partial in his own caufe: Now it is th people that are to be Governed > judged , punijhed , &c. and therefore how likely are they by partiality to them-felves to make the Government next y to none.

Why elfe is every man excepted againft, according to all Laws of God and Man , from being a wit-nefs or judge in his own caufe ? And fhall we have the greater part of the people be the highdl Judges in their own caufe f

Thef. 83. I . (jovernnentrequireth natural ftrength of reajon , that the Governors may be prudent men : They are things oft-times of exceeding difficulty , and ufuaUy of very great weight that they have to judge of : But the multitude of the people are vfually of lamentable under]}findings , utterly unfit for fuch weighty thibgs.

Multitudes in England , and more in Wales , Com* wall , Ireland , the High-lands, are fcarce able to talk reafon about common things! And are thefe fit to have the Soveraign Power to Rule the Com-mon-wealth? I have been very feniible of this ac an Affize > when I have heard the Judge and Coun-fellers induftrioufly^ opening the cafe to the Jury, who flood by them as innocently as if they had heard nothing but Hebrew or Arabick all the while, and go their way, and bring in their Vcrdift, either as fome one cunninger then the reft, perfwades thcm,or elfe

ac

^i Ofthefeveralfortsof Common-wealths.

at random or hap hazzard, fpeakin^ that which was next the tongues end , fo that I thought it much at one , as to throw the dice upon it, who fhould have the day. ButO! if our people came to the work of Law-making , and our Senate muft Rogare & Abrogare ^r obrogare & fttbrogare y and the people refolve alll&having the higheft Power,' what work fhould we have ? and what a Herd would Govern us.

Thef. 84. 4- The great and weighty work^ of Government reqxireth an anfwerable Education to prepare them for it: But the Ma''or part of our people have nofach Education : therefore & c #

Ifvve could poffefs them with the Holy Ghofl , as Chrirt did his Apoftles, we would call them from their fifhing and tent-making to be Preachers or Ru-lers , and from their Plows , and Carts , and Dunghills to make Laws: But till then, tet us have the common Reafon to conceive, that as a man that hath ftudied Phyfick, Divinity, or any Art, or Science, or Dottrine, is liker to be skilled in it, then he that was never bred up to it: fo is it about the Government of Common-wealths alfo.

Tkef. 85. 5. They that Are the chief Governors of a Common-wealth ^ have need to be wholly or mo ft ly vacant from all tAverfons for fo> great a work} But common people mt4Jl follow their "Flows and Trtttk* , and cannot be vacant for it : therefore t hey are unfit to 9 overn a Common-wealth*

If any fay that their bare Ele&ion of Governors

may

Of the[everdforts of Common-wealths. 92 may ferve turn , I (hall lhew you anon char that is not Governing, nor any part of it. The wifeft men on earth will hnd that the Government of a common-wealth will take up the whole man, and that they need no other Trade be/ides. We find in the Miniftry how intolerable another Calling is; and why not here alfo?

Thef. 66.6. They that (hall Govern a Common-wealth fhould be good as well as wife y that they may refifi temptations to partiality y and not prefer their private intereft. But the Major part arc not oxcly likely but certain to be bad , yea Enemies to the very principal ends of Government y in mofl places of the world: therefore they are utterly unfit for Sovereignty.

It is the badnefs of men that caufeth the corruption of alljthe forms oFGovernment before mentioned , and fubje&eth the publick good to private; and certainly (however fome dream that their Laws and Engines can hamper any men ) the Devil would never Govern well by any Laws. And Scripture and all experience tells us that the moft are felfiih, fenfu -al, Worldlings haters of Godlinefte : An enmity being put from the beginning between the feed of the woman and of the Serpent, all this ftir of the Republicans is but to make the feed of the Serpent to )ethe Soveraign Rulers of the earth : when God lath promifed that the Kingdoms of the world fhall become Chrifls Kingdoms > thefe men would have them the Babels of Satan, the feat of confufion, and the enemies of Chrift to raign through the earth. When Chrift told his Apoflles that he fent out them as

Lambs

23 Of the fever d forts of Common-wealths. Lambs among Wolves, thefe men would have thefe Wolves to be the Governors of the world: even thofe that Chrift threatnech to flay : becaufe they would not have him to raign over th^m, muft be the men that muft every where raign themfelves, even thole that he threatneth to bruiieior their Rebellion with a Rod of Iron, and dafh them in pieces as a Potters veffell,P/*/»f.2. Luke 19. 27. Were not this multitude reftrained, they would prefently have the blood of the godly. Late experience hath told us fomewhat. Their hatred to piety is fo woncier-full and unreasonable, that I confefs it confirms me in my belief of that Word of God, that doth affirm ic of them. And if theie men had once the Soveraign-ty,what a cafe were the World in.

But Infidels that take evil for good, may flatter thefe pcrfons, and make them believe that I unjuftly reproach them, and may tell them, that they are all honeft men , and k is but fome felf-conceited perfons that cenfure them : But this will not cure their fin, nor prevent their mifery, nor make them fit to govern us : Nor can they make us believe that Wolves are (hecp in the open day light.

Nor can they pretend that their Laws fliall keep them from doing harm. For, 1 The Soveraign Power is the Law-giver , and therefore can change them at his pleafure : Our brutifli impious rout may at any time make Laws for "the banifhing of piety and Chriftanity: and for the worfhipping of Bacchus ; and if they but hoot, that £ Great is Diana , ] it is a Law. They have npt the Soveraignty,ifthey cannot make and abrogate Laws. 2. And were they only inferior Governors , he is zfnngti$ y and not a

man

2 4 Of thefeveral forts of Common -wealths. man that knoweth not by v experience how eafily bad men can make good Laws to be a noie of wax , and knock down their Adverfaries with the very Manicles that we put upon their hands . It was a Proverb ac Rome , that Vices had nailed the Laws to the Walls. Living Officers can eafily a bufc dead Laws.But of this mo:e anon.

Thef. 87. 7. Though no contrivance of man can afcer~ tain a lotion of a fuccejjionof good and righteous Governors , yet that is the befi Government that giveth theftrongefl Probability of it ; and that the nor ft , that rnakcth itinipoflibleyr next to an impoj-fibility : But that the CM a] or Vote of the people fhonld ordinarily be jnft and good , is next to an im-pojfiblity: therefore y &c.

We have fome Hopes of juft and honeft Governors if we have Monarchy or Arirtocracy ; but we have fo little hopes, as is next to none,if the Popular Vote muft have the Soveraignty. For it is the whole humane nature that is corrupted , and is fallen into Rebellion againft God the abfolute Sovcraign; every man is by nature a Rebel againft Heaven , and at enmity with God, and the matters of his own and others happinefs, which the true common good con-fiftethin. And Scripture and experience 2<Tu:es us that it is in almoft all places, the fmaller number that are converted to Loyalty and fubjeition to God, and by fandlification reconciled to him> and laid down their enmity : fo that ordinarily to plead for a Democracy , is to plead that the Soveraignty may be put into che hands of Rebels > and our welfare may

be

be defperate , and the common good may be in the hand? of the enemies of ic, and that by a certain iucceflion.

Thef.£8. 8. Democracy is furt heft from Unity y anA therefore fur theft from perfection' : and therefere-the ntoft impcrfett fort of Government.

That Unity is the companion of perfeftion , and Divifion departeth from it as it doth from Vnity , is commonly acknowledged: which caufed the Py-thagorans 'to CurCe the number of [ Two 7 ] because it was the firft that prefumed to depart from Unity,

Thef. 89. 9. That uthemoftimperfeSl Government which defarteth far theft from the Divine Umverfal form: But fo dothpopnlar Government therefore >&c.

The Univerfal Kingdom hath one King r The Government of the world is Monarchial. I know that manis.uncapable of a full imitation of God : And to pretend to imitate him Politically where his naturall incapacity prohibits > it is foolifh Arro^ancy. But yet we muft not willfully depart from him beyond nccefflty: The fimilitude of God that man was made in, is judged to confift partly in this Dominion over other Creatures. Surely the further from God , and the more unlike him we are, the more imperfe&. y

Thef. 90. 10. It Is crdinarlly the* mo ft ImpcrfeU form §f Government which is ftmheft from the AngcTtetlorder: Bnt fuck is popular <jOvernm$#t. therefore*^ c. By

Of the fever all forts of Common-wealths. 9 6 By the mention that we find of Princes among the Devils, and of Angels that were princes of the Kingdoms of the earth' [ !>*». 10.13, 20,21. err.] we may conclude that their order is Monarchical or at kail not this Major Vote : therefore &c.

Thef. 9l. xx.That Government is theworfi whichde-parteth fun be ft from the frame of nature in the Government ofindividualt> men • But fo doth Popularity.

Art muft imitate Nature. Man hath not many In-teIIe&s,nor many wills to guide and Command within him , but One onely. Nor doth the Intellect fub-mit to the five fenfes becaufe they are the Major Vote. Nor doth th: will referre the management of our a&ions to the confutation or Command of all the inferiour faculties, Nor Hoth the eye or eare for-fake its office and refigne it to the Major Vote of the members.

Thcf. 92^12. That is the worft Government of a Commonwealth that u the worst in all other-Governed focieties : But fuch is Popular Government y t here fore ittiworFt.

It would make mad worke in a ftaip, if the Pilots or Captains power were committed to the Major Vote. And as mad worke would it make in an Army, if the fouldiers by Vote fhould have the cheif Command and mannage all the defignes of the Army , and rule their Commanders: And if Scholars rule their fyta-

fters

ftersandthemfelvesby Vore,it v\ould not do wed: And too many of Our Country confirt of Children in State affaires. And if a family be rukd by the Vote of the fervancs and Children it will not do we!; Ho.v then ihouid this do well in the Commonwealth.

Thef.95. 13. The Government that receleihfarthtft from that which Christ hath fettled in the Church ts

• the mo ft imperfect and the worft. But fuch is popular Government*, therefore,

I know this age hath produced ( even good men) pretenders to a Popular Church forme as of Divine Inftitution; running roint blank againft the Scriptures. As Chrift himfclf is tbc Monarch or King of his Church , and the One bfcad of his Bodjyto&d he fettle in every particular Church thofe Bi*hops,Prcf-biters, orpaftors whom he hath commanded the people to obey as their Rulers, \_He:. 13.7, 17,24. t/*#T20. 28. iTim.^.i-j. i.Thef. ?. I 2, dv.] And its itrange if he fhould fet Rulers over the people and Command them to obey them y and at the fame time make the people Rulers, and Confequent-ly Command the Pallors to obey the Major Vote. Lee them think on'tagaine that owne fuch abfurdi-ties.

Thef. 94.14. A fafe Government mufv have fecrecf that the Enemie may not be acquainted with their Connfels Hnfcafonably: But a, Popular Government is moftnncapmble of fxcbfecrccy in their defignsitherc-fore, &c.

H What

What great advantage the Enemy hath by knowing the fecretsofaltate before hand both in the times of Peace and Warre; and alfo that Popular Government is lead able to keep their Counfels fecret, are both things fo evident as need no more words.

Thef. p<j. I %.Thats the worft GGvernment(cxttris pa* libvs)thatgiveth the Enemy the great eft advantage to raife tumults , and mutinies^ or get a faction for himfelf toward his own deftgns among themiBttt fitch is the Popular Government: therefore.

Its a moft eafie matter for masked Enemies to be members of a Democratical Body,and there in every cafe to make a party and trouble all things , and at lcaft hinder others and tye their hands , we have no Popular Government in England^ and yet it is fo eafie for masked Papilts, and Infidels, &c. to get into our Parliaments aad there make difturbance that we feel the evill of it, but feare much more, if not prevented.

Thef. 96. 16. A fafe and good Government mufi be able jfeedily to determine and execute in cafes of great weight , that require hafe\ But theVopu* lar Government is delator) , and will let the Common-wealth he loft , while they Are deb*** ting.

Armies know,and wife Governours know the difference between expedition and delays: while we de-Jay, our Counfels are opened: the enemy hath time I to prepare & prevent us. And amon? a Crowd where

mul- i

Of the feverdforts of Common-wealths. 99 1 multitudes have to doe , and that perhaps by long winded fpeeches ; no wonder it Church and State be toft while we are consulting, and if Reformations be yet in the birth that many years ago were ready to be brought forth. There is fcarcc any iuch focieties but have fecret enemies among them that at lealt can finde them bones to picke on, andinge-nioufly divert them and frulirate their Confutations. If Rome could fay that \llnus homo nobis cmttanAo re-Jiitult rem ;] yet one Swallow makes no fummer > and extraordinary accidents are not the Rule of ordinary Government, There are times to delay: But there arc alfo times for hafte.

Thef. 97.17. That is the worfl Cj overnmsnt ( ceteris paribus) that is leafi agree! ^ or woft fubjett to Di-vijion w it felfe , and. to fall ions and ttimults in the Common-wealth : But fitch is Popular government therefor^ &c.

Any man may know that thoufands are hardlyer a-greed , then a few or one. And long experience hath told the world that the Ocean is not more lya-ble to tempefts, and waves, then the people to tumults , factions, and f editions. The reading of thofe Romane hiftories , that draw fome into love with popular Government, doth make my ftojnack rife againft it.

O what a mad and raging beaft is this that fome would commit the Sovereignty to f It Judgeth much byopini6n , but little by truth, faith Cicero pro Rofrio. [_N*lhtmfreturn ; mtllm Ettrifns tot nwttts

H Z tamos

ioo Of the fever al forts of Common-wealths.

tantds ac tarn varias habet agitation?sfiuctuum^quan^ tas percurb at tones & quantos alius habet ratio commi-tiorum,~] faith he Pro Murt* Non Commitiis judicat femperpopulus y fcd movetur pform% gratia, ceditpre-abus ,facit eos a quibxs eft maxim: ambitus : denicfe Ji judicata non deldtualiquo^aut fapientia ducitur ad JH-* dicandum^fedimpetu nonnunquam, & quadametiam umeritate ; Non eft emm confilium in Vulgo^onratioy non dif crimen, non diligentia :femper^fapientes ea qua populusfecijfet, fcrenda,non femper laudanda duxerunt: Cicero pro Plauco. Shall we not believe the wifeft man that had the experience of the moftglorious>li-mited, regulated Democracy?

Is Seneca more tob^ believed ?Hear his Judgement of the people. Epift. 39. [ Nunquam volui populo plaeere. I^am qu& ego jcio, non probat populus : cfuxfrobat populus , ege nejeio. Quis plaeere potest popnlo cm placet virtus ? (N. 7?. This is not only the Puritans Cenfure^ nor only the ChritUans. ) Malis artibus popnlqris favor qu<eritur: fimiUm te UlU

facias op'ortet; Nonprobabunt nifi agnoverint\ -

Conoiliari nifi turpi ratione , amor tmpium non pot eft : Quid ergo ilia laudata & omnibus prdferenda aftibus rebuff Philofophiapr&ftabit I [cilicet , ut malis tibi plaeere quam populo Hut aftimes judicia, nonnumeres ; ut fine mew Deorum, heminnmcfe vivas : ut aut vinfas mala , autfinias. C*terum fi te vidcro celtbrem fecun-disvocibus vulgi: fiintrante te clamor, plaufus & platonimica Ornamenta obfirepuerint fi tot a civitate tcfjLmin&puerify, laudaverint,quidniegotui miferear cumfciam qua, via ad iftum favorem ferat^

Pepulusf<epe magis vo{untatem quam rationem Ah* cemfequitur, ] faith Gvicciard.li.y.

"populw

^Populns rcrtan gravierurn plane rudis & imperitusy 4V % ubl minus eft opusftfenumzre proftifus; ubi autem res ipfa Jargitatem pofclt yUtfe adeo tenax ut dum minimis parcerevult y ln m-ixlmos fumptus gravljfimafy pencula incurrat. ] Idem li.2.

Qui multltudlni plac?at , is faplentlbus dlfpllceat neceff.eefl ; Inqult Plutar. it Educ. lib.

Tails eft qaalifotplcfo & turba y at facile fallatur y & adquodvis adducater : uzde ilia frequenter idem quodm^ri accidlt : Quewmadmodum enlm mare nature fua innexlum eft re tie utentlbus , & tutum yfiyc-ro violent I flatus in Iliad Irruerlnty tale redditur utenti-bus, qnalesfunt vent I a qtiibus clrcumquafa Impellltwr* it a vulgus, & c . Polyb. lib. 11.

A Hundred fuch Defcriptions of the people are given lis by fuch Writers. Go but to the Ele&ion of Knights for a fhire , or any fuch Concourfe, and compare it with a Governed Army, and fee the difference, and the worth of a Government over the multitude.

Thef. 98. 18. That's the worft Government (cxtt-ris paribus) which Is exercifei by uxconftant fickle men : But fuch is popular Government: therefore it is the wjrft.

The Inftability and Mutability of the people is known to the world: It hath been their Epithet in all ages, to be mutable and unliable. They may be in a good mood this year, and make good Laws, and deftroy all the next; faith Cicero, prtdo-mo fua y \_In imperita maltltuiine eft varietat

H3 &

& tnconftamia^ & crefaa tanquam tcwfzflawm , ftc }enteniia,Yttm commutatio. ]

Dies inter miff us anus 7 am nox interpofit a f ape per-turbat omnia , &totam opimonem parva ncnnmqxam commmat aura rnmoris : fape etiam fine ulla apert* caufafit almd , at oj 3 exifUmamus ; ut nonnunquam ita jaBum ejfe etiam populns admiretur ^quafi vero n*n ipfefecerit f] Id^mpro Murana.

w^lhl eftfacilius quam in quern Hbet affeBum mo' verepopuhtm^ tnq'mt Qr;intil.De. It.

S'napte naturae ft in or at us rerumj^ novarum cupidus p»pulus\ inquit Guicciard. Et inpopuli auxiho in rebus mopinatis ac periculofts ob multitudims naturam frmumfundamentum jaci nonfoteft. Idem lib. if. This k the Vote of the Learned world concerning the world or multitude. And he never tryed them that knoweth it not by experience: how they will wheel about like the weather-Cock with the change of wind.

Thef. pp. i p. That is the \vorft Government that will extrcife the greateft Cruelties * effecially a-gainSlthe be ft : But juch is popular Governments therefore.

I know Monarchy or Ariftocracy , makes not bad men good, ( of themfelves) and therefore among them have been Cruelties: but nothing fo many as have been exerciied by the multitude when they do rife up, no cruelty feems too great to them in their tumults ; When the Roman foul-

diery

Of the feverdforts of Common-wealths. 103 diery did but know their ftrength, how few of their Emperours died in their beds : what abundance 3 both Heathen and Chriflian have been murdered by them ? Popular* multitudine nihil efi infipienti-as nefainfolentius. Itac^eos qui Tyranni infolent-am fugiunt y in plebis effren& infolentiam incidere; nequaquam tolerandum efl 9 T>{am Tyrannus fiquU facit intelligens facit , at plebi nulla ineft intelli-gentia: Unie enim ei intelligentia adfit , qui nee cdoUus efi , nee novit honeftum quicquam , ne in fua quidemfamilia y & qui ad res agendas fins confdio praceps ruit torrenti fimilis , ] inquit Herodotus, lib. 3. And Paufanias applauds one fpeech than faid , [_Hominem. nimis Reipublica, adminifiratieni deditttm \ & populari aura fiientem , baud nunquaxi feliciter diem extremum claudere?\

If God and our Governors did not bridle them the fober godly people in England would foone tafte of the Cruelty of the vulgar, before they come to the Supremacy.

Thef. loo. 20. That Government -where the Rulers have all the forefaid Incapacity , Ignorance y Levity , Nanghtinefs , &c. and yet have the greatefi ftrength to do evilly and are leafi retainable or reformable when they do mijcarry , is y ceteris paribus, the worfi of Governments : Butfuch is the Popular Government : therefore it is the worfi.

If one man turn Tyrant, otzfew be corrupt, they are eafilyer reftrained then the heady multitude. For if the greater part or main body of H 4 the

the people do mifcarry>there is none but God that is ordinarily able to correft them ', or fave the Common-wealth from their rage; for the lirength is theirs. A horfe may be mattered by a man, but not by nice: Hrengih ; Let him know his fkengch > and its hard to rule him : Nothing fo unfit tor Governing , as that which hath moft ftrengch with the Fraallelt wifdom and vertue. The Block was not ibbad a Kint, to the frogs as the Storck. A few may fear the ftrength of the multitude, and be more wary in their Government, becaufe of apoffibili-ty of fuffering : but the multitude are out of dan T ger of any , but God and their own fo'ly; and therefore when they know their impunity , they will fear none, but be the more encouraged to in-jufiice and impiety.

I conclude therefore that this ignorant, impious, mutable cruel, violent rout, fhall never have my content for the Soveraignty. Flebi non indicium , non Veritas , faith Tacitus , lib. i .Hisi. Vulgns & eft n ntabile fubitis , & taw pronnm in LMifere-cqrdiam qutmimmodicnm f&vitia fHerat , Idem. i5. ^Multitudo ex inctrtifjimo fumit animos'j faith Livy Dec ad l. lib. 6* Drfenfores [hos in prdcipttem fem-per locum favore tollit \ deinde in ipf* difcrimine peri cull deftituit. idem 16 . H&c natura multi-tudinis eft , ant fervit hnwilitr , am fuperbe domir.atur libertatemtfiiA media efl^nec pernere modi-ce , r.ec habere /aunt: & non fir me clefnnt irarttm indnlgentcs miniftri qui avidos at qwtemperantes ykbeiorum animos ad fangmnem & c#des imtent. ] Liv.Dec. 3. lib. 4. Multitulo omnis y ftc natwrk

maris>

maris , per fe immobilis .eft ,ut venti & anr& cient auttranquilliatit procellofi. "] Idem , Dec, 3. lib. 8. Nihil tarn inccrtum, nil tarn inejiimabile eft quam ani-mi multitHiinis. Hem Dec.4. lib. I. Valgus eft ad de-teriora promptum. Tacit Anal. lib. 15.

Chriltians and Heathens have thought thus of the vulgar. Poly carp being required to defend himfelf before the people, refufed, becaufe {Prindpibas & Ma-giftratibmhonoi d:betur , modo Deo nonfit contraries : populo atttcm fnrenti fatisfacer e nemo /wj'^rEufeb.Hift. lib. 4. c. 1 ?. Vhocion feared not to tell the Athenians that he was the fingularift that their Oracle told them of, \Mihi enim ea omnia ilfplicent ejua, valgus ait ] And Demades told him, [Laniabitteplebs fipaulalnm jnfanierit. ] Pint, which made him ask, J%»idr Num malidixi imprtidens} What hurt have I fpoken? When he perceived all applauded his fpeecb. And Var.Hift. lib. 4. tells us of a piper that beat his boy for piping naught, becaufe the people applauded him. But I have faid enough in fo plaine a cafe.

of

Of the Obje&ive or Material Differences of Government.

THef. i o i. Governors are feme limited , fome de fafto unlimited: Tht unlimited are Tyrants , and have no right to that unlimited Goverment.

For they arc all Subjects themfelves, and under the Soveraignty and Laws of God.

Thef. 102. Limited Governours are either limited from exerclfingfo much fower as God himfelfe hath appointed the fufreme Magif rate to ufe t or elfe limited only in things that God katkleft undetermined , as to any umverfall determination. The former limixa~ tlon is finfull in the Limiters y and yet may befubmit- I ted to in fome cafes by the Soveragn innocently : the latter may be I aw full in both.

Inferior Magiftrates may be limited according to | the prudence of the Supreme ; and more Power may | be trufted to one, and lefs to another. But the Su- ! preame Ruier may not be limited contrary to Gods j Description or Inftitution of his Power; yet he may be limited de facto , though not de jure primario; and confequently de jure as to hmfclfe , that is , fo j

far, i

Far. as that he (hall be juftifiable againft any accufa-:ion of Omiffion : but the people ftill are guilty for rettraining him.

Thef.^o}. God himfelf by enaEling his own Uni-v erf all Laws , and infiituting Magiftracy for the Execution of them m fubordination to him y doth thereby plainly tell us , that the Soveraign powers in each Common-wealth are not to be retrained by the people from the Execution of any ofhis Laws+ which belong to them as Magiftrates to execute.

For Rulers are but Gods Officers for the fobordi-tiate Government of men by his Laws, and fuch fubfervient Laws of their own as are meet to promote the execution of his: For iiiftance y If the peo-pfe fhall reftrain the Soveraign Power form punifh-ing Idolatry, or Adultery, or Theft, or falfewit-nefs, &c % they hereby fin againft God , who hath appointed a Magiftracy under him for the punching of thefc fins in the world.

Thcf. 104. If tie peoples limitations would frujtrate the end of Government , the Prince ought not to con-fent , but rather to be no Governour : But if they only hinder the melius efle Jm or higher perfection of the C°mmon-wealthyhs may receive ajinfully limit-ted power.

As if he be forbidden or difabled from encouraging Honefty and Piety in the main , or fupprefling, or punching wickednefs in the main, or promoting the

Com-

to accept of fuch a Power;For this is not that Office that God hath inilituted , but another of mens devi-fing, md fet up by his enemies. But if the limitation be only in fome point that's integral,but not efl'enti-al to Honerty , Piety, or Common good, ( as fhe punishment of Theft, or Fornication only,or with fuch a degree of punifament) then he may afiume it; but with a Proteftation that it is not his own doing, nor doth he own the a&ion of their reftraint.

Thef. 105. The people can reftraine a Prince de-fa-Sto , becaufe they have thefirength , and he cannot govern them without their own confent , either in whole y or in fart : and therefore their dijfent doth make the exercife of a further Power impojfible to the Prince ( or other Soveraign) and confeqneutlj jtiflife hinu

IfalJ the Army ftand up for the life of a Traitor or Mutineer, the General is not able to punifti him. If they refufexogo upon a particular defign, the General cannot force them. If the body of the people refolve that they will have no Law (ornotfe-verc enough) againft drunkennefs or fornication , the Prince cannot help it. So if he Govern Papifls , and they vyill not fuffer him to rcftrain them , (or a-ny the like unlawfull Se<& ) it is their fault, and not his. He is not bound to an impoflibility , nor bound tocaft off all the Government and do no good , becaufe he cannot do what he would: It is the

people,

eople,and not he that gives liberty to the fin,(unlefs e confer^ to their fact, or his not rehgning keep out ne that could do more.) Their confent is Conditio ne qua non of his execution.

"hef.ictf. Yet is this no aft &f Governing Authority inth: people y nor doth it prove thsm to have the leafi meafure thereof: but it is only an exercife of their natural Rejolution upon the advantage of their Jlrength , and in unlavpfull cafes ; it is only a mutinous difobedience againfi God y which is far from ^Authority.

And therefore the Diflent of one or two , or of 6 few that can be well mattered > no nor of the vjajor part when they can be mattered, is no re-traint to the fupream Power from executing all the vill of God committed to him as his Rule ; nor will rtfcufe him for his omiflionSjOr his toleration of iniquity. If my horle will go no further then his lift* > in ibllowcth not that he is a fharer in the right of Ruling hunfelf and me, becaufche is unruly. Limiting by dilTent is not Governing.

Thcf. 107. Though the Prince may omit fome goodby reafon of the peoples Diffent and Limitations f yet he may not commit any evil/ on any fuch pretence.

Duty is not at all times Duty. Affirmatives bind noc ad femptr : but fin is never to be committed

;

11 o Of the 0 bjeBive or material

mited. If the people will have a Toleration of un-lawfull Se£ls, the Magillrate may yeild when he cannot help it, or if it were to attain a greater good for the Church of God : becaufe indeed it is but the Negation of a Duty , (punifhing Offenders) or making Laws againft them) which at fuch a time and cafe is to him no duty. But if the people would force him to profefs any falie-opinion himfelf, or perform any falfe vvorfliip , he may not do it: Evil may not be done, when good may be omitted.

Thef. 108. Though Cod have not in his Univ^rfall Laws determined of the Degree of Princes Power inallCircnmfiantials or variable matters , yet he hath given general Laws for regulating of fuch determinations as there {ball be caufe.

The Material fpecies(zs fome call it of Power is not fully, but yet thus far determined of by God, and in-ftitutedin his Law. 1. He requircth that the fupreani Power be as his Authorized Officer, the Prefcrver of his own Univerfal Laws, and fee them executed, 2. He rcftraineth him from doing anything againft thofe his Laws. 3. He giveth him general Rules, according to which all humane Laws muft be made in undetermined cafes. 4. He rellraineth him from crofling thefe Rules in his Goverment.

Thef.

•

Differences of Government. 111

Thef. 109. The Principal fundamental Rules for the Magistrates Government* are I. That he doe all in a due fubordination to God the fountains Authority : 2. That he frame all his Laws and execution fo as that they may be a means to the ends of (j overnm°nt \ viz. both the neereft endythe Order y peace y and happinefsy Corporall , andfpi-rituall of the Common-wealth ; and the ultimate end y the Pleafing of God in our falvation for e-ver.

If any of the Lav^s of men be totally Crofs to the fountainc and the end , or make againft them in the maine ,they are Nullities and private prohibited a&s, of no authority : No forces , no advantages , no power 5 no engagement of men , can authorize any man againft God, or againft the falvation of our foules, and the Common fafety of the people. And this upon a twofold account : 1. Be-caufe they are without Authority: 2. Becaufe they are againft the Chief Authority. ,

Thef, 110. sAnother Divine limitation of the Sove-raignisy that he fit all his Laws to a due fubfervien-cj unto Gods univerfall Laws , and do nothing a-gam ft any of them.

Thef. ill .Yet as Gods Laws are not all of abfeint c ne-ceffity to the being of a loyal fubjeil of his Kingdom, though all are obligatory y fo the Magiftrate that in point of Duty is bound to fubferve and ob-ferve all gods Lawes , yet nullifieth not his office.

Hi Oft he objeBive or material

or power by finning a vain ft thofethat are not of ab~ folutc neceffity as aforefaid*

Every thing that is a fin deftroyeth not Chriftiani-ty in a Chriftian , or Magittracy in a Magiltrate : as fomc Laws and Duties, arc but for the bene vel melius effeoi our Chriftiantty, and Magift racy: fofome fins may tend eflfe&uallybut tc the dieaiing ot both.

Thef. 11 z. The people ought not to reflraine the fo-. Vtraign Power from a ufefull Determination of things in themselves indifferent , according to the General! Rules of God , for the ends of Government.

Under pretence of Liberty , theyfhould not limit the Rulers from any Lavves or executions that are really for their own good ( which is the main Ge-nerall Ifyile next Gods will and honour, ) And if theydoi, the Ruler may innocently be reftrained but tfie people finfully reftraine him. They can-Dot be innocent in hindring their ownegood and the ends of Governments.

Thef. 113. But in cafe that Tylers would, j. Have * power to trouble the Common-wealth with needlefs Lowes. 2. Or would determine Circumftances dangeroufly , fo that it may as probably x or more y doe hurt as good: 5. Or "would have fuch a power to do a Uffer good which he cannot have without the fewer of doing much more hurt: 4. Or would dkmllj da hurt to the Common-wealth , the re-

ftrtint

fir aim of the people (in the ConJfitution)is here in* nocent atidprndent.

For ic is but fe!f-prefefvation,that nature teacb-eth man as man: but ftill it argueth not any mca-fure of Governing power in them; but a ftrength exerciied honeftly for felf-ptefervation, by refu-fing to be under fuch Laws or executions as would hazard, trouble or dcttroy them*

Thef. 114. The Feople may have a trne Propriety in thtireftates , though the) have r* Right of Governing : and therefore here they may more Capitulate with the f(n):rdigu and reftraine him from taking their Moneys , Goods , Lards , &c. Without their confent , or but on contracted lermes.

If the Laws of the land or Cuftome reftraine the Prince from taking any mans money or goods without his confent, this is no proofe of any Governing authority in the people , for Propriety U not Government: Nor limiting a Ruler by holding my own, is not Ruling.

Dominion is in order of nature antecedent to Government^ may be out of a Common-wealth as truly as in it. The diftribution of Dominion or Propriety may be done by the ordinary Law o£ Nature conjun& with difpofing Providertce.Ocu-pation if it be agreeable to the Law of Nature [when men are under no otherLaw]that is,if it be not of another mans,nor of an undue proportion, Stc.may occafion a true Propriety .But if the occu-I past

i J4 OftbtQbjeBiye or, mtcr\al Pant would feize upon a whole Country or more then Nature alloweth as a proportion for one man > and tendeth to the Common hurt of the Community, or mankind, here he hath no Title and may be qifpoffefl. But in Common-wealthsj Propriety is'partly made fubjeft to the ends of the Common-wealth ; and therefore Governing Lavves may give propriety, though there be a propriety in order of nature fyefofe any Lawes,but chofe of Nature.

Thef. 115. It is pot fafe or Law full for the fee fie to I'imit or rfjlrain the foveralgn Power front <fyf~ p>fwg fo farrc of the epates of ally as is ite-ceffary to tkefifety ofall>wbicb is the end of Qo-

verxmeflt. . ,

It is not the whole of mens Propriety that is to be fubjefr to the, Governour but part ? and that Partis {ijbje$ for the prefervation of the whole remainder. Men. have the primary Propriety in thcmfelves , and the fecondary in their eftates: and as no Governor may takeaway the live* of all the people orl pretence of jufticeop necef-iity, but only fotfje on juft occafions, and that for the good of the reft, fono Governor may take away all theeftate? of the peoples % but only part to.preferve the.reft: Nor may he juftly taHc from them th^Prppriety , leaving the pofleffion. The King of ^;jik could not take the peoples Lands and Cattle j as Governor > but as Con-trafter, by Purchafe, when Jofeph fold them cprn, and the;y parted with a greaf part of their

pro-

propriety to five'their lives. But to make Propriety dependant, and limited as a Tenants, may be lawftll, if not by injulUce nor unmercifubieis accompliJlied.

If the Ruler have not Power to preferve thfe Common-wealth , he is not capable of thp end<l, and fo not of the work of Government/ It is for the peoples good that part be ufed to. five the wbrtle and themfelves. But jftt if is jirft arid wifdom for the people in the conftitution to limit the Ruler by convenient cautions that he may not under pretence of preferving them haye advantage to opprefs them: and therefore it is unlit for the ordinary ftated Revenetos neceffa-ry to his perfonal or annual-public^ life, fliould depend upon their after-Confent ■, ( for fo Princes would be brought into the cafe as thofe Mi-niftersthat live on the peoples voluntary contribution , and would find both murmuring and mutable Pay-mafters) yet in extraordinary Taxes it is fit the people lliould reftrain the Rulers from arbitrary feizures. And yet it is unfit that this reftraint fhould be exercifed by the people them1 felves, but rather by lome prudent chofen perrons, as it is in our Parliaments. For the multitude are covetous , tenacious , injudicious , and incompetent judges oftheneceflities or commodity of the Common-wealth: and will make a; fmali matter of their dingers ,,and publick commodities, and a* great matter 6f their payments 1 , tilf'they ire undbnS ^iiflcf wifexoofatb: And al-moft all Contributions will becafiin feditions, tumuks, or anfettleftnefs in the Common-wealth

If the people , or any as chofen by them to that end, have only fuch a limiting felf-prcfer-ving Power to thcmfelves referved, or a meer /#-dictum dlfcretionis about the necefluies of the Common-wealth; this proveth not that they have any power in the Government, but if they have alfo a deliberating power about the common dangers or difeafes , and a directing or dif-pofing Power about the Remedy (whether money arms, &c ) as a Remedy , then ir is a part in the Government that is referved to them.

Thef. 1 16. The propriety of particular men is fub jetted to the Governor as a Governor t fofar as that he may judge in cafes of difference^ and ad-minifter Juflice in giving every man his 0wn , and may deprive men of part , or all that they pojfefs by way ofpmifhmcntfor their crimes.

AGovernor hath nothing to do in Government, if he had nothing at all to do with mens propriety: for as he decideth differences about it as Judge, and maketh Laws which fhall be the Rule of fuch decifions, fo he may take away all that a man hath as a penalty ,and make Laws which dial be the Rule of that Penaltie. What do penal Laws but deprive men (for the moft part) of their propriety , when they forfeit it by their crimes ? The Magiftrate may take away mens lives for their crimes; therefore he may take away their money or Lands: for dicir lives are'^s. muc?h their own , and arc more precious to thcm^-And if he may not punifh Offenders, he is no Governor.

Thefc

Thef. 117. Tet here alfo it is ft that the Conftitution limit the Soveraign de modo, as God by his Univerfal Laws hath limited him in thefubftan-tials of Juftice.

For if under pretence of Juftice every mans Life and Eftatc fhould be meerly at the mercy of of an Arbitrary unlimited Prince, it were as oad as to have all left to bis will,whcn he will pretend a neceflity for the publick fafety or commodity dire&ly. They may fee in the conftitution that verrues be notpuniftied as vices>nor the innocent (by a Law ) as if they were guilty : and thac none but well chofen able men be Judges, and thac they be rcfponfible to the Supream: and thac the penalties exceed not the crimes, nor the matter of fed judged without fufficient witnefs; and iuch like reftri&ions they may put to efcape In-jufticc; but fuch difable not the Governor to do Juftice ordinarily. ^

Thef. 118. If the Soveraign be not limited in the conftitution , or by his own confine but only inge-ral terms emrufted with theSoveraignty y he may by venue of his Sovereignty diffofeef thcEftates of the Subjects in order to the ends of Government* Bpt though there be no exprefs rcftrainc upon him in the conftitution , yet can he do nothing again ft the Laws ofGod y or the ends of Government.

It is implyed in the conftitution of every Government , that it ctnnoi be ufed againft its fupe-I 3 rior

riorPo\ver,orits end.ThisGod hath obliged them to already , and therefore it is firm , thoijgh men fay nothing. Ami therefore a Governor as he is a fubordinatc Officer of God, is retrained from Injuftice,and fofrom feifing on the Eliates of others,for hifnfelf or his Favorites,or without the demand of Juftice, or the publick g<?od. But in jhefe cafes his office allowethj^yea, and bindeth him to do it, if not reftrained notoriotifly by the conftitution. And he would be anenemy^to the Common-wealth , if Ije fuflfer it to perith ijn ten-dernefs of mens private good.

Thef. 119. Itfeems to many a very difficult S^Cr-ftion y Whether a Sovereign fyottldfaye the Common-wealth when the limitations in the cofcftitu-tion difable him} But the Anfwer is ea^fif,. If the danger be not certain or very great, , he is to l^eep his bounds .and Covenant: and if\ mifchieffallon the common-wealthy the people fy their fbolify limitations were guilt} y and its they that muft bear the main lofs. But if the danger be great , and the people exprefs not their diffentjhe Spverairn may trangrefs his Unfits to fave the Common-wealth, becaufe the conftitution being for th^com-monfafety , it is to befuppofed that the Authors . of it di^yntend the end y before they chofe the means 1 and therefore did mean , that if the limitations fbpuU fall out to be invonfiftent with the end y they jhould be nuL

Nature alloweth us t# fuppofe th*tno man would deaftroy himfclf >-txJLI pe arc, able to prove

the

the contrary. And when we can prove it , we thereby prove him a mad-man, or6f ft> depraved an Intellect, as that.he is not fit to be covenanted with : much lefs then \ may we fuppofe that* Nation or Society of men intend their own deflation: Nor that they intended rather to perifh, the#their limitations fliould be pbferved. But if a Soveraign break his bdunds without fuch danger as is either notorious before hand y or he cah ifterward make notorious to the people for his Tuftification, he will incur cenfures and hazard* . o himfelfe and the Common-wealth.

Ale!. 120. But if ferns a harder Qxeflion what the Soveraign fhould do in cafe rhe people not only

- limit him by Covenants y hut ^finally deftre we , way that would defiroy them y and dijfetit from

- hisprefowing them , whit hern? ay he fave tht common-wealthavainfi the peoples wills? The

0 'Anfwer is tafi^i that he may doit\ both as he is *{£jove*nor r artdf6 an Officer of GtA for the ends of Government, , and therefore, cannot lawfully be refhrainedby the people from preferving them* , becanfethey have no P ower above Gcdiakdalh 3 as a private mart ex charttate, he is bottn&to fave a Nation if he can y though without Authority\ as we mutt fave a man from drowning or hanging himfelf y or quench the fire whichhe kjnd-leth inhis own thatch. And because it is fill I to be (*pJ>ofed that the people defire their own pre-fervaiion y and therefore miftakjngly rejifi the means 7 rrbich elfe they would confent to.

This

j j o Of the QhjeBive or material

This caufe may fall out, though to fome it mi feem i npoflible* .efpecialiy in times of War ; and efpecialiy in the Army ic ielf, when the fouldiers by thei; ignorance and temerity may prefently caft themielves away , if they be not tiindred. And the people by the power of deceits, or fear, may fobjugate themfelves to barbarous deftroycrs.'BuC I ypt it is no ordinary cafe as t6 the temporal good j of the people : and when it doth fall out, it rare-%f fal Js out, that the Soveraign is able to deliver ihem. It ofter falls out, about the peoples fpi-ritual and eternal good , and Gods honour: and how far the Governor may here prefcrve them (by a minor part, or by forreign ftrength) againft the wills of the Major part, I (hall (Tiew anon.

^any things that are commonly debated by Politicians about the Jura Regalia y vel M*jeftatis y I fhall pafs by both, becaufe 1 intend but fome A-fhmfrns fuitcd to the demands and doubts of thefc time?, & becaufe the Generals fufikiently declai e them as to my ends: and becaufe I {hall have fitter occafion to fpeak of the chief of them, amon* the Works ofSoveralgmy towards the end, I ftiaft next(bqfore I compare the forts of Government, andfhew which is the beft ) fpeak of the efficient caufes or foundation of Power.

Chap,

Chap.VIL Of the Foundation efficient and conveying caufes of Power,

THef. 12i. There Is no Governing Power but what is from God the Abftlme Universal Lord and Sovereign.

i. All Beings befides rhe firft, muft have a foun« tain and beginning: and therefore fo muft Power. But it can have no Beginning but from God ; nor can any other be the fountain , or firft caufe, therefore it is from God, Man is not the firft caufe of \fls own being : therefore not of his ♦ Po.ver.

2. Moreover we have no natural Power , called Strength , but from God; therefore we can have no Civil Power, called Authority ,or Right of Gorer-ning, but from God : Eor we can no more have one without him , then the other,

3. To afcribe Power to any other as the firft efficient caufe, then God, is to make more Gods then one ; for that which hath a independent underived Power * and is the firft caufe, is God. And if this be afcribed to any creature, it is an Idolatrous deifying of that Creature.

4. It belongcth to the abfolute Lord and Sove-raign to be the fountain of all inferiour Power : But God is thp abfolute Universal I-ord and So-yeraignjthercforejtfv, 5, The

J i Vx Of the Foundations > efficient

5. The Holy Scripture feconds the Light and L*w o£nature in this and tells us * that l„.Xhere is no Power but of Geyi^ the ( . Powers thatbe ->are ordained of God : whojoever therefore rejifieth the Pbtotr y refifieth t6S Ordinance of God , . Rom. 13. 1, 2. And verfe 4. [] H* /j-;/?* Mini ttersf God

to thee for good^ He is the Afinifier ofGod y

a %evenger , t$ execute wrath upon him that doth, evil. ] It is Authority , that *£*<"* which is Jfis regendiy that theApoltle here fpeaketh of , arid not meer ftrength.

. It is therfore Treafon againft the God of hea-ven/or any man or Angel to pretend to a Power thttis not derived from him, who is the Cayfe of Caufes^and Original of Power.

Thcf. 122. Every earthly Soveraign therefore is an Officer of God\\ receiving his power from him as his high ft Sovereign ,, and being obliged "to nfeitforhim^ being himfelf but a fubordinate

Sovereign of .'a part of the ttniverfal Kingdom.

In the fore-cited 'X&x. <>tht Roma* Emperors ( as its commonly judged by Commentate^ ) arc called [TheMiwprsofGod. ] Alt higher Powers are fo called ,1 am fure. And he that is es? Jitmlt 5 and appointed to attend on this very work , is douhtfefs an Officer of God , and as fuch tobeefteemed.

2. They th$t deny the prince to be Cods Officer, rob himtrf t&it Beam of divine Excellency, which is the^igheft^part of^allhis Dignity ,from whence Princes have been called .Metaphorically

''■-"' ' fl: -'"Gods{

ods. The leall beam of Majejfty derived from od,h<uh greater fplendor then all the world as omit felf is able to communicate. To m$e a :ee-man a flave, is not fo great an abatement, as .make a Prince that is an Officer of God , to-be ee*]y a terreftrlal Animal. 3i They that deny Princes to be Gods Officers., xtempt th^m robe Traitors, both in denying the. triyation of their Power from their Soveraign>and denying to ufe it to his fervice and honour. The id 'muft be no higher then the beginning : If God ;,Hpt the efficientjhe need not be made the end, o£ [agiftratesPower :By which you may ffe^hat there nnot be a more unreafonable , impibus, and trai-rous Opinion diyulged among the fons of mexi> en that Magiftrates have not their Power frpm od,as his Officersrfor it is to deny God to be God.

4. Moreover, if this Opinion were true^henpeo-e need not obey theifMagiftratd asGods Officers, id fo would abate the cbeif part of their Reve-:nce to them, and $ejr Qbediepce would be but ecrly humane, and noD particip^tivdy divine.

5. And thence ik would follow, that no punifh-eht is due from God to the pifobeyers of Magi-rates: For if God appoint them riot, he will riot mifti us for not obeying them: for bis San&ion is Exed to his own Law*. But we are commanded to X7 thei^not onely for wrath >but for confeience

btt .123 JThe fifths owmAndment Is therefore placed as between thefirft andfecondTable y as being partly AJC?**wand.of oqr Duty to Cod in his Officers , and

partly

partly the fir ft Command of our Duty to men, ev to the men that are mo ft highly dignified by t t Communication of that beam of Authority from Go t

We commonly place the fifth Commandme nt: the fecond Table:but fome of the antient Do&o of the Church did place it in the firtt, ascommanc ing our Duty to Rulers> not as men , tut as the Oi ficers of God:and fo eachTable had five Commanc ments.Me thinks it is according to the infinite Wil dom of God, ? placed fo between both , as that i ftiould'be left dubious to us,which of them it belong to, as participating of both in its nature. And fome think,that part of it was written on the firftTable o flone,and part on the fecond. But certainly Powe is a Ray fro :n God.

Tfief. I24. Our principal fearch then muft be to fine out the line of Derivation , how,and by what me am this Power is conveyed"from God. And to that end, roe muft enquire what he hath done himfelfas part of his Univerfal ftanding Law, and what he hath left to be done, with variations according to the diffe* rence of times, and piaces,and perfons.

Thef.12 ?. And firft, It is mo ft certain that God hath himfelf determined in the Law of nature,^ of Scrip* ture,that there ft all be Governors and fubjtBs, Rule find Obedience in the world ; and hath not left the -world to lib.rty , whether they will have Governors or rot

This is proved before. If all te world agreed to

depofq

Idepofe their Rulers, or live without,i§ would not [become lawful by the agreement,but an aft of difo-[bedience againft God. This therefore is not left to [mans decifion,but they are prevented byGock Law.

[Thcfl26. Secondly y God hath been pleafed in his Univerfal Lapps of nature andScriptnre to determine of the ends of Government ; that his Pleafure , and Honor*) and the common-rood , and. order as neceffary thereto^ (hall be the end: this thsrefore is not left r# the decijion of man.

So that if all men ihould agree that Magiftrates /hall not refpeft the honor or pleafing of God, or the common good, it were but treachery and folly, and an agreement of no validity at all. The end being effentiall to the Relation here, it followeth, that whoever is a Magiftrate, muft ufe his power to thefe eads, though all men fliould gain fay it.

Thef. 127. Thirdly > God hath himfelf made certain Univerfal fiated Laws 9 which all Princes and States ptnfi promote and execute as his Officers ; and no man on earth have Power to null them> cr difpenfe with them : It Is not therefore left to mans decijion - whether thy will obfervt thefe Laws of God^or not m

All the Laws of men are in two refpe&s different from thefe of God. Firft, Gods Laws arc Univerfal for all the world;but maus are patticular,or limited for their feveral Common-wealths. As theSovc-raign Powers makeUniverfal Laws for thcCommon-wealth y but may give a Corporation power to make by laws for that Corporation about inferior things.

And

And fecondly,Gods Laws'are fuperior fixed Laws, above the higheft Prince on earth,whicfabind thcfrj. as Siibjefts toGod, & they cannot difpetffe tfith#2 therefore they are limited by tbim vk their ownLe-giflatjops and Jurifdiftion, yea all that they do mutt fubfcrve them, whereas Princes,OF others that have SoveraignPovver are above their own Laws asftuch. He jthat is bound by a Law, is fo far fubjed::He that is a Subjcft,isa Subjeft to fome SuperiorrSove-raigns have no earthly Superiors; but Dheyare as much fubjeft to God as others.- As nojuftice of Peacehath any power againft theLaws of theCom-ifioh-wealth, fo neither have Kings againft Ihe Laws of God.

Thef. i 2.8 .Gad hath defer ibed in his word (andmvzh in ths Law of nature), the Rulers, that'fbaUreceive .Authority from him as his Officers: fo that it iswft left to. the liberty ofany people whom they mllchoofei bat this description containethfom? qualifications ne-ceffary tothe being' of an Officer of Goi^ndfome that arrneceffary but to the well-being: therefore if the latter be violated by she C hoofers, h is a fin*b*t not a JVallityiif the former be violated, it is a Nullity as well as a fin.

• The King or State may give Power to a Corporation to choofe their Major or Bayliffe , but the Charter exprefly or implicitely limiteth them what men to chufe.If they chufe a-Drunkard or a Swearer, it is not aNullity,though a fault:but if they chofe an open out-lawdRebel,ic is aNuliity : or if rheirGo-vernor after he is chofen, renounce the Soveraign Power, he £ullifieth his own Authorky.Wb at are a

and conveying Caufes of Power. 127 Rulersneceffary qualifications, I flialli touch anon.

Thef. 129. All thefe things being determined already by God himjelfjt is certain that wit hen Peoples- E-leftion , no? conquest can be the fpwtaine or proper caufe of any of thefe : burst mnfl befomewhat lower that thef h&e to do.

That which is done alrea^byi^e greatLaw-giver bf the world, cannot be left to the will of men, nor become their works: but its their work to obey the Lord.

Thef. 13 o. That which God hath left undetermined in his Univerfal Laws, is j. whether it fhall b* one, or two. y 'fewer or more that fhall have the Sove-raign Power under him in particular Common-

1 wealth*. z.And-who (hall be the individual perjons. tAnd 3. Much of the matter of their Laws, which

1 is to be varied agreeably to times andperfons .

Though Monarchy, Ariftocracy and Democracy are commonly called the <kl\\n& fpeeies of Common-wealths and Governments, yet it is indeed no more then to determine who {hall be the perfons Governing : The Ele&ifljM[ individuals doth it as to the individual perfonsRibd the conftitution doth it fimul & femel as to Succeflors, determining alfp of the number.So that the fubftance of the Office is all predeterminsd'of by God in his own Laws; and tkhfp'cificatiopznd choice of indnridualsdo butde* telmine of the. perfons. The Reafon why God hath ik* himfelf in his ftandingUniverfal Laws determine ed of either ofthefe,is,bscaufe they yferc nor capable

of fuch a determination: For the Individuals were not exittent,when God made his Laws : the names of C*far> ^Alexander*, A/pkonfus, &c. were not to be inferted into thofe Laws,they being unborn when the Law of nature was made , and are of flnort con-tinuancejand muft prefently re%n t heir Crown to their Succe(Tors:& if all that ever (hould Govern in the world had been forenamed by God in his Laws, it would have brought as great inconveniences on the world, as if every man before hand fliould be cold how long he /hall live and whether he flull be rich or poor. God is not to be taught by man ho w i to govern the world.

cr

The.1 31. The ejfentiall Qualifications of 4 Governouf f or that Difpofitio matcrix that is ofmceffty ad re-ceptionem & rctentionem formx, ( and not only ad melius eflfe ) arc thofe without which the per-ons are not capable of performing the effential works s ofGovemmont

Government in the exercife hath fomewhat effen-tial, or of abfolute neceflity , and fomewhat that is but for the melius efje^ and therefore Governing Power hath fo too ; and what the latter is mutt be known, by knowing whwhc former (the neceffary exercifc is)for the Power #for the ufe 8c exercife.

Thef. i % t.The endtf Government will beft determine What is effentiatl to Government in exercife. In a

' proper Common-wealth that is fftbyft to God the 1ln\vtrf*lf<xveraign+tis effentiaHj neceffary that the Government befo4xercifed^A$ that theBeivg of the Common-wealth may bepreferved, 2.Andfo much of

4 the

the well being or Common-good at hat the efta:e of the £omn<on-weal[h be better ib.. the eft axe of the people would be ifthey hadnoGovernment, ^Jl'hat jujtice fa more prevalent in) hsbent of Government then injustice, and the Rulers in the maine be not a terror to good ivorkj but to evilly And that theti" mverjall Soveraign be acknowledged and honoured.

x. If the Being of the Commgn-wealth be not preferved, the Government it felf will ceafe. 2. As it is eflenual to the Relation, that the Common-good be the end profeiledly intended by the Confli-tutors, and which the Adminiftrators are obliged to intend, fo in the exercife that it be a&ually fought in the degree here mentioned is neceflary; For if the end be wholly overthrown, the means is no means, and the Relation ceafeth. They that are in a worfc conditioner as bad as if they hid no Government, indeed,have fconeronly here note,to avoid miftakes, I.That this is fpoken of the body of the people,zndnot of a few particular ferfow.fcz if uniuftly they be fo ufed as to be worfe then without Government, yet that diffolveth not the Common-wealth. 2 .True r his is fpoken of thzftatedcafe of a people, znd not whac cafe they may be in , in fome fudden or fhort ftraic , which as Phyfick may tend to a ftate of health^.That therefore as the Bonn publicum hath many degrees, it doth not diflblve the Government, if only fuch and fuch higher Degrees of the Gommon-~oodbe croffed or overthrown;for no Prince is perfe&, and therefore none can perfe&ly feek the Commoa-good,& while men have fin they will do fome hurr, or negted fome good. But whe^ they do more Hurt K tkth

thengood-, they arc no true means to the common good:And there is no fuch thing as Government of Gols allowance , which is not a means to the common good,

3. lilfijufticebz predominant in the Stated ex-> ere if e of Government , it is but a Combination of Robbers or Deceivers: But if in the main ccurfe of Government juftice be carried on, it is not Injuftice to zfw that will null the Government.

4.K the Vniverfal Soveralgn be denyed,or ftated-ly oppofed,the body dyeth as being cut oflf from the head,& the power ceafeth in man,becau(c the conveyance ceafeth from God. A Traitor that openly renounceth his Soveraign ,doth thereby renounce his own Authority effectively. But becaufe many objeftions lie againft this iaft,I defire the Reader to fufpend them, till I come anon to open it more fully.

As a man dnnot be a Phyfitian that is unable wholly, or in the main for a Phyfitians work, nor a Lawyer that knoweth not the Law , nor a Preacher that cannot preach, nor a Paftor that cannot do the effential works of a Paftors office, nor a Pilot that cannot guide the flhip, nor an Artificer that cannot ( as to skill) do the works of his art at all: fo he cannot be at that time a Ruler y that cannot do the effential parts of a Rulers work.

TheC IJ ?. The three qualifications #/ neceffity to the Beingof the power in that fub] eft , *re> 1. So much Underftanding.z.And Will or Goodnefs in himfelf. 3. Andfo muchftrength or executive Power by his Inter eft in thepeople , or others^ as tre neceffwy to the faid ends of Government. As

As VnAerft aiding JVill^ and executive Tower are the grand Pri main ies fas CampaHella calls them} in nature , which are tranfcendently , eminently , neceflarily , originally in God > and derivatively in the rarional creature in his kind and measure ; and as Wifdom andGoodn^is are the perfections ofthelntelled and Will , zp-1 in God are the tranfcendent fupereminent fountain of all the Wifdom and moral goodnefs in the Creatures; fo are thefe three the Primaiitics of Government,, and of necefHty in the degree aforef?id to its being in that fubjeft. As it is no eurr pnt coin that is made of lead , though it have the Soveraigqs Image , when be hath made the matter neceflary as well as the form; fo here, Ex quovts ligno nonftt CMercurlus.

1. Without the forefaid degree of Reafon and Wifdom , there is not materia dilfofit* & ctpax , becaufe the.perfons. are uncapable of the worko , and fo of the end, and fo of the Power: And therefore Ideots, Fools ahd Infants cannot be the aduaj Soveraigns, that is > in statu & relation be the prefent Governors. Indeed they may have the name of Soveraignty , while others have the Exercife and Power of that Exercife, and they may be in a diftant capacity , or the way to a capacity ,and may have fome foundations laid by the conftitution, that the a&ual Government fliall be by them , when tlicy are a&ually capable: which fome call a Jh* a^ rtm^ but is but an Hypothetical Right to a future aSual Hight: if they live to the ufe of tleafon, and to be of capacity ; they fliali have a&ual Right to Govern: or if you will call K a the

the one[ A right to govern when they are capable. ] and the other, £ A %ight to prefect Government.] For the peace and fafety of the Common-wealth y thetonftitution may determine, that all Government (Ml be exercifed in the name of an Infant and-Ideot Pance, and fo they may , if they pleafe, decree , that after the death of an elective King , till another be elected, the Admjniftration {hall be in the name of him that's dead : But neither will make theramcto be the Thing. We fpeak of. the total Soverai 5 nty. If in a mixt Commonwealth a Prince be an Infant, the Senate or whoever hath the other part of the Soveraignty, may have the exercife of the whole duricg his Infancy: But if Senate , and all be Infants, they are no a&ual Governors : When a Counfell, or other Adminiftrators appointed by the conttitution > do exercife the whole Sovereign Power or part, they ■ have Power fo to exercife it;: And if they have Pawer&nd Exercife, they are really pro tempore the Soveraign^hough the right oiprefent^nomlnal^ And ftttHre real Soveraignty may be in an Infant Prince.

2. If the perfons be wife, and yet not good fo far as is neceffary to the forefaid degree of the ends of Government , they are uncapable of the Form ox Being : for he that isfo wlckjd as to pro-fefs or pra6Ufe the common rttin , cannot be the common Father and Preferver : And he that hath not will or goodnefs enough to make him feek the common good in the main, cannot be in that office or power, which efential/y is for the feeing of it. An open enemy of the people may be their Op-

preifo

and conveying Caufes of Popper. 133 preffor, but not their Govemour. He may be a Tyrant that ruleth for himfelf, but not a lawful Ruler y if he Rule not for them.

5. Another neceffary Dlfpojitio materia is executive Power, .For he that hath not Power(by which I here mean that called Jtirequ/^or natural ftrength)is not capable ofProte&ing the innocent, or the Common-wealth, or of executing Juftice on Offenders, but his own Laws will be ridiculous Scar-crows, without Execution, and a company of thieves wiilcombine,and forbid Judgement.-yea, as long as there is in depraved nature a defire of Superiority and Ruling thofe that are ftronger then he, will put him, and keep him out of pof-feflion, and rule themfelves : and decide the Con-troveriie: fo that itismoft evident, that hs that is utterly impotent, is uncapabie of Government. But then note , that though the Skjll and J%M muft in a tolerable me afar e be in him* felfj yet it is the people or his Armies ,hac are his Executive Power : for thefe hav^ the natural ftrengthy and are as the inferior faculties, that are to obey and execute the Commands of the Will; But as the natural Powers that obey the mil muft be our own , that they may be under its Command , fo there muft be an Inte*eft of the Soveraign in thofe others thatax his /?ra«rr/?,which may tie them to himfelf fo far that the may fubierve him. And thus it is evident exnaturarei , that whofoever hath not (the forefaid meafure of Wifdom , Goodnefe, (in hintfelf ) and Strength, or Executiv: Vower , by his Intefeft in others) as is neccflfary to K3 the

1 34 ' Of the foundations efficient r heends ofGovernmen:>is CMaterla Indifpojita & tncafaX- forma , and therefore no Soveraign , ( if ftatediy as afore laid, and as we ihall further open.)

Thef. i^q.AsGods Uulverfal Law hathlnffituted y limited and regulated the Office , and deferred the Officers-) fo his effective Providence doth qua-life or iUfpofe the particular Subjects and make them capable, and partly maks-, and partly permit an incapacity in others', and thus it doth ft or unft - men as to the form*

Great Difputes there are, whether Dominium fMndatur In (jratia, vdln provident \a^ or in what ? Things that are co-ordinate or fubordina te, are faigned to be contraries, or inconfirtent in caulality or intereft: and in that way ment, may quarrel as long as they live about any dning , where they would have wife men fee their weaknefs. As the earth and the Creatures in it are refcued-by Chrift from that higher mea-fureofcurfe then is executed, and our penalty abated , and we and the Creatures reprieved by the Interpofirion of the Mediator , fo far Common Grace doth found the common dominion: And as the Providence that layeth the foundation or rather the occafon of Propriety , i? an Aft o£ Common mercy In God y fo Grace ("even fuch a Common Grace ) is the Caufe or Occafon of Propriety , ( For by Dominion I flill mean Propriety ) And as Spedall Grace beftoweth ^Propriety , ( though in it felf a common Mercy ) with an intention

to

to ufc it for fome fpecial good, fo Propriety is caufcd or occasioned by chat SpeciaU Grace ( I take Grace here a&ively, and not paffive-ly, or for the Gratia operant , not the operata. ) But the immediate proper Foundation of Propriety is the Law y or Gift of God , that gi-veth all the Creatures on fuch and fuch terms, directing men to the juft meanes of acquiring and poflefling : And the Canfafine qua non of Propriety is various: fometime Occupancy , and fomtime Contrail , or other juft Alienation from others, and Conveyance unto us. Where no one hath a Ttyht before the Occupant , the Generall Donation , by which God gives the earth to the fons of men , is enough to make it ours : and there the gift is the Fundamen-tnm y and the Occupancy is the Copula , or Caufa^ne qua non , or appropriating meanes: But where another hath Right before us> there the Gift of God ftil is the proper Fundament turn Juris : But another man quitting of his Right j or fome juft alienation is prerequiiite, and then the meanes of conveying it rather to us then to another , is the Caufa fine qua non of our Right; and in foro humano may be called our Title or Fundamentum J*>ris it felf; many have a Title , which is , 1. Good in foro humano- 2. And which in foro divino , will difable another from difpottefTtng them 3. And yet in foro divino will not warrant their own poffeflion. 4. And fome that are warranted as to the bare Po/fejfion , have yet no Tkight coram Deo to the benefits which the K 4 things

things pofiuud in tkt\ ifelyes nave a tendency to : This is the true deciiion of the cafe, ubi fundamr D». minm > ( vvbich is di-redUy in Gods Cjifc, orL-ivv 7 an^ o~afionally in gracious providence > common or fpeciall* and fomethie in judicial .Providence ) and Whether mckjd men have Propriety or are U-furpers ( <\ho have Right In fro h^mano , and if lawfully got, coram Deo , as to bare PolTeifi-on, but not as to the final goo J or benefit accruing from the thing poikfled ) But all this is but briefly touched , becaufe it is but on the by.

But I have mentioned the intereft of Providence in Dominion , becaufe it tendeth to illu-ftrare the point of the intereft of Providence in Authority^ ( or Right to Government) which is the cafe in hand. Many hot Difputes there have been , Whether Providence convey Rlolnof Government ornot: and fome fay, it doth, and fome fay y that it doth not ; and fome have the wit to diflinguifo y and fhew how far it may conduce to it, and yet doth not effed it. I think not that vvifdom. or neceflity > or any thing elfe oblige me, ro take all , or any of thefe men to task, and confote their Rei;onings: it is more finable to my e nds tocontem my felf with a nake^ delivery of what I take to be the truth , and a fufficient proof of it.

Thef. 155. if hen Providence depr heth a man of his Underfiamiing and intelUttual Capacity and that fatedly , or as to his ordinary teptper ,

it

and conveying Caufes of Power 137 it makjth him materiam indifpofitam , and uncapable of Government! though not of the name.

This is the firft way by which Providence dif-potfefleth. Nebuchadnezzar was thus difpof-feflfed : but retaining his remote conditional Right was reftored when his underftanding was reitored. But the Sovcraign Power and Ex-ercife was the mean while in others. And thus Providence working upon nature can dethrone men.

Thef. 156. JfGodpermit Princes to turn fo wicked as to be incapable of Governing , fo as is confident with the ends of Government , he per-mitsthem to depofe themfelves.

As I before fliewed that fo much Moral and CiviJl Goodnefs is neceffary to Government , fo now I (hew you , how men are dif-poffeft, and become uncapable. Though all vice or wickednefs make not a Prince uncapable* yet to fay that none doth , is to flatter them againftGod ,and Reafon , and the common Wel-fare of the world. He that turneth enemy to the people, and feeks their mine , is uncapable of Governing them. But the great cafes I will referve till I come to fpeak of 2^-ftfiance.

Thef. 137. If Providence ftatedly difable him thai was the Sovcraign from the executing of Laws, Protecting the jufi , and other

ends

ends of government , It maketh him an uneatable Subject of the Power , and f» dlfpofeth him.

For a Governor fo Impotent , is none. A Capacity for the work and end is neceffary in the perfon : and when that ceafeth , the Power ceafeth. Not by fuch a Ceffation alwayes as leaveth the people innocent; for its pollible, and likely that the guilt is, or may be theirs, who have difabled their.Ruler by deferring him: But , 1. If they doit finfully, yet he isdiflfmiffed and difobliged from the charge of Government, 2. And particular innocent Members are difobliged from being Governed by him , though through the fin of others. But it is not every a&ual temporary difpoffeffion that difobligcth ftatedly, as I fhall fhew more anon.

Thef. 138. When Providence thus maketh any uneatable or indlfpofed , it deftroyeth the power at in fuch : but yet when it dlfpofeth any for the Government , it doth not thereby immediately (rive him pojfejfion or Title to the Government.

For Bonnm *& ex Cm fit interris : There muft be matter and form to conftitute the Being: and after the matter rs in it felfex. ifteM > there muft be fomewhat more to introduce the form ( in moft cafes. ) But the deftruftion of either of them deftroyes the^Be-

ing. And therefore Death is the ftroak of Providence , extingu:ftiing with the life the Power of the Prince , and fo is Infatuation habitual ( with the exceptions abovefaid ) and fo is the Permijfion of the fore-mentioned Impiety, or Enmity , and Imfotency of the Prince. If a Prince be ftatedly made a Beggar , or forfakeh, or ejeftea by a Conqueror ^ and fo uncapable of Governing, ifIc be but pro tempore , the Subje&s for that time ( that have no oportunity to reftore him ) are disobliged from his aftual Government ( except fuch as can go with him ) But if it be his fixed ftated cafe the Subje&s are ftatedly difob-liged : for he cannot be obeyed that governeth not.

Thef. 159. his theworl^ of Providence to give men, i. An Eminency of fVifdom. 2 m Andof Goodnefs. 3. ±And by lnterett in others y /sufficient Strength for Magljfracy.

And fo as the Law defcribeth the SubjeFt of Power, fo Providence alveth the defer ibed qualifications. So that by \.aw and Providence conjunct , God taketh down one , and fetteth up another, Tfalm 75.7. And the Alteration proceeds from Providence : the Lav* changeth not y but according to itsfirft fenfe hath a various afpeft upon various perfons, places, times, as providence doth diverfifie them. And doubtlefs it is notably the works of Providence that are meant in thofc Scriptures which foretell

140 Of the foundation^ efficient

tell of the Changes in Kingdoms and Powers, that God will make in the world. Dan 2. 44. The God of Heaven jhall fet up a Kingdom that (hall never be deftroyed. ] And how if , not by Providence , fthough here withall is intended the New Law ) Dan 4. 17* [To the intent that the living may k^now that the mofi high rnleth in the Kingdom of men , andgivethit to Tvhcmfoever he will , and fetteth tip over it the bafeft^ofmen^] And Verfe 25. \They (hall drive thee from men y and thy dwelling (hall be with the be a ft s till thou know that the mo ft Highruleth in the Kingdom of men 1 andgiveth it to whomfo-ever he wilt. ] And how ? but by difpofing Providence? fo again, Dan. 5.20, 21. [ Bm -when his heart was lifted up , and his minde hardened in pride , he was depofed from his Kingly Throne^ and they to«ke his Glory from him , »

till he knew that the mo ft High ruled in the kingdom of men y and that he appointeth over it whomsoever he will. Dan. 2.37. [ Thou O King y art a King of Kivgs : for the God of Heaven gave thee a Kingdom y Power y Strength and Glory. ] thaj: is , by difpoftng Providence. verfe 38. He hath given them into thy hani , and made thee Ruler over them all.'] Jer. 27. f. [/ have made the earthy the man and the beaft y ~ and have given it unto whom it feemed meet unto me.~] And now? but by over-ruling difpoftng Providence* Dan. 5.2S. Thy Kingdom is divided y *nd given to the Medes and Perfians. ] which proveth not that they juftly feized on it, nor that God gave it othervvife then by difpaftug

Pro-

rovid(nce % Dan.7.6. \_7he halt had four heads , td Dominion was given to it. ] Many fucb places iew that Providence giveth K ingdoms , *»4 is the : an gin I caufe.

'hef. 140. his not the giving of either Wifdome , or Goodnefs , or ftrength alone that makjth men capable of governing ^Authority y but it muft be AllJ in the fore-defcribsd meafure.)

The fubtileft Politician may be uncapahle through wickednefs* and the wifeft and beft man may be uncap able ( of full Right and ex-ercife) through weakpefs: and if a man have all three y (W ifdom , Goodn^fs^ and ftrength) he hath not therefore Authority , but only an Aptitude therto.

thef. 141. Though it be a duty for a very weak. ( though tolerable ) governor for the common good to reftgn his place to one that is every way more fit and likjr ( confideratis confideran-^ dis ) to attain the ends of Government in a more excellent degree , yet is it not law full for any other to depofe him > and ufurpe the place* becaufe he is more toifly or good y or power full: nor for the people to do it , contrary to the constitution.

Where another hath Right already , it is not in higher degree of Aptitude that can vvarant my to afpire to the Throne. If I know a man, that is fitter then my felf for my Paftoral charge. all things confidered, it is my duty to relign it to him/* procure his joynt power and afliftance ,

(becaufe

14* 0f the Foundation> efficient ( becaufe the good of fouls requireth it) But n man may upon the preemption of fuch a ciiffe rence feek to difpoffefs me againfl my Will.

Thef. 142. Meer Pojfefsion of the feat of Towe 1 in It felf confidered, is not a Title, nor willjufli fie the PoJ[etfor> nor warrant the people to confer andfubmit.

)

A man may have Poffeflion of the feat an landy and not of the Government ': for he Po feifeth not that till he exercife it, and he can, not exercife it, but upon a confenting people. Th< people may choofe to live in flavery , orbedc ftroyed in a ftate of Hoftility, if they pleafe rather then to fubmit to the Ufurper. And h thefe cafes it is meet that they fhould dofo. Thi firft is, if he would force them elfe to violate their Covenants to God or man, or to commi any fin againft God: fo that confenting to hi Government muft contain a confent to fin : Th< fecond is, if his Government will do more hur then our refufinghimor periling would do ? t< that nation. Or thirdly, if confenting migh be better to that Nation , yet if it be mon injurious to the common good of the worlds or th< common Intereft of God, then our diffent.

But I will fay no more of this > becaufe Mr. Edward <jee hath in two books faid fomuch whofe Arguments againft the meer PolfeffoK claim are thus far good.

b^

Thef. 143. C°*q H cfi ™ %lt f e tf is no found Titl A tQ tkt Gwemmw of a people. If

[f the war was unjust* then the conqueft is but the iiccefs or Robbery and murder, and therefore can >ive no Title. If the war were juft againft the Prince only,and not againft the people, there is no tppearance of a Title to %hU them from the fuc-:cfs. If the war was juft againft Trlnce mdpeople 9 jet as is faid,they may in fome cafes choofe to die, 3: be ufed 2s the Conqueror pleafe, and continue :faeir hoftility with unconqnered minds. "And if fo, ill they yield to be his Subjects, he is not their So-^eraign, though Conqueror.

rhef. 144. Ifthcperfon difpojfefi be one that we are by Covenant oblige d,not onely tofubmhto^ obej y but alfo to defend y & be not made uncapable of the Government,we ought to defend hlm^and endeavor his refiitution according to the tenor ofonr Covenants , as far as may (land with the common good, the end of Government. Yea , though we makje no fuch Promife , our Relation , and the Law of God ebligeth as to defend our Governors.

This was the cafe of David and the people,vvhen 'sfbfolonhzd got poffeflion of the City, and his loufes, and many of the people , it was the duty till of the people to reftore him: For, 1. The >o(Tefeion of Abfolon was but of the Place, and * arty, aodfo but a military ftate : David having n Army and a Party too,2. David was the perfon 3 whom they were by Gods Eteaion and their Covenants obliged: and therefore while there was ope, they were to profecute it for his reftitution. ^nd if half prove folfc to him > it difpbJUgeth not bereft. D Thef.

Thef. 145. But if the perfon dlfpoffest be jnftly difr fotfeft^as by a I aw full War , in -which he lofeth his Right , efpecially if he violate the C*nttitution, and enter into a military ft ate againft the people themfelves^and by them be conquered\they are not

, obliged to reft ere him , unlefs there befome other fpedal obligation upon them y k'fide their Alleeiance.

Thisfhall be anon more fully manifefted when we fpeak of the Diffolution of Government.

Thef. 146. If the per [on dtfpojfeft, though it were mjuftly , do afterward become uncapable of Government, it is not the duty of his Subjects toftek^ his Reftltut'ion.

I have before intimated by what wayes men become incapable : As by lofs of Underftanding, by becoming an Enemy to the common good, or to God,and by lofs of Power for the ends of Government, which they are unable to reftore him to. An Incapacity alfo may be accidental, as if he cannot be reftored but by the Arms of the enemies ofGod, or the Common-wealtbjwho will afterwards have thePower of difpoling of him & the Government, fo that the Common-wealth hath no fecurety but the word of enemies: or if a fa£Hori of enemies within muft needs be (or apparantly will be ) the Mailers of all when heis reftored. He that is incapable of promoting of rbeCommongood,is un-capableof ( )Overnim*,(which way ever it come to pafs.*>nd he that is become uncapable of Governing jought not to be reftored, unlefs wc can reftore his capacity. Thef.147 *

Thcf. 147. If an Army (of Neighbours, or inhabi m tants, or whoever ) do (though injuriouflj) expel the ScT verasgn^andrefolve to ruine the Common-wealth,rat her then he fhxll be reflored^andifthe gammon-wealth maj proffer without his reftauratien, it u the duty of fuch an injured Prince, for the common good to reftgn hu Government . and if he will not,the people ought to judge him as made uncapable bj providence, and not to feel^ his refii-tution y to the apparent ruine of the (fommon-wealth.

Thereafonis,becaofeit iseffential to Government to be for the common good •, and he is for the people finally, rather then they for him : And Government ceafech to be juft Government, when itceaferh £0 be a means ?o its end : much more when it is dcftru&ivc to it. Thejturegendi is not like meer Dominion (I mean Propriety ,) which is bat a power or right to ufe and difpofe of things as our own^nd for ourfelves. But it is like the office of a Phrjitian , Scheol-mafter, Pilot, &c. who are principally for the good of others , and but fecondarilj for their $^n reward and honour* And therefore no man on earth can pretend propriety in his Kingdom, or Government , againft the common good, and ends of that Government. For that is to change the nature of the thing, and then plead an interest in it, as Government, when they have made ic no (juft j Government at all.

Thcf. 148. That Man that will rather fee the blood of many thousands Spiit , and the (fommon wealth ha-z>ardedjbenhewillgive up that Government which he received for the common good,when he maj know that his refignstion would be for the common good $ and hts war

M againft

dgainfi it, doth thereby declare that he fecks not the com* mongood, but himfelf.

Tbefc five or fix laft propofitions I have taken in on the by, but to prepare for thofe that follow,by removing objedions that (land in the way.

Thef. 149. It is not lawful for a people to ehufe,m-thfr to have no Governour, then not to have htm that is their rightful Prince : for that there (hall be Government and fubjeftion, is the ft at ed Law of Godjowhicb tht right choife of perfons u butfubordinate : // therefore the rightful G&vernour be fo long difpejfeft that the Common-wealth can no longer be without Government f but to the apparent hazard of its ruine , we ought to jttJge that providence hath dijpojfeft the former ^and pre-fently to confent to another.

1. The right of perfons is in fubferviency to the Government it fclf and the ends of it: and therefore if any man will fet the means againft tbc end, or a cir-cumftancc of humane determination againft a Law of God, and fay, Becaufe we cannot have fuch a man,we will have none, but be ungoverntd ; this it to break ancxprefscommandmenr, and to caft off the order and ordinance of God, for a perfons fake.

2. If people have no Government, vice will reign,' and every mans eftate and life will be at the mercy of his enemy, or him that hath a mind to it, and is che ftronger: And therefore no people can long fiibfift without Government.

Thef. 150. When a people are without a Governor,it ! may be the duty of fuch as have moftftringth^Xihitl- ' late, to protett the reft from injury. " L Thii j

this is a truth known by the light of nature : no man that is afTiuIted by a robber, bat would have bis neighbour help him : And he that will pafs by him , and not faccour him if he can, doth not do a neigh-boars part: He tlm feech his brother ij) ne ed,dangcr, ar diftrefs, and fhucceth up the boweli of his compactions from bicn, howdwelletb the Love of God in him ? Duties of charity % efpecially to a Nation % are iodifpcnfable.

Tbef. 151. Providence by conqttejt and ether means loth ufe fo to qualifie feme perfins above others for the jtvernment when the place Pi void , thtt m ether per-MsJbaBbe capable competitor /, and the perfonsfhallbc ugo$d as named by Providence , whim the people are nund by God to choofe or confent to-^ fit bit thej are ufu-illy brought under a Divine obligation to fnbnAt to fuck ^fuch^and take them for their Governours, before thifc vtrfons have an aTtnal right to govern.

A people without a particular Soveraign, ace flili Darts of Gods univerfal Kingdom, and from him they •re to receive their officers, if he appoint them ; for Jill they arc under the obligation of bis Laws.Thongb be peoples confent ( explicate or implicice ) be ne~ .effary to the Soveraigns aftual Government, an j :onfequently to his right of governing them , by .vbichbemuft himfelfbe warranted and juftificd 5 ret are the people ofually under \ previous obligation Vara the Lord, whom they (hail confent to i and vhomnot. And Con que ft is the moft ufual means of lie determination: noc by giving Right to govern , m by making thcConquerour maiiriam iiffofitam .

M 2 life

i^4 Of the Foundation\ Efficient and

the only capable fubjeft of that right, and objeft c the peoples choice. The fame may be faid of any othi poffeffion of fuch power as the Conqaerour batl Ordinarily did the Roman Eroperours (formerly i Rome, and dncQUConfiantinople) die orfuffcr d< pofition,by an U fur per-, and yet the (ubjeftsobeyc ihellfurper, and the CbriftianBilhopstook it tot their duty fo to do. If his Conqueft or Occupatic be finful, yet if he thereby become the only capab perfon to Govern, the people are to confent (fa-pofing no fpecial impediment to forbid it.) If the be ( though through another* fin ) difobliged fro their former Governour, (by his death, incapacity &c.) they are bound by God to confent co fuch iare raoft capable.

TheT. 152. 7>uttfmen have hjCenqueft cr otl\ means become the ftrongeji^that yet are uncafabtc , jj -want of Neceffary wifdom, or Goodnefs, the peom mayfabmh tofuffzrwg> bnt not confent that fuch Jhosi govern them.

Becaufe being fuppofed uncapable of Governij them, their Government would be as hurtful as to] without a Government. And if Gods honour a I foveraignry muft be traiteroufly defpifed, and c| common good deftroyed , it is better that it be do| without the peoples confent, then with it.

Tbef. 153. v4»j thing that is a fufficient pgn </J wilt of God, ihzt this is the ferfen^ bj whom we mttfiX Governed\ is enough (asjojnedtoGods Laws) to cbi\ us to confent, andtbej him, as our Governour.

c

God being the choofer of his own Officers ,and the jjiiverfal King, who bindcth us to obey his choice, th make known his will ro man by fignt : For we nnot immediately fee his eflence, and therefore not s will. All his Laws that oblige us, are but fo many ns of his will: and he may choofe his fign.

Thef. 154. It being already fynificA in the Law of

\od, that a people tic at are without a Ruler ft) all confent

\fuch ds are fitte/i for them , and the qualifications of

i tcb being there expreft, thertfi of Qods mil to be ftgni-

[i ?d to the peeple , te bring them undtr the particular

rx'ligation^ is but for the dx (covery of the perfons thus

;i Vdlified: fo that Law and providence concurring, are

) ads nomination of his Officers, whom the people by him

re bound firft to confent to be fub'yM to, and then fa

I Here are feveral ads of Gods Law, and feveral Jftsof Providence, necefTiry in concurrence, to con-litote aSover^gn. 1. There is prefuppofed tlie general Law, for Government and obedience, dillribut-ingthefubje&s of Gods Kingdom , into particular ubordinatc Sover?ign?,and their S jbjefts. 2.There is uppofed Gods Laws, that cat them out their principal work, and defer ibe the fubllacce of the office, and imittbem. ?. The Law of God defcribctb the per-ons, in the points neceflfary to the Being^nd the well >eingof their Government. 4. The fame Law ob-igetb the people to confent to fuch, (in cafe they arc -ailed to fuch a work, as choofing or confenting. ) Thus far the Law goetb. And then Providence , 1. Doth qualifie the per-

M 3 for,

fon, i. With tolerable wifdocn. 2. And Goodnn ( (o far as to be a capable Inftrurnent for the End* I Government.J 3* And with Power to defend t] p.ople and execute Laws. And many afti of Proi dence may concur to this: efpecially it is by gavinj manfuchlntcreft in the Affe&ions of the ltrong part, tbu by them he may be pat into a capacit 2. And when he is qualified, to bring bim upon t ltage to the people! obfervation , that they mayo ferve his Qualifications, is an Ad of Providence f the difcovery of Gods Will-, andfo to bring the pe pie under an Obligation to confent. 3. And wbi they are fo obliged , the bringing of their hearts confent and accept bim, is another A61 of Providen antecedent to his Poffeffion, and ordinarily to fut a Title as will juflifie his Governmenr.

So (hat the peoples Obligation is thus inferred ar induced by God.

whomfoever I thus and thus Qualify , and dec la to be the fit t eft perfon^ you/hall confent to.

Bat this man (or tbefe men) I have fo qualified at. declared: therefore U them you fbzll confent.

The y^/orisinGods Law (ofNature and Scr pture, moft exprefs.J The Minor is the voice of Pre vidence ( taking the word for Adual dtfpofal Events ) and both together infer the conclufion , an induce the Obligation, but with the difference follow

Thef. 155. Hence it is plain that this Bifpofal t *P rovideuce, is not in/lead of a Law, or fyeaketh not d debiro, hat dc fado, and therefore doth net it felf ej\ fclentlj oblige : but it only defigneth the perfon , and no

tninaten

:v mnateth him, to whom wefhallby the Law be obliged to -1 confenu

i

*f t For Providence faith but £ This is the qualified per-$/>*] which wordsbavenot the nature ofaLaw, nor "ft do tbemfelves oblige •, but of a Nomination : fo that it QJ is the uniterfal Law that doth oblige, though not

! without the Nomination of Providence. Thcf. 156. when the Nomination is referred to 4 Jj Zit>tbdt Lot determintth but in this way of Providence, ■ nominating theperfen^ leaving the Obligation fii/tto the 1 Law.

What a Lit may do, another Providence may do y hut the lot may determine of the perfons : therefore i fo may other Providence. God hath many wayes of fignifying his mind to us, and nominating the pcrfont t and hath not tyed himfelf to any one - nor mull we limit him.

Thcf. 157. Where Gob dooh not notably declare any ferfon qualified above others, nor cne y tyeo y or any certain Number to be moft fit for the SwerAgnt) of that people, fo that the cafe it not Notorious but Controvcr-i\b\t,there the people mufl judge as well as they are able, wording to gods General Rules , or elfe refer it to * Lit.

This is counted the freeft Cboyce, when people are cot plainly pre-obliged: bui indeed there is no more dtfirabiefreedom , but oft-times left, in this Cafe then the o:her. If God do for our good fo plainly

1A 4 qualific

168 of the Foundation efficient and

qu? !ifie and declare oar Governours at to leave it out of doubt to us, and fo to pre-oblige \xs y it is a mere/, j and not a depriving us of any defirable liberty : And if there be none of fuch Eminency, but that we are Jefc roacboyceoutof many equal?, ic doth but make ! us the more work.

Thef. 158. A free people fhould have a free Con-ftnt^as from men f though they way be fre-obliged to ctnfixi by Cjod.

Cor querours or men of ftrengtb may not obtrude rherafelves on a free people, how fit foever they are, but muftjeave them as free-men, to a free confenr.

TheC 159. All people have not right tofuch freedom • Sometime whole Nation^ bnt commonly a part of every Nation^ fljoaldfa denied the liberty of choofing their Governonrs , and be compelled to confent : and to make all C hoofers is injurious and dejiruftive to the' Common wealth.

The firft branch ( which denyeth freedom of choice to fome whole Nation*) is all that is lyable to controverfie , which yet is fo plain, that it needs not many words.

1. Sometime* divers Nations may conftitutc One Common-wealth. And then there is as much reafon why a whole Narton, a? a mixed part s fhould be thought Capable of forfeiting their liberties.

2. Sometimes diners Nations may be under the fame Princes Government. And th^n if he can for-ku hi» Crown as 10 them > by any Ccvenanc-break-

Conveying Caufes of Power. 169

ng on his part, no doubt: but part of them may formic their Liberty, by Trcafon and Covenant-break-ng on theirs, and he may Rule them by the power of bis other Kingdoms; As the Romans did many of the Nations that they Conquered.

3. Sometime the Neighbourhood of onjuft, implacable enemies, is not to be tolerated, without the mine of the Righteous Nations round about them, unlefs they be kept under by raeer force •, and (0 felf-jrefervation may warrant it. Men that choofe to ive as enemies in war with us, muft be ufed upon mi-itary terms. Till they (tew themfelves worthy of

Truft, they are not to be ufed as (ree Sub jedts.

4. Sometimes men may forfeit their Liberties to God and men fo notoriously , that the Law of Nature and Nations warranteth Neighbour Princes to fubduethera, and govern them by force. As 1. In Cafe they fhould turn Atheifts, and defie the univer-fal King, and feek to poyfon the Neighbour Nations with this Treafon againft God. 2. In Cafe they live as Caoibai*, that eat mans fle(h,and are as wi!d beafts, that hunt tor men to devour them, whether it be their fellow-nacivc?, or the Neighbour Nations. 3. In Cafe they profeffecly defign the'Conqueft of all others about them, and will live upon no other terms in peace, but as Conquerers or Tonqucred. 4. Spec; lly in Cafe they claim aright to the Kingdoms about them, and f peciaiiy a Divine Right; rhae al Princes (hould obey them, and make it their unal-te abl^ Religion, as the Pope doth. He that t us cUimsa Rght to difpofe of Crowns andKingdc* s, though bur inordi»e ad Spirit adiia, proclaimed war Wiwh ail the World •, and warranteth any Prince that

170 Of the FenndrnQft) Efficient and is within his danger to make war againft him.

5. The Law of Nature may bind a Chriftian Nation in Chancy to Rule fome Nations by force. If a poor barbarous Indian Nuion, Ike tbcCanibais, would not confent to hear the Gofpel, or fuffer Preachers to come among them , and fpeak to a minor pare that would hear, lam fare it hath an apparent tendency to their falvation to mailer them, and force them to admit the Preachers, and to reftrain them from murdering the Chrifttans among them that had received the Gofpel : And as long as we did them no hurt, but govern them, and did not deprive them of their PofTeffions, I know not what fhould ex empc us from the Obligation to this as a work of Charity. Doubtlefs a roeer Neighbour, by the Law of Charity, is bound to hold a mans hands that would, kill hijnfelf, or pull him out of the water that would drown bimfelf, and to quench bis houfe though againft his will, which he fees on fire, and to fave bis Children, or Neighbours perfons or hou r e« from his fury, in cafe of the like attempts: And why then a work of ten thoufand times greater benefit, (horrid not on the fame grounds be done, I know not* If the Prince and major part of the people, in a neighbour petty Common-wealth would put to death the minor part, becaufe they are Chriftians, and a Potent neighbour Prince were eafily able to reftrain them, I doubt not but he would be guilty of the murder and extirpation of Chriftianity,ifbedonot: And if be cannot continue their preservation, without a continued reftraint, or fubsuing the malignant party, the Lawsx>f Neighbourhood, and Charity, and |bc Common good of mankind, and the Ends of the

Univerfal

Univerfal Government require him to do it.

If any fay thai upon fuch pretences Atheifts and Heathens that are the ftronger part, may invade a weaker Cbriftian State to force them to deny God, or Chrift,or acknowledge Idols, &c I anfwer, 1. Confound not the Jus and the fattum : the natural and the legal Power. They may do it de fa fto per potentiate Naturalem,wh\zh is nothing to the ca(c,but they may not do (ode jure per potentiamLegalem, becaufe God hath given tbem no fuch Power.

Objcd. But jou will give tbem occafion to pretend Authority ^ and if thej an the ftronger p*rtj, they mil be the fudges. Anfv. No doty can be done, from whence the wicked cannot fetch pretences for their fin. If a righteous Judge (hall hang Murderers or Thieves, he is not therefore to be blamed, becaufe an unrighteous Judge may take occafion by it to hang the innocent as guilty of their crimes. If our Armies may deftroy the plundering Enemies, and refcue theopprefledCountrey men, and the Enemies Armies may thence fetch a pretence to deftroy ours as guilty of that crime, though they be innocent, we muft not therefore ncg'ed the defence of the op-preffed. Malignant enemies will rot be reduced to reafon, if wefhouldfiegre&ourdutyforit; but the wicked will do wickedly : fome inconveniences will ftili attend the irrperfections of humane Adminiftra-tions. But the final Judgement will kt all (trait. Let us do our Duty, and ftay till God do Juftice upon thofc that by Power are out of the reach of Juftice, from the hand of nan.

But that which near tier concemeth us (and as near

as any thing in our frame of Government) is the

% latter

/

172 Of the ToundittMyEfficient and

latter part of theTftefi- ; that all the people in the fan.e Common-wealth (hould not have the freedom of choofing Governours, which I (hall therefore ©o:e diian&iy handle.

Thef. 160. It u commonly granted that nature and want of competent wealth may deprive the mofi innocent ef a capacity of tht4 freedom, Much mere will a mans wilful crimes deprive hirk of it,

I grant that all thefemay be Subje&s: and further then by courf? of Jaftice they are deprived of them, let them enjoy their PcfTeffions as mcch as arv other SubjeSs, allowing for the fecuring of them, he fame Tributes and Taxes as all others. But it is BuKgefblp } <r r reedom of (joverning^ or choofing any Governours^ Parliament-men > ]ufiices , &c. that we fpeak of.

Naru'ernaketh Infants and Idectt uncapable : and women chook not menibu c t i J <uliament.

Servants are commonly judged uncap^ble, and fo are the poor : not only becaufe they have not thofc faculties recefftry to fupport the Government, but principally becaufe neceffity makerh them defendant upon others -, and then roreit is fuppofed that they arenot free in their E;eclions. How far the reafon reache h to Tenants , the Law givers, though they are Land-Lords, feemnottobe lnlenfible, when all that have not Lcafes for life are excluded Itpm the number of free* holders.

But tnat multitudes of wicked criminous perfoni, how richfoever, fhouid much rather be excluded then honeft beggars, and that thit, thi>^ thu, is the great point that the welfare of moft Common-

\ wtahhs

weahbs doth depend oponj (hall now make manifeG-.

Argum. 1. If many Vices make perfont lefs fit to governor choofe Gnvernonrs % then poverty doth, conjoyned Tvithkoneftj, then fhiuld fuch vicious perfons, rather be excluded from both : But the Antecedent is moji cer~ tain: Ergo.

Argum. 2. If men fboulb lofe their lives or eftate* by way of Punifhment for fome crime, then/bo Id thty lofe their liberty of Governing and choffing Gov rnours by -way of purifhment for thofe *r of her crimes to which fuch punifhment is proportionable (tor there is a parity of Reafon.) Bat the Antecedent is prattically confeft • Ergo, &c.

Argum. 3. // confeffedly crimes fhould deprive men of a capacity to (govern, fo alfo they mufi do of a capacity of choofingGovernours: (for there is a pantv of Reafon inordinary cares, though not in all) But the Antecedent is granted by our Parliament sjn\\o fenrencc fome as difabled to be members any more: £rgo K Scc.

Argum. 4. That courfe which equaSeth the wcrft with the be ft in the Triviledges of freemen , is notjuft i Butfo doth the equal admitting the innocent and the criminous togoveru and choofe Governors:1z gc Sa. Ver-tae is better then wealth & Vice worfe then Poverty.

Argum. 5. That courfe that tendeth to t^e di/honour of Princes, Parliaments y or oth?r Magi fir ate s under them that are Elettive, & not to bt maintained. But fuch is the liberty of the criminous to EleEb them : Fpr nothing more natural tbcu for rreemen to choofe fuch as are agreeable to their wills and wayes : and if they be not free, they fhould not choofe. It will therefore raifc /ufpitions on our Parliaments and Magiftrates, that they are friends at lead to wicked men and

wayei,

174 Of the FdundattM, Efficient and

wayes, when they arc ordinarily and freely choferi by fiich men: efpecially if it be by their own Laws and defires, that fuch (hall be the Choofcn.

Argura. 6. Thofc that are kpown enemies to the common good in the cheiftft parts of it, are unmeet to Governor choofe G over mars : ( elfe give us up to our enemies, or to Satan:) But fuch are multitudes of ungodly vicious men* Ergo,

He that thinketh that wealth is the only common good, or a greater part of it then Vertue, Piety, and raensfalvation- and that Rulers have nothing to do with the latter, but with mens Bodily profperity only, is fitter to be a member of a Herd then a Repub-Hke, and to be dimitted with Nebuchadnezzar into a company fnitable to his judgement: yea and to be ufed as a Traytor of the higheft and moft odious ftrain, that deftroycth and brutifieth the very office of every Prince and Magiftrate, and caltcth the© into the dirt.

And that ungodly vicious men^re Enemies to the greateft pirtof the common good dire&ly , and to the reft indire&ly, is known to every wife andfober honeft man. i. They hace Godlinefs, which is the trueft Honeftj ^and Holinefs,without which none (hill fee God; and therefore if they can, will choofe fuch as bate it. 2. They hue good Lam, which would encourage the Piety and Vercue which they hate, and punifh the Vices Which they love. 3. They hate good Magiftrates, and therefore are unlike, if they be free, to choofe them. 4. And they are all men of Private (pirits, and value their private Interefts before the Publike Good, and would fell the chief felicity of the Comraon-weakh for a little money, if

they

I hey ctn fcape tbemfclves. 5. They arc ready to >eiray the Common- wealth to a forraign enemy, in jneer malignity , to have their wills: As the Tapifts :hat Joyned with Stanley in 88. and the PewAer-pht-\ers *fter , and fo in many Countries elfe. Are the [ri(h fit to govern or chodfe Governours ? If not ; ind if experience forceth us to exclude the main body of the Natives there, we have reafon to exclude fuch here as forfeit their Liberties. We do them neither wrong nor hurt, but preferve our (elves ftiom mine, and them from greater guilt. To govern us, docs them no good.

Arg. 7. Suchai God commanded to he put to death, •r cut off from the C^nfmon-wealth of Ifraeljjbouldmt he Governours or Choofers of f*ch^ in any Cimftiun Common-wealth ((uppofing an equality in guilt.) But fuch are many vicious ungodly per fens among us. There* fere

I fpeak not of them that broke fome ceremonial abrogated Law, further then the Reafon of the Law remaining may direft us to judge of crimes among our felves. But I fpeak of fuch as for the like fads arc now as culpable as they. And in general I may lay ibis ground, that the more abundant light of the Gofpcl, and^be greater helps and grace, and the greater Ho-lincfs now required, do all (hew that the fame fins (caterU paribus) are much more hay nous now then they were then. But becaufe the point is fundamental, and all our peace lyech mup h upon,I (ha il proceed to Inftanccs.

Thef. 161. A Bla/phemerwai to be put U death by the Law of God , and thtnfore fiouldnot govern, cr

ft

17 6 Of the Found Miw^Efficient and choofe any Parliament men or Governours with tit.

Lcvir. 24.11, 15, 16, 2 3. The fon of an lfraeliiiji 7»&mananda man of lfrael ftriv? together in the camp and the Ifraelitijh womans Son Blafphemed the Name 0 the Lord and cur fed — And the L$rd [pake unto Mofc faying, Bring forth him that hath cuffed without tk camp, and let all that heard him lay their hands on hi head^ and let all the Congregation ft one him. And thn /halt fpeak^ unto the Children of Ifrael, faying^ vohofo-ez\ / t urfeth hii God, Jhall bear his fin : and he th*\ BUjphemeth the Name of the Lord,he (hallftirelj bepm to death and 11 the Congregation jhall certainly fiom him ; as &ell the fir anger, as he that is horn in the Land, when he hlaffhemeth the Name of the Lord, fb*ll he pm to death.

Thef. 162. If any one, though a Prophet, or a Brother , or Son, or 'Daughter, ortVife, or de&reft friend en* tifed them to go after other Gods, andferve them , the) were to be,put to d^th, yea and a whole City , if the) y elided to fuch feducers : Therefore fuch jhould not G$\ vern or choofe Govtrmurs with us.

Deut .13. Wholly proves the poin t cxprefly.

Tbef. 163. He that facrificed unto any God bmthe Lord only^was utterly to he deftroyed,as is expreft,Exod. 22. 20. Therefore fuch fhonld be no free men among Ckrtjhans.

Thef. 164. The worfhippers of fuch Imager, as thc\ molten (falf , Baal, &c. were to be put to death A

Exod.

Conveying Caufes of Power. lyj

Exol 32. 26,27,28. iKing. 18.40. 2King. 10. 21, 22. to29. and 23.15. 19,20.

Thef. 165. The)thatrwotldmt feel^theLwdQod of Ifrael, were put to death, whether gnat or fmdljnan or wwan.

So that Godlinefs it felf in Piofcffion was here ex-a&ed of ail, by a folemn oath and covenant, between the Lord, the King and the people, as you may read at large. 2 Chron. 15.11, 12.13,14, 15. Therefore thofe that will not feek the Lord, fhould not be free men in a ChritHan ftate: which Law muft be executed, before we fhall be well.

Thef. 166. He that fmote or curfed his Father or Mother , jhotild be put to death, Exod 21. 15.

Thef. 167. He thatforfaketh Ged, health his Covenant , andworjhippeth Sun } or Ado$n, or any of the hoji of Heaven which (jod hath not commanded, was to be ftoned to death,Dtnt.i7. 2,3, &c.

Thef. 168. Murderers^ Manftealers, Incejiuous ferfons, Sodomites, Adulterers, and infome cafes Form-catours, Wiz,z*rd r , falfe Prophets, &c. were to be put to death, fc&od. 2i.Levit. 20. Dear. 13.20. Tea and thofe that turn after jyi wards, Lev. 206. N^nefsicH therefore fiotild be freemen-Jxre.

Thef. 169. Jfamanhadafttdbcrto and rebellions Son, that was a Glutton, Drunkard, or the like , and wdhld not obey the voyce of his Father i ar of his Mother A

178 Of the Foundation^ Efficient and

and that when they have chaflenei him^would not bearing en to them, he was tobeput to death. ReadDeui.21. j8 19 20,21. Therefore ftich fould not choofe Parlia mint men, nor be Burgejfes with us.

Thef. 170. The man that would ioprefumptmufiy\ And would not hearten to the Priefl, that flanieih t\ JMinifltr there before the Lord, or to the Judge^was U b\ put to death , Deut. 17. 12. Therefore prefnmptuou* tranfgreffours againfl the publike warning of Magi' ftrates and Paftvurs fvould not be freemen of our Com\ wm-wealths. SeealfoDzuz. 29.19,20.

Thef, 171. Every one that defiled \the Sabbath , ant doth einj workjhereon, was to be put to death, and cut oft from among ft hi* people, Exod. 31. 14, 15. Therefon though the Sabbath at fewifb be taken down ; yet bj parity of Reafen y he that de(pifeth the publicly worfhip oj\ theGefpel y andthe Lords Day, fhould be m Choofer oft Rulers for the Common-wealth.

Thef. 172, whether the utter cutting off thefeuA that did ought pre[umptumftj, as a reproacher of th$\ Lord,andaAe(pifercfhisword, (Numb. 15. 30,31.) do not import thatprefnmptuousreproachers of the L§rd t \ and defpifers of his Word, fhould be no Burgfffes with us ; and whether the cutting off then threatned for Ceremo-\ nialundeannrjfes (asEzod. 12. 15,19 and 3 IX 4* and 30. 33, 38. Lev. 7.20,21, 25,27.and 17.4 9. and 19 13. Num. 9.13. and 19. 20. ) import not A that notorious ungodly perfons flyiuld mt be freemen^ where it can be avoided\ I leave to prudent confidsra-tion.

In all thefe Colle&ions I mention 10 great an in-

equality of punifhroent, that no adverfary can mo-

deftly quarrel with my confcq jence. Cutting off,

jaod putting to death is another kind of punifhraent

hen depriving men of the liberty of governing or

hoofing Governoors, which addeth to their cafe,

nd diniinifbeth not their wealth, but is a neceffary

neans to the common peace and welfare. Thofe that

jGods Law put to death , fhouid be no Cboofcrs of

MUiors.BayliffsjParliaTienr&c. with ui, efpecially

when the (in is greater now. Thofe that would fetch

the form of Government from tbelfraelites , above

ill men, can have no reafon to contradict any of

this.

I conclude therefore, that all that are fit to be fub-je&s, are not fit tobe BurgefTe*, and to govern or cboofe Govcrnours, though they may keep their jofleffions, and be fecured in them.

Thtf. 173. If a people confent to hit Government that procured hi* capacity jn point offtrmgtkjj wicked means, itfo/loweth not that thej confent to thofe meant $ ir are guiltj of his fin .

If Phocas e.g. kill his Soveraign, and become Em* pcrour, it followeth not that its a fin in all the people that afterward confent ^ nor in Gregory Mag. that Ipeaketh fo refpe&fully to him. A people that dcuft and are innocent of the Treafon, pcrfidioufnefc, hy-pocrifie, &c. of an ufurper, may after become obliged to obey hira, and take him for the Governoor whom :he people of the Common wealth are bound co

N 1 Thcf,

i So Of t be Foundation y Efficient and

i

Thef. 1 74.1fthe Progenitors Confent to an eft*blif%t\ form of Government ; and the way of fucceffion^whethh Hereditary jr by Elections of each Governourjheir Co; fent etligeth their ?t ogeny^ fo long y till either a mutu\ Confent of Cover*ours and people again difcblige theni or the Rulers difoblige them by defirojing the Form \ End of the Government , or God by providence di\ oblige them.

-. If Pofterity were not obliged by thcirProgenito j Acts,aII Common-wealths would be (horc-Iived. AnJ frequent mutations would keep up continual diftn dions and confufions. And though the Maxime (I fome is, that Parents can oblige their Poftcrity, wb<] the Covenant is for their good only, and not to the lofs and hurt ^ yecthefe confutations muft be bei] admitted for the due application of ir. i. In a mutuj Covenant or Contrad, it is fuppofed that the wej fare of both Parties h taken in. And as the peop receive marc from the Soveraign then he from then! and therefore are more beholden to him • fo his Corf trad fuppofeth fometfaing on his own fide to l\ thereby fecured, as well as on theirs. 2.Anditisn<| every tolerable incommodity that difobligeth Poft* rity from the Covenants of their Anceftors -, bi fucb as makes them worfe then to be without the G<1 vernour,and that over wcigheth the Benefits that bl his Government they receive. No wife man would I the Ruler offuch a people that are able and willin tocaii him off, whenever they conceive they incui any incommodity by his Government.

The,

'he great fin of kim that forceth it (jet not alwaies) it lcverthelefs oblige

Conveying Caufes of P ewer. 181

Thef. 175. Though a forced C'enftnt be ufxa/Iy from t fin of kim that forceth it (j iefs obligeth the Confenters.

Deny this, and yon overthrow a!l humane con-terfe. for if men may go from their Covenants on •his pretence , then on many the like, and the presence will be common. -Man is a free Agent, and his iVill cannot properly be compelled ; If you threaten Jim with death, he may AifiFcr it: It is fuppofed hereforc that whoever he promifeth \ he freely pro-riifech. We ufe to fay , a man is forced, when fear noveth him to confenr ; But this is not a proper r orce : It taketh no: awav theLberty of the Will. rle that confenteth, dcth it to avoid fome greater ivil, which he thinks would elfe have befaln him ; ind it is his own Good that moveth him to it; [He "hat fweareth to his own hurt, and changeth nof] is the xrfon that is ^cepted of God, Pfalm. 15.4. ir every ncommodicy would warrant men to break Cove-lanes , ro man would truft each o:her, and Covenants would fefe their force.

Objeft. But Divines determine //, that if a Thief 'ompel me to conceal him^ I am not therefore to conceal Vm^ therefore thej thinl^a forced Oath iindeth not. i Anfro. 1. They truly judge that if you proraife 1 Thief to bring him fo much money fuch a day , to ave your Iife,you are bound to perform it. 1 add,un-efsthecafebefuch (which is poffiblej that to pub-ick ufe the money is of more worth then my life* ind then as it was unlawful to promife, fo is it to per-orm : Buc a hi: you may lawfnily promif , you auy

\% % of the Fwvdttiofl) Efficient and and mutt perform. 2 If the concealing of che Thie will do more hurt co the Common wealth, and wrong co God, then the yeilding up of my life, I may not promifeic : and if Ipromifeir, I may not per form ic,becaufeitiscvil, and not in my power ^ But if it bcotherwifej may promifeor perform it. So that it is not force that difobhgech a man from his Cove met*.

Thef. 176. The commontft waj of Con(l tinting forms of Government is by ajcreed confent, {as it is common I) called) •, when a Conquerottr^ or a perfon of grew eft firength doth conflrain the weaker to confent 3 to efcape a greater mi/chief.

Thus war ufe h to prepare for change of Governments. And if allfuch contra&sfhouldbenull, moft Common-wealths on earth were null, and the fub-je&s difobiiged, and warranted to rebel.

tTLA

Thef. 177. The trut Fundamental Laws of every Common-Wealth , areihe Laws of God the Vniverful King.

For, 1. Thefe are they that lay the foundation of Governments is before more folly opened. 2.Thefc are they that Princes are bound by , and none can change. 3 • Thefe are chey that limit all the Laws of men, and nuHiHe fach as contraditf them. Properly therefore thefe are the true (if not only) Fundamental laws of Common-wealths,

V

man, as to that modal difference of Governments , -which is in their Tower , is the tffttl of Contract, Explicite or Implicite, and not of Law. So that there are no Humane Cenftitutive y Fundamental LxVes.

Proved, i. Ali Laws properly fo ca!!cd,arc the ads of fach a* have Governing power, obliging the fab-jefts: Bat no fuchA&scio conftitute a Commonwealth ( befides Gods Laws: ) therefore no Laws conftitute a Common-wealth (but GodsLawsJ

The Msjor Propoficion is pafl doubt. Ljcurgus or any that are commonly caled Legifittors , may call their Models and Pre pofals by che name of Laws, before they areenaSed: But they are indeed no more fo, then ray words arc Laws, till they (hall become the afts of Authority. Thofe Models commonly hive two parts ^ the firft for confirming the Soveraigntj • and the fecond fixing form immutable determinations for regulating his Government,which he may not change ■ But full, the conftitutingot the Soveraign is an ad: ofContraft, and not of Law: And fecondiy fo are the limitations of hi* Power and Rule, which are part oftbeConftku;ion, and the terms on which he doth receive it. It is no Law, til! ic become the Rulers a#, as fuch.

The Minor is plain. For before the Soveraignty is conftitutedj there is no Soveraign: For what need wc make that which is already made ? And where there is no Soveraign , there is no Ads of Soveraignty : that is,no Law*.

drgu. 2. Leg flation isa proper part of Government : therefore it fuppofeth the Governour coniL-tuced*

N 4 No:c f

i £4 of the Foundation JZffcient and

Not, 1. That we take Laws here in the ftri&anc proper fenfe,asdiitin& from Covenants : For impro perly, as a mans Covenants oblige hirufelf, hemaybt f»id toimpofeaLaw upon himfelf.

2 That weitiilhere feparate the Divine Govern merit from mans. Gods Authority is before anc without mans confent; and be maketh by bis Laws fubordmate Governours over men when he pleafes. obliging 'hem to confent beforehand, bein£ hmfeti the UniverfaiSoveraign, neither by Law nor Contract. But it i« only fomuchof the Cenftitution as is ieft to man, that I fpeak of.

Thef. 179. An Implicit C n r c*t of the people may be\ obligatory ^and prove tbspmcr ts be fnch a* is to be gwhA td a>id obeyed. j

If they that have iheftrtntth, do not rcfift and c&& off their pretender,- it is to be fuppofed to be becaufe they do confent: For be ; ng not from dif%bilitj to re-j ft him, it is to be judged to be from unwillingn<fs. A*;d if there were fome baza d of a battle in the way, yet they that confent to lope a danger, do yet Content: But itis not ail filenceand non-re finance tha: may be called £an implicit content.] A non-refidance forced by a Colenie or forreign Power, is no figmfication of confent. A non-refiftancc forced by Mtrctwj Natives that are fouldiers, is no fignifica-tion of confent. A non-refill? nee forced by Servtnts pr others rhat are not Borgefles or Civet in the Common-weal h, is no figuration of confent. A non-refrtance forced by a Kindred tr Faflion , ir confider-abU com pa 1 anvc;y for in ereil: or number, but that's

flrong

rengby an accidental advantage, is no fignification >f confent. But yet it is not the confent of the xholt people that is nccefTary ; nor alwaies cf a m*jor >jtrt: Common wealths are not alwaies tofollowa Via jor Popular Vote. Otherwifeinmoft cafes there *ou!d be much uncertainty , which way the Major Vote inclineth. And when moft are worft ,and of the weaker fort, the wifer and the better will think there is no Law that fub.je&eth tbtm to a Vote that's carried by an inconfiderab ! e parr. If a people were without a Prince,and a Major Vote cboofe a perfon tolerable, but yet fo weak and bad as might much laz-zardtbe Common-wealth; andrhewifer, ftronger, ba Minor part, do cboofe a wifer, better man, there apresreth no reafen why the choice of the firlt only (h ^uid be valid. ( We are fpeaking all this while of the Confiitutisn of a Common- wealth, where the waj of Eltclion is not yet Conflicted by Agredrcnt.) 1. The fmaller number are oft of greaer Intereil and Poffeffion. An hundred Lords may have more to fave oriole then a thoufand Peafant?. 2. Nature, faith the Philosopher , m \dc the wife ro Govern the uowife • that is, They are moft apt: But the fmaller number are oft the wifcr. 3. And the fmaller number is oft the better , and true to the common good. 4. And alfo they aie oft the ftrongcr. Tenthoufand prudent valiant men, efpecially that are animated by the greateft intereft, are ufually too hard for twenty thoufand fiily Pcafants. And I fee no Reafon but the Part that is both Wifeft, Beft, and Strongeft, (hould be accounted the People of that Nation. Nature va-lucth not parrs by bulk or number,but by Worth and life : One Heart, one Storaake, one Liver, is • rnor*

186 Of the Foundation, Efficient and

'";n

more to be regarded then ten toes or fingers. I Objeft. But whdjball be Judge which pur* v$ Beft ( € nee you forfakjt a Major Vote > when every p#rt thi themfelvcs the beft?

tsinfw. The Qf eft on is either of the Jus or F Uum : Who Onght to Judge,or who will Judge ? In company that hwth no Legal Judged wife ft ,thou| ihe Weukeft t ought to Judge : For Natural Aptitude there initead or office , and the ignorant are oblige by God to regard his gifts in others, and to hearke totbzmfe: And if thepe3p!er;/*/f, thatprovet not that they juftly do rcfufe. But theftrongeft afuall will Judge, though tbe wifeft fbould Judge ^ an

therefore Voting oft determmeth it, becaufe the moil.' areiuppofedtobeftrongeft, and to have moft wil

and Intereft among them: But when it is not (o 9 ( a eft it is not ) the Reafon of the Voting Prevalcnq ceafe^( except in fucb cafes where it is mecrly fo UnUy and Concord ) and no fuchftrefsis laid upor the Vote, but that the wife for Peace may fafely yield to the unwife. When the Beft by Prudence and ad vantage have the greareft ftrengtb , and by Valour over-top a greater number of the bad and foolilh > ( inownot why they (hould give op their welfare to their Ek ft ions. In a Ship full of Mariners and Paf-fengers that have loft their pilot and Commanders , tbe valiant and skilful will be loth to commit their lives to the major vote of ignorant and cowardly men, tha? would deliver the V^Hel to the enemy, or the Rocks, or Sands.

If in facb a cafe (when there is no preobligation by Law or Coniraft) a Prince be chofen by the Minor Better part, ( not Mercenary Souldiers, notaFafti-

* on

k

jd animated by a private Imereft, nor as before ex-eptcd) ard that Parr be ftrong enough by the advan-age of their nobler Education, Prudence and Valour o enable him to Defend the Nation, arid execute his .aws, sgainft any oppofition that the Rabble or rude Majority can make, I know not, ( c&ttrU faribtt* ) wtthat he hath a better Call, then if he had bsen :alled by the reft thai were more in number.

When we fpeak of an Implicit Confent, complying withcuftom, we ufe an improper phrafe, it being a f tfs~exprefs Confent that is meant by it: For if it be n no degree exprtfled, it falls not under humane cognizance.

As we confiantly determine againft tbc ?eparMti(t< x that fuck an Implicit Confent of the people, as is fig-nifiedonlybyadualfubmijfion to Mnifterial Offices, is all that is necefTiry ( herein) to prove the Being of a Church: So the Reafon will do as much and more as to the Common-wealth -, the peoples Confent being more neceflary in Church matters, then in the other, becaufe Church- Government is exercifed only on Conftntcru And *she may be a Pa-ftorthac hath but fuch an Implicit Confent5 fo n^ay be be a Prince that hath no more. When the Body of the people fubraii to the Government in its exerci r e, feeking for Juftice to the Officers of him thac is in Poffeffion, and a&ually obeying his sdminift ations f it importeth in foro extcriort a £onfent ^ at leaft for the avoiding of greater evil s and if this be ftated or in the ordinary Current as Governours are obeyed, ic fufficeth to fatisfie particular perfons that they are obliged to obey.

Thef.

18 8 of the VotindAthn^ Efficient and

Thef. 180. But if the RcprefentativeBody of a iV< Uon % enabled thereto, fballexprefly conftnt\andcovcna, rsitb a Sovereign t the real Bodj fubmis ting to thed vernment • andmt by anj common proteftation di/oM*} ing tt ^ it i* thefttlkfti mofi regular y obliging ackyon ledgtrnent, to fatufie the particular Subjells of the duty, that ordinarily can be expected.

For it cannot he expe&cd that all the Real Bod fhould be called to Vote,and the Major Voce be wcl jdtfeemed , unlefs the difproportion be very gteat JJ Their Number, their difperfednefs, and their incapa a cities fhew them very unfit to manage fuch a bufinef by tbemfelves: Their welfare required that it be ra ther managed by Prudent Reprefcnters chofen tc fuch Endf. And then as All are Reprefented , fo Al^ are obliged by the confent of their Reprcfenter?.

Thef. 181. If aptcpktbatby Oath and Duty are obliged tea Soveraign^ fhzllfwfully difp^jfefs him, andV contrary to their Covenants , choofe and covenant with another 9 they may be obliged by their latter covenants , notwithstanding the formtr ; and particular Sub'yMs that confented not with them in the breaking of their formr Covenants^ may yet be obliged by occafion of their latter choice, to the perfon whom they choofc.

i. A? to themfelves, if former violated Proroi-fes excufe men from latter, then might men by one tin ta free from the incommodities of an hundred after: for fuch a man that hath broke a former prorqifc, might make an hundred irconfiftent ones

afterward

j forward without being obliged by them: But no 1 ian is to have benefit by his crimes. The firft Cove-?ant and the fecond may be impoflible to be both Performed. But yet its poffible they may both cb-*ige. A man by contrary Covenants and Vows may 'Wi^himfclf to Irapoffibilitics, though he cannoc Perform them. He that makes an hundred covenants nconfiftent with one another in the performance, inneth as a Covenant-breaker in not performing ill : though he fhould fin in other refpeds if he did perform many of them that are poffible : Promifes >biige whether juft or unjuft; But if they be un juft, :hey frequently caft men into a neceffity of finning ^ V.g m he that promifeth to give away an Orphans Portion committed to his Tutelage, finnethif he do ir,' igdnft the Law of fidelity and mercy •, and he fianeth if he do it not as a Covenant-breaker. But when men Bavei>y contrary Covenants, caft themfelves into fuch a Neceffity of finning,k may be a duty to choofe the lcifTer fin, or rather to avoid the greater : And which chat is, the circumftances of the Cafe mud determine.

2. And as to others, it Is moft evident, that if I be innocent of the violation of a Covenant to a former Governour ^ then the peoples Engagement to a latter, may make him the juft Governour, and fo I may b>c obliged to obey him. Otherwife, i. Few Princes 3n earth fhould be acknowledged, or people obliged :o them. For the original of the fuccefsion of rooft )rvery many, was a confent that was forced from :hem by Power, when they were engaged to another by a former Confent. And if this obliged not the Contends to obey the prcfcnt Prince , it could not

oblige

in

K

ipo 0/ the Foundation, Efficient and

oblige their progeny, nor convey any Title to fat ceffive Princes. 2. If the latter Covenant bind th guilty, it may draw an obligation on the innocent that have a neceifity of abiding in the fame Common wealth. He that cannot quit the Common-wealth nuift obey the Powers that are finfully chofen bj others, as well as if they were lawfully chofeo, it be ingnoc his fin.

That man that will conclude that the Peoples con fent is neceffary to the Princes Title,and that no con-lent of a people pre-engaged is valid, (hall null the Title of moil fucceffivc Governours fatleaft )on earth,and ravel the ftate of mofl Common-wealths to thei c ofufion, contrary to all Reafon.

Nero and other Roman^myztoxirs, that the Apo-ftles and other ancient Teachers of the Church obeyed, and commanded others to obey ( with that ftrift.. nefs as we find in Rom. 13 ,) were fomc of them chofen but after poffeffion by a party,fome bat implicitc-ly by that party • none of them more fully then fuch at I have here ddcribed -and few of them by a people that were no: pre-esgaged.

Thef.182. Wten thefrctftjepflechoofe a Prince? they d& not property and efficiently give him hU Power t as conveying it from them to him , but are only a caufa fire qua noa,and denominate or defigntht pirfon that /hall from Qed^ and not from them receive it.

It is the groundlefs confounding principle of Levellers in the State, and ( as Mr. Cawdrey notes) of the Church-Levellers or ^eparatills, thac Power of Government is originally in the people, and from

and

d by them mnft be conveyed to the Ruler*. An opi-3n againft Nature and Scripture, againft the very fence of a Republike, that diftinftly containeth So-raign and Sub je&s. I have (efficiently confuted (his fore by many Arguments 5 and (hewed that the ople as fucb, have no Power of Government. And en now I (hewed you, that we difcern our Ruler by ch a fyllogifm • That perfon Vrho u mofi agreeable the defcription, andfo u the mil of God, mvft be wanted to as Soveraign : But tbisu that per/ex. Ergo, c .

So that the L* w leaveth nothing bat the determln -g of the perfon here undone. And therefore the •ople certainly doing no more but to determine of ie perfon, do convey no power, but only do tbst ithom which it will not be conveyed ^ fome call »em Jnflmments ; properly they are not fo much , lough we need not contend about the Notion^when lis Corporation choofe their Bayliff, they give im not a jot of Power : They are but the Caufa ne qua nsn : the Charter is the Inflrnmental cattfe ^ id the Soveraign is the principal efficient caufe (under JodJ

The people cannot give what they never received, nor ad : Bnt they never received nor had a power of Go-trninga Common-wealth^therefore thejeannet give it. hat it is not contained in each mans felf-govern ng ower, I have before (hewed- As when a man is lofen in marriapeby a woman , (hegivetb him not ie Power of an Hu$band,but only choofetb the per-3n who (hall from the Law of God receive it ; to is : between Prince and people. God hath faid in his .aw, The Hnsbandfhall Rnle the Wife j The woman

only

192 Of the Foundation^Efpctent and

only adds the Minor , TbU man (hallbe mj Husband, So that (hegives him not the Ru e , but by chooling him to be the man, is k Cau/4 fine qua mn. And if (he fhould agree with him not to Rule her • it were ipft fatto null, as being ag^inft the Law that fpecifieth the Relations: which fheweth that (he givethhim not the power;, otherwife (he might rcftrain ic or hmit it. Yet here is this difference from o#r prefent cafe - that a woman may choofe whether (he will have a Hasband or none: bitf fo cannot a man choofe whether he will be a member of a Common-wealth or nor, except in fome rare extraordinary cafe, that befalletb not a man among many millions.

Objed:. Bm a fervant may give h's JWafter power over him, and whtt degree he pleafe ^ therefore a people way give a Prince poWer over them : And any man may oblige himfelf , and thereby give another power over him.

Anfa. i. The cafes are much different. Government is founded in the Law of Nature. Angels have fuch Order, that have no (in: Razfervitude is a penal fruit of (in : and no man is to choofe a punifhrnenc to himfelf that may well avoid it : He th.u may be free, fhould choofe and keep his freedom. So that the Relation of a fervant is fuch, that a man may avoid if he can and will; and when he is neceffitated to fubrait to if, he may limit his Matter in the governing of him as far as he can and will in the matter of fer-vitude: And therefore here is a greater appearance (atleaft) of mans giving another the power over him, then in Political Relations conftituted by God himfelf : And yet indeed, the rmtcer here muft more diftinftly be confidcred.A fervant is confidered partly

as

*$ one obliged to Worl^for another y and partly as the inferiour orfftbjeft in a family to be Governed bj another in order to the enis of Family Government , which is the good order of the Family, for its own , and fpecially the Governors welfare, and the Pieafing of God tha: bath appointed that Order. Thefetwo aVeofc fepa-rated, and ever diftind : Some fcrvantsare but d%y-labsurers, and no members of the Family, and fome are members of if. Every man having a certain Pow<er of himfelf and his own Lab ours, ijiay alienate what be bath to another, and fo by Concrad: fell his labour to his Matter. But as he is a member of a Family fuh-jed: to a Matter in point of Morality, bound to obey him in points of duty to God and man, of the firfl: Table and fecond,and the due circumftantiating of tbefe duties, fo thefervantsconfent is no proper efficient caufe or giver of the Matters power,but only maketh himfelf the objed: of it: So that it comes £ immediately] from God, as (^immediately 3 excludeth an intervening fecond efficient taufe, but not £ immediately ] as the word excludeth all kind of Means for determination of the Objed, without which the Power would not be in that perfon over that other ptrfon.

So in point of Political Government, if there be.a Domination con junft , and the fubjeds fubmit tbem-felves to a ftrvitnde , that indeed may be their own felf-refignation, difpofal or felling themfelves fo far to another, which is when the Governours Benefit is the principal end : ( For we are not born for him,) And therefore Tyrannic and Diminution of Princes are penal to the fobje&s, and they may efcape them if they can. But proper Political Government, tbaS

O i*

194 °f *&* Foundation, Efficient and is exercifed over meer Tubjefts for the publick orde and Good 5 and the pleating of God by Governin Juftice, is Gods own Ordinance 5 and the Powe wholly flows from him as the univerlal Soveraign.

So that if it -would hold true that from the felf-in tereft and fdf-governing power that each individua hath by refigningall to one , he may efficiently b< made a Prince or Ruler over them ( which yet woulc befalfe,as I havefhewed, if God were not fuppDfec that way to convey the power , which he hath not done; Political Power being totaJpeciediRind: frotr that of felf-interell:, and felf- Government) yet God hath lefc no room for this imagination and difputc ; becaufehe hath as univerfal King, bimfelf inftituted the Offices that (hill be under bim f leaving only the modifying and limiting of Circumstantials f and the determination of the perfons to the Will of rain. And as it would be but a foolifh or Trayterous arguing for a Corporation to fiy, [_ Every man hath a felf-pro* pricey or intereft, and a felf Governing Power , which refigned to another msketh him a Governour by conveying the Power from us to him: therefore our Major or Biyliffwhora we elc&,doth thus receive his Authority from our gift or authoriz ng A'ft] (. they having nothing left to them but the nomination of the man that fhall receive the Authority from the Princes Law or Charter ;) Even fok would be no better in any that fhould argue thus in the other cafe. If nofuperiour Power had gone before tbern by his Laws, but a City were all free from Soveraign-ty, then indeed they might make to themfelves a Prince, without the offending of any higher. And fo if there were no .God, (ard yet man could be

£- ©an )

fcan ) and if the world bad no uniyerfal King , thac bid inftitated offices under him by Law \ and diftin-guiihed the world into Rulers and Subj^fts - then indeed the people might precend to give the poweras far as they have it to give, and be the Original of if: But when God bath given it already by a (tared Liw, to thofe tbac (hall be lawfully nomin&:ed, the peoples claim comes in too lace.

Thcf. 183. As the Con{tittition of frmmen -wealths is only by Gods Laws, and mens fundamental (fontra£ls % and not by any Fundamental LAVJ'of men : So it fol-ioweth that it is cnlj God by way 0/Authority, and the parties contra&ing by way of Content, that can alter the Conflitution or any fart ofit^ and there is no Autbo* xity of man that can alter it.

I. That the Conflitution is not by humane Fundamental Laws, but by Contratts between Prince and People ( explicit or implicit ) I (hewed before-and its plain in the nature of the thing. If a meer Con-qoerour (hould fay, [ I claim the Empire* andCcm-mandyou a* SubjeElt to acknowledge me~\ yet this were no Law, becaufe proceeding from no Authority ; and the peoples Acknowledgment, though forced by fuch words,would be but a forced Contrafl.Saon the other fide, if a people (hould make a pretended Law, thac fuch a manor company ofmen {hall Govern rif/fc.itwerfe* indeed no L*w,becaufc from no Authority : For before the Conflitution there is no Ltgiflative Pcwer , Cither in Prince or People : Nor in the Prince ,* for he is then no Prince 7 not in the People, for they are then tuGovernours, and therefore no Legiflttors : What have they to do to coomand any mafl 10 iomthphd

0 £ f&cftr

them, or Govern thera againft bis will ? He is as free by nature as they , and cannot juftly be compelled ; (much lefs by a Law when there are no Lawgivers. )

2. It is a known Rule, that Obligations are dijfol-vedastheyareContratted: And therefore from the way of Confutation the Thefts is plain, that nothing but gods Authority, aad mens C$nfent y can alter it. If it be altered by proper Law, then either by the Sove-raign ( whether Prince or Senate ) or the Subjetts : But neither by the Soveraign nor Subjetts ; therefore by no man. Not by the Soveraign • for i. He is bound up by Covenant to the Conftitution , and cannot by pretended Authority break his Covenants, but mu!i flay till God or the people Contra&ed with, releafe him. 2. AndhisLegifhtionisa part of his Government, confequcntial to his Power, and fo to the conftitution in which he received it ^ and therefore hath nothing to do with that conftitution>to deftroy or alter it that is the caufe of his power, and gives it life, or is the means thereto. EHe Princes when by the Conftitution they are limited , might remove their bounds at pleafure. And if a Senate do it, it muft be either as Rulers fit as Subjetts. As Rulers they cannot alter the Conftitution : For if they be Inftriour Rulers , they have no Power but from the Soveraign: If they be the Soveraign, or ( as in England ) have part of the Soveraignty,then they have as was proved before, no power as fuch to do it, any more then a Soveraign King. And asfubjetts they have no Power to do it : tor fubjetts have none fuch. i. They had not Power by Law toCcnflitutt the Government f nor by any force , but by Confent of him or them

whom

| whom they chofe co Rale them • therefore they have no other Power to diffolve it. 2. Subjects arc bound to obey, and have aifach no Legiflative Power ; therefore much lefs have they any to alter the Con-ftitution by.

Thef. 184. If Prince, Senate , or People alone ( be-\rt God by cert din providence have difobliged ihem^and

be in the (ub^antial points) and put them/elves into-a ft ate of enmit) with the other part.

Bat of this more , when we come to fpeak of the Diflblution of Coraffion-wealchs.

Thef. 185. 7tt may the fir ft Con ftit mien of a Common wealth be in many particulars changed bj degrees, when Pfince and "People do Cenfcnt : But if thofe Ccn-fents fhallbe called by the name of Laws, thnsfar they are none indeed^ but Contrails.

1. That Confliturions maybe gradually and an-nually changed ( poffibiy, bur not fkly ) is evident: Becaufe as Confent of the chief Governour and people fefficed to the Conftitution^ fo doch it fuffice to the alteration. The fame caufe may produce the like effeft • for here is no impediment. Ard therefore we need not in this Land go to the Original of the Common-wealth to know the Conftitudon: For wherc-evcr it is to be found that Prince and people have thus

O 3 or

lyo uj *vz run&uauvr*} jcjpctem ana

or thus Confented, fomuch of the Confutation i there found.

2. U a Law this change of the Conftitution ma' be found : but it is not it felf any put of a Law A Parliament may have a double capacity ; To b< Sovereign ( in whole,or part) and to be the Reprefen tativef of the people : They Reprefent the people, tl thetfimpty as people , to prefervc their Rights according to the Confticution • or elfe as fptbjettj. A Reprc-fentative o{ftjbje3s,asfuch,hwe no Power of making Laws, nor by Contrad altering the G6nftitution ; A Reprefentative of People, or a Community, as fuch , may have power to prefervc their Rights, and by Ccnfytl to change the Conftitution, but none to m^ks Ltws : A Parliament as Soveratgn, have Power to make Laws, but none by a Law to alter the Con-ftitution. But when the Parliament hath feveral ca-pacnies , their Inftrument may accordingly have a various nature and ufe, and in part it may be a Con-trafi with the Prince, therafelves Reprefenting the people, and fo it may Gradually alter the Conftituti. on- and in part it may be a Law impofed by the whole Soveraignty. And in tbelnftrument called a Law alterations of the Government may be made by Con-fentof both partis*.

Tbcf. 186. // by later Conftnt between Prince and Pecplejhcawient Cenftitution be changed>or anj part of it,it is the hft Confent alone that binieth the Prince and Snbje£ls> as nulling the contrary former CentraH^and it ii perfidioufnefs tb violate the laft Confent, Upon pretence ff recurring tothefirft conftitHtion.

If Ljcurgus by the peoples confent fhsll fettle a iform of Government; and fay in it, that it (hall be inchangeable,this will not difabic fucceflive Princes nd people by Confent to change it •, (eetng they have , .s much power to change ir, as he and the people then bad to eftablilh it. But if the next age charge it, it will be Treafon in them that will go about to violate the icw eftsblifht Government, under pretence of ftick-ng to the old.

Thef. 187. The Confutation gives Itfe to /^Species of Government, y?hen the individual Prince u dead, till that Conflitutisn it [elf be altered.

Elfe theremuft be a new Common-wealth at the death of every Prince: and pofterity (hoald not be obliged by anceftors for their good.

Thef. 188. Everyman that is cbliged to obey ,* not obliged bj his Obedience to Juftifie thtTttleofthe Ruler againfi all others, as the befi0 not al&aies to defend tt by arms:

For there are many ( if not meft Princes on earth ) that fecking Crowns by unjuft means, or receiving thera as fo acquired, or being themfelves unfir, &c. do want fuch a Title as may juftifie them before God j and yet have fuch a Title as is valid among men, and will require obedience from all the fubjc&t.

r Thef.189. In doubtfulcafes,or where thefubjefts are not called to fudge, the pojfejferis to be cbejed.

O 4 " Paul

* G0 Of the heft form ofGovernment\

P<tssl took not all he wrote to for obedience, to btw capable of Judging Nero's Title. If Confent of the k Romans were proved,the Scnare and City wereafmall pare or the Roman world • Who made them Repre* femativesof the whole?

C h a p. 8.

Of the beft form of Governmen^andj Happyeft Common-wealth.

AT his firft Creation man was fubjeded to none.; but God: though it was provided in Nature f that there fhouid have been Government and SubjV dion though manhad continued innocent : but that would have been only a Paternal affifting Government for our good, having nothing in it that is penal, or any way evil. When Ood immediately Ruled, and man obeyed, all went right : Had this continued, the world had not felc thofe fradures and wound*, nor been troubled wich rapine?, Wars or confufion, as k is. God being moft perfedly Wife and Juft,could not err in Commanding : Man was innoccrit and able to obey, but free and mutable ; and fo was tempted from bis Obedience. S: tan by difobedience having overthrown Kimfelf, did know it wss the way to overthrow mar{ God could not be corrupted, nor tempted to unwife or unrighteous Government: And if neither King nor fubjed were corrupted,the King-

dom

ora could not have decayed. But Satan knew which Iras the weakeft link in the chain: Man was frail, bough holy; and not confirmed yet, though up-igbt : and therefore defe&ible. The attempt of leaking bis rank, and forfaking bis due fubjeftion , vas the Devils fall; and by the feme way he affaulted Ban, inciting in him a dcfire to be as God 9 and then provoking him to feek it by difobeying God: A foolifh meanstoanimpoffibleor impious end. The breach being thus made between man and his univerfal King, the joy m* of holy order were loofed • and a breach was made alfo between man and himfelf, and man and the inferiour creatures, and enmity and confufion took poffefsion in the world. The creatures Rebell againft their Matter turned Rebell : His own paf-fions and appetite Rebell againft bis Reafon: and the k^ds of all the Confufions that have followed in the world, were fown within us. As the enmity between the womans and the Serpents feed being propagated to pofterity,is the great quarrel of the world • fo all thofe vices in which the Malignant enmity doth con-fift,are propagated and by cuttom receive sn increase. The Root of them all is Selfjfbntfs* which much con-fiftetbin Pride-^ ftill man would be as God. Every man would be Higheft , and have the eyes of others fet upon him, and be the Idol of the world. The fin that broak Order, is ftill at work: to widen the breach. He that i$ a fub jeft, would faio be in Autho* rity-, and he that is of a lower rank, is ambitious co be higher : and he that is in Soveraign Power with juft limitations, doth hate reftraint,. and take it for imprifonment or fubjeftion ^ and ftrivech till he hath broak all bonds,and hath no guide but bis own under*

{landing,

Handing, and nothing to moderate his impotent will So that in all Ages and Nations Subj^ds are ftill dill pofed to murmorings and rebellions, and Princes t<] tranfeend their bounds by Tyrannie : and all becaufl we are all the afpiring brood of Adam, that was madil little lower then the Angels, but fell to be too neail the Devils, by defiring to become as God. If thtl advantage of Greatnefs, the gate of Temptation, otl thewarmchof Profperity, do but heighten this ambition, and hatch it to maturity, men willbe then thej fons of the Coal, and as fo many Granado% thrown] by Satan among the people where they live, to en-fianac, and trouble, and confound the world : The] worm of Ambition will reftlefly crawl within their ftomachs, and make them by a troublous ftir to feck for honour as food to quiet ir,and keep it from gnawing on their hearts : But this greedy worca is unfati-able, crying as the Horf.lcech, Give^ Give.

The cure of this mifchief bath long bufied the people and Polititians of the world : and yet it is uncu-red. Princes that have ftrength, do make fomefhifc with much ado , fey feverity to reftrain the Subjed from Rebellion. But how to reftrain the Prircefroai Tyrannic without disabling him from necefTiry Government, is much yet undifcovercd, or thedifcovc-riesunpraftifed. The world hath had more Dionj-f%H*i and Ntros y then Ddvidt, Solomms or Conjldn-tines. Rehoboam is no warning to them , but hath mod Imitators, though with bad fuccefs. In moft of the world , their doleful cafe doth tell us what their Government is • we fee among them Tyrannic is He* redirary: and Princes live among their Subje&sai the Pike among thefraaller fifties; as if the people

were

re made for tbem. Tbey divide their Intercft from

:ir Peoples • and live as if their peoples welfare

are not tinirt • but rather all that is taken from the

bjed, is added onto tbem. The foul and body of

)(t Common-wealths fall out; and the Head and

cart havefuchdifeafed obftru&ions and oppofiti-

is, as are their mutual torment, and the Progno-

fcks of their haftening diflblution : when the Ivie

Jith kili'd the tree that bore ir, it muft pcrifh witfc ir.

nd if they are firft themfelves difmounted, they

Idom ever get into the faddlc, and fit faft after ir.

Some Nations have thought that the way to prc-

cnt this, was to be free ^ that is, to be Self-gover-

wr/- and fo when All governed, tbey found thac

one Governed , but Tyrannie and ali Vice did raign

popular confufions: and there was neither peace

or fafety to the whole or parts • No waves being

rearer then the Seas, nor any Tyrant fo cruel as the

lany-headed Tyrant: and it being the fureft way to

e alwayes miferable, to be Governed by them thac

|re alwayes naught, that is,by the multitude,in mod

»arts of the world.

The fence of the mifchief of Democracie hath Bade others think that the beft way is to leave Kings 0 their wills, and kt them ufe their Power arbitrari-y: They think itcofteth the world more to limit >rinces then its worth : and that if they are abfoiutc, heir Intereft will lead them to cherifh their people : 3r if tbey fhould grow cruel, God will protedu*, mdturn it to the beft : A hundred (heep will flye rom a little curre • and yet the Shepherd takes care bat few of them are deftroyed/] I could the eafier ligeft this Do&rine, were it not for thefe Reafons.

1. The

2 04 Of the bejt form of Government,

r.Thc Heart of man is deceitful and defperately wici ed • and what will it not do, if it may do what it will 2. When men know that they are lyable to no R I ftraint, it will let loofe their lufts, and make thei worfe. 3. We may not tempt them thus into a Ml of fin, to their owndeftruftion. 4. Nor rauft wi tempt God by pretending to truft him in a neglccf of means. 5. It is againft the light of Nature thai-one manswill fhouldruinc a Nation. 6 r Ifwemal give away our Bodily welfare, yet not our fouls, Tb Princes intcreft may lead him to have lome regards the Bodily welfare of the people, but he will not re gard their fouh. Creatnefs will have great tempt* tions: And when there is no reftraint, this will nam the Greateft to be the worft. And the worft men ai enclined to the Worft opinions, and to be the greatef enemies to Piety and Honefty-, andfo would bani" Cbriftianity into comers,or from the earth. 7. If might give away our own Intereft,we may not fo gi away Gods; nor encourage or fuffer every deceivi wicked Prince to do as the Infidel Princes do, aud pe] fecute Chriftianity out of their Dominions. 8. M leaft we may not be guilty of Treafon againft God,' by confenting to an IdoI,or Ufurper that ciairoeth hit prerogative, and pretendeth to an abfolute unlimH ted Power, as if he were from under the Laws and Government of the Almighty : we muft know no Power but whats from God ^ and therefore non| againft bis undoubted Infereft and Laws. As it is nnf lawful to fubmit to the Pope that thus nfurpeth i the Church, foas unlawful to confent to any Anti-Gods ufurpation in the Common-wealth. 9. Ani the experience of the world bath taught them to aW

hoc

unlimited Government, even as intolerable to

people : For though they fhould noc deftroy the

'lepenple, yet at their pleafurc their particular Sub-

s mult be the foel of their rage & luit. Every mans

tate, Wife or Daughter that they have a mind to,

ft be theirs; and their word mult command the

:ads of the beft defer ving Nobility to the block:

id however the diffont vulgar fpeed, thofe thac

1 neareft them will be as Lambs before the Wolf.

). And experience hath told the world, that there

many, and very many bad Kings for one good one

roughout the world , and the wicked will do wick-

ly when they have no reftrainr. And therefore

is were to deliver up the Kingdoms of the earth to

tan, who Roleth by the wicked •, when we have a

:omife that they (hall be the Kingdoms of the Lord

tdofhk Chrift^xhit Ruleth efpecially by the koljand

w juft.

Others have thought it a hopeful way of Cure, to ye the Government elective, aud either qttam din nt ft gefferint^ or for a (hort continuance by Ro-uion. But thefc have found that the Remedy was lifufficient. The Nations of the e«rth have but few acn that are wife and good : and if thofe mirft Rule »ut a little while, the bad will fucceed them : And if : muft run through many, and fo there be many bad vulers for one good one, the bad ones will do lore hurt then the good ones can do good. And ic /ill be next impoffible fo to temper the Govern-lent, as that bad Rulers may have power to pre-:rve the Common-wealth, and yet not have power o^>erpetuate themfelves,and invade a perpetual Di-tatorfliip with Cafar • For Armies they muft have ;

and

II!

2 6 6 Of the be ft form of Government,

and thofe that tan getfufficicnt intereft in thcro, i

nfe them to their own end*. Some think that

wealthier peoples bearing Arm* would prevent

this: for they would never ferve a Tyrant aga

their Liberties. Much fhould be done I cpnfefs m<

then is, this way, to preferve ihe peoples Liberti

but yet the Remedy is irconfiderable. For i. "N

inuft have our Armies abroad, and thofe will be I

poor , and thofe will be mercenary , and return

ferve their Commanders mind*. 2. Flattering wor

will miflead tbeiti that are not mercenary. 3. Pn

fperity and Wealth doth effiminate men and maj

them cowardly. 4. Experience told us in our lai

Wars, that the traynM Bands were as ready, at lea

in molt places, to follow the ftronger fid* that wi

in place, as the poorer Volunteers were; For the

thought they had fomewhat more to lofe then thei

younger fons or fervants had; and therefore thfc

would not venture to difobey the ftrongeft.

Some think a Lotbeirga Divine decifion, to hi the only way to choofc tbe Prince: which hath its place, but folveth not the difficulty without more ado. To ufe Lots among a company of bad or un-juftmento find one good one, is a tempting God; and bat like the cafting a Net among Frogs to catch Fifh. The materials muft be fir ft prepared, and the main fecured.

In a word, mahy models have been devifed f and moft of them have their excellencies, and defe&s: Some of them fecure the peoples wealth and liberty from a Tyrant , and lay them open to an invading enemy: Some of them free the people from oppref-fion by 3 Prince, and leave thera under a mulcitudc

of

Opprcffori: Some fofccure Liberty as to tntro-ice in jufticeand confufion: and certainly caft away c means of fpiritual everlafting good , in order to cferve their temporal good. And moftof them ead under foot the Government and Intereft of the niverfal King, and pretend the means agaimft the id. They that caa do moft to mend the people,and care us of good Rulers, and fo to fecure us in the ain matters of Religion and Peace, are the beft Po-icians, though they leavens many inconvenience*, nd to that end be chat could cull out the beft of eve-' Mode, and leave the worft, woold (hew his Wif->m. Becaufe I pretend not co fucb skil, nor intend ly accurate Tra& of Politicks, nor thedifcovery of iVttpiatOrCicyoftheSun, nor intend to beftow iat time and labour which is neceffary to improve lit little knowledge that I have, to any fuch ends*, at only to urge upon the world the great Divine eglc&ed Principles, that we may be fecured of the tain • I fliall readily give place to any of their new evifed Models that are confiftent with tbefe Princf-les, and leave them to beautific the Common-realth in their own way es, if the Life of it may be figured by Gods way.

Aud yet I moft fay that for ought I fee , the Go-ernmeut of this Common-weskh is already ballan-ed wkh as much prudence, caution, and equality, 'though with lefs ado) as the curioufeft of the Motels that felf. conceited men would obtrude with fo nuch oflcntation. Might we but fee the Ftnndati->*of Parliaments Reformed, by an exclufionof tru-y Vnmrthj perfons from the Eltdions ( from

choofirg

205 Of the be [t form of Government,

choofing or being chofen ) thatfo we were out o danger of having Impious Parliaments chofen by an impious Majority of the people, we ftiould then buil all the Fabrickofouc Government on a Rock , that elfe will have a foundation of Sand: And a multirud of errours would be thus cor reded at once, and more done for our Hippintfs then a thoufand of the new Fanftaticaldevices willaccomplifh. Of this having fpokenbefore, I (hall yet addfomewbat more, to (hew you how the Kingdoms of the world may be made the Kingdoms of the Lord, and of h Chrift.

Thef. 190. The Happjefl Commsn-wealth u that Vrhich mo(t attaineththe Ends of Government and So-\ tietjjnhich are the publicly Good^fpeciallj in matters of iver/afting concernment\and the pleafing of God the Ab~ folate Lord and King of all.

The Ultimate End is the chief Good : This deno* minateth all the Means to be more or lefs Good, and all things to be Indifferent, as to Amiablenefs, that are neither for it, nor againfti:; and all things to be Evil that are agamft it. That which is neither our End, nor a means to our End, is not Good or Amiable to us. Food and rayment and our outward wealth, are to furnifh our own and others bodiei with fuch requifices as fit them for the ferving of our fouls, that both may fer ve God, and enjoy and pleaft him. He chat takes down this End (the Pleafing and ] Enjoying of God in Glory) takes down all the world as a means to ir, and deftroycth the very ufe and Relative nature of all things under the Sun, and makes

another

another thing of hirafcif and all thing*. As his flefh-Jy Brucifh End is below the high and Gioriocs End that God appointed all things for, fo doth he accordingly brutifie and debafe them all. For the Means receive their excellency from their End, and their Aptitude thereto. AnAcheiftical Infidel Politician, tbae makes not thefe heavenly glorious things the Ends oi his Policy, doth fet Kings, and Common-wealths,and Laws as far bdow a Chriftian King, Common-weafth and Law , as earth is below heaven, and almoft zs a dog is below a man-, and commit the higeft Trea-fon almoft that men are capable of committing •, deft roying (do&rinailyj Gods Kingdom and mens^ and letting up a Mawkin in the place 1 And indeed are intolerable in a Chriftian Common-wealth.

Tbe£ 191. That Common-wealth U likffy U be msfi H ippj, which in the ConftitHtion and Adminijlration U fhlljeftfnited to this Heavenly End; and therefore that is the befiform of Government.

This needs no proof to any that do believe that to be the Ultimate End.

Thef. 192. The more Theccratical, or trnlj Divire any Government it, the bttttr it is.

None can deny this, that denyeth not God: if he lave more Authority then man,and be wifcr and better, and more Powerful to defend bis fubjefts, and re-prefs his enemies, and do Jaftice in the execution of iisLaws,then as no man fhoold dare to compare witU Go^ t fo no Government with his,

£ Ihth

aio ofthe befi form of Government,

Tbef. 193. A Government may be Theocratical (or Divine) I. In the Confiitution. 2. And the Admini-praticn. I. In the Confiitution, i° As to thefubjefts ^ 2° The Relations and their Foundations*, 3 0 And the Endt. 2. Ih the Adminiftration-, i° As to the Officers-, 2° Laws i 3° Judgement and Execution.

It is the firft part only that in order I fhould here treat of, becaufel ara not come to the Adminiftra-tion of Common-wealths ^ but preferring the method that fates my End*, I fhall touch briefly of force-what of this here in the way; I take it for granted that every man except the Atbeift, (alias, the Fool or Bruit) doth conlenc (hat we fhouid ciefire the Bert, that is, the raoft Divine Common-weakb that we are! able ro procure.

Thef. 194. 1. In a Divine Cowman-wealth, Cjodthe ZJniverfal King is the Sovcraign •, and none that Rule pretend to a Power that is not from him and f*bfervient< to him, nor do any elfe claim the honour of being the Original of Tower.

The Majefias or parsimperans, is cffential to the Common-wealth : and that God be King, is effential to a Theocracies If any Infidel fay that Gcd will not condefcend to be our King,and therefore this fuppo-fitiondeludcthuf, andlifeethus up too high; I an-fwer that he contradideth cot only the ftresra of Scrtpture i hat calleth God our King, but the cleared Light of Nature, which from his Creation and fole capacity, (hews that by neceffary Rcfulcancy,bc muft Rule, (as I h&\ c (hewed.; Thef.

Thcf. 195. 2. In a Diving Common-wealth it isfup-pofed that the fubje&s are aU Gods fubjetts, not only bj obligation (at every man is) bnt alfobj Confent*

Others may poffibly be permitted as incoU y on the terms as Catechumens in or among the Church. But only the voluntary fubjefts of God fhould be the proper Civet or free fabje&s of a Divine Commonwealth ; and only Chriftians of a Chriftian Commonwealth.

Tbef. 196. 1 An a Divine Common-wealth a Covenant between (jod and the people is the Foundation or ne-cejfary Condition: And aM the free fubjefts are engaged firfttoGod.

As I (hewed in the beginning, as they are Obligati adObedientiam t the Law of Nature is the Fundamen-tum, or caufe f as ihcy have Right to the Btmfits of the Common-wealth, and arc free of it ; Godspro-mife or Covenancas on his pirt is the Fundamentum and the Canfe; and their Confent or Covenant on their part, is the fine qua non or Condition ; As they are ftlf-obligd , (or bound by their own Confent) it is the efficrcnt or Foundation of that fecondary obligation.

Thef. 197. 4. In aDivine-Common-wealth. the Prince or other humane Soveraign doth hold his Power at from God, and under him^and the people confent andfub-jetl tbemfelves to him principally as Gods Officer.

P % Thougb

21* of the bef form of Government,

Though God thoofe not his Officers now in th fame manner as in Mofts and the following judge dayes, (as to the extraordinary Call) yet are the now as truly his Officers as then. And therefore th people are firft to be engaged in Covenant with God and then with the Prince as Gods Officer : and 01 thefe terms are Princes to hold their power.

Thcf. 198. 5. In a Divine Common-wealth the Ho nour and Tleafing of (jod^ andthefalvatisnof the peo pie are the Principal Ends, and their corpvral wetfar, bnt [fiber dinate to thefe.

For it is maeh denominated h termino velfine: thai which is but for earthly Ends, is but an earthly Soeie ty: The Body that is not for the foul and fubjed tc it, is not the Body of a man, but of a bruit: And the Kingdom that fubjedetb not corporal feiicity to fpiritual, and temporal to crerpal, and lookcth not tc that, is but a brutifti fenfual Kingdom. For thougt Rational men are the fubjeds of it, yet while that Reafon is fub jeded to the fle(h and appetite, they are kjine to be denominated brutifti: For that is a mam predominant faculty, which is next that which be makes hischicfelt End : And therefore if be have a Brutifti End, bis Brutifh appetite is predominant, though Reafon ferveit: And the man, and fo alfo the Society and Government is denomnated from that which is predominant ^ and therefore from this End and brutifti Ruling faculty it mult be called

Brutifti.

•>

Tbef.

Thef. 199. 6. Where tbeGefpelispubli/hed, Jefas Cbrif}^ our Lord and King, bj the Title of Redemption, is alfo to be acknowledged by Prince and people,and ta\en in a* the Beginning and End of the Common-wealth.

The Kingdom of Chriftis proved before. If any roan will but read the Scripture, be need no other confutation of Hcbbs that from Scripture would prove that 1 he Kingdom of Chr ift is only at his fecond coming, and not at pcfent*

Thef. 200. In the Adm'wiftratien of a Divine Com-*on-wealth y the Officers Jhould be foch as God will own ; f hat is , men fearing (Jod and working righteoufnefs ; men fober,righteous'andgody\that by Faith & Love arc Wjetted themfelves to God their Creator and Redeemer.

Ifthelnferiour Magnates be Infidels, or ungodly men, they are falfe eocheir higheit King: And how hen can they be fie to Govern for him, and promote

'is mcereft ?

Thef. 20T. In the A dm : nifl ration of a Divine Commonwealth. Godmuft be allotted all that daufality in he choice of Individual Magiflrates , which he ande-r cendeth to-, that is, l.All the defcriptions and Precepts f his Law m*fl be obferved. Z. Thofe that by kit Gifts tnd Providence do anfwer his Law muft be eleEled. \.And to that end,thofe that he hath made capable only, louldbeEleElors. 4. And that which cannot by theft ^iftsfbt mil difcerned,ifit he of moment,Jlould be referred to 4 Lot.

P3 Of

Ofthefelfhal! anon fpeak fomewlat more full/. in ordqr to pra&ice.

Thef. 2G2. In a Divine Common-wealth the Laws

■ of God, in Nature and ^criptnre^ mn$ betake* for the

principal Laws , which no Rulers can difpence witb\ and

all their Ltxvs muji be as by-Lw , fnbordinate to them'

for the promoting of their execution.

Though the Law of Mofes as fucb oblige u^tior-yec the fnactcr of it under another form may oblige ; that i?, the Moral Law ftill bindcth us, both as (he L%w or Mature, and of the Redeemer : And tbe Res-fans of the Law commonly called Political, (chough iodeed the Moral were Political ) do ftill bind, fo far as our cafe agreeing with theirs, we can perceive in thofe Laws how God would havefucha cafe determined. If Gods L*ws keep not the preheminency,bis Government is rejtded. He rueth by Laws v and to re je& thero is to re j ft his Rule, All the world have the Law of Nature •, CbrifHans alfo have the Law of Grace, and the Law of Nature in the moft legible Charters. Jhefe are to be the principal (Unices for the Government of the Common-wealth ; and mans La#s fhould fubferve them.

Thef. 203. In a Divine Common-wetth 3 the fins tgxinft Qod mufi be accounted the m*Ji hdinons crimes y The denying or bla t f hewingGod 9 or his £fential Attri* bntes or Sovrraigt$tj 9 u to bejndgtd tbe bightfi Tnafin y

tni t'yt drawing men f other Godsend feekjng thefuine eftheCommon wealth infpiritualj^ to fa accounted the i hi. fffi en mi;j to h. Jhfc

The offence againfl tbe higheft Authority mull

eed: be che greateft offence (cate? is paribus.) And

hough the chief puniftimenc be referved for the lifeco

oroe, yet that will not excufe ttie Migiftrate from

he duepumftingof it here. For Magiftrarcs exe-

ucions sre for the publick Good of that particular

tommon-wealth • u/hifh will not fruflrateGodsexe-

utions for the Giory of his Jufticc and other ends

hat are to man unknown. The chief puniftimenc

"or Murder, Theft and other injuries toman, arcre-

erved for the life to come: And yet we will not let

hem here gee unpunifhed, Icaft prefent impunity

ncourage chem to invade men* lives and eftates.

iNo more fhould notorious Impiety go unpunifhed

here-, Uaft impunity encourage men to deftrcy their

own and others fouls, and by their examples and

temprarions to undo men everlaftingly and bring

down Gods temporal judgements on the place.

Thef. 204. In a Divine Common-wealth, Helinefs mufl have the principal honour and encouragement\anda great difference be m&de between the precious and tht

viiC.

King David faith Tfal. 16. 3. That his good extended to the Saints that are in the earth, and to the excellent in whom was aft his delight. PfaK lOl«6.be pro-feffeth that hu eyes Jbill be upon the faithful of the Land, that they may dwell with him : he that walketh in a perfeU way, hejhzllferve him : but verf. 8. A /reward heart /halt depart from him, and he will net knoft A wicked per fen , and that be \_will early dejlrey all the wicked of the Land > that he may cut off all P 4 wicked

116 Of the befi form of Government,

wicked doers from the City of the Lord7\ This is s Theocracy, when Princes govern From God, By God and/er Gcd in all things.

Thef. 205. *By thisittppearetb thatinatrue Thca cracy , or Divine Common wealth, the Matter of th\ Church and Common-wealth fhould be altogether or al mofi thefame<> though the form of them and adminiftra v tio*s are different*

1. That the materials or fubjc&s fhould be ih< fame, appeareth from what is faid : They muft al! bt fach as enter the Covenant with God, which in a Chriftian Common-wealth can be no other then the Baptifmal Covenant which cntereth them into the Chorcb^Gircaracifion entered them by the holy Covenant into Church and Common-wea!th,which among the Jews were materially the fame. He that is by the Covenant given up to God in Chrift, is a member of GodsUniverfal Church and Kingdom. Yea indeed the llniverfal Church, and the llniverfal Kingr dom in theftrid fenfe, are both materially and forrn^ ally all one ^ though the particulars are not fo. There are three fenfes of Gods Univerfal Kingdom. 1. As the word fignifieth ail that are obliged es fubjeftsto obey him; and fo all men, even Rebels are members of bis Kingdom. 2. As it fignifieth thofe that obey Jhim ftcundum quid, or analogically, but not (imply and acceptably, (nor profefs fo much.) And fo Turks and maay Infidels that worfhlp God, but not by Chrift, are in bis Kingdom. 3. As it comprehendeth onlv faithful accepted fubje&* > and thofe that by pro-feffian feem to be fuch: And thus his Kingdom, and

his

•is Church Univerfal are all one formally.

2. But the reafon why particular £kurchts and Commonwealths arc not formally the fame,but diftind *oluus,is,becaufe though the Univerfal being United t n One undivided Head 1$ but One, as being denominated from that Head , }et from unity procecdeth i-rpulopicicy : God doth not communicate all that Power in kind which if Eminently and Tranfcendent-y in bimfelf to any one man, or fort of Officer! • but diftnbuterh to each their part • Civil Power to Civil K Ruler*, and Ecclefiaftical to Church-Rulers. When it we ire once come down below God the fountain in jOurcbfcrvation, we find a prefent Div.'fion of that < Communicable Poorer into many hand% wbich flow-eth from the incommunicable Power that is in Go4 alone. For man hath not Gods fufficicr.cy to be all. The Popes flatterers may ex'ol himas an Univerfal Vce-God, or Vcc-Chrift; but as Scripture tells us that he wants the Form y that is, the Authority : So Nature tells us that he wants the Jptitude and Capacity of matter. Ard therefore though the Vnivtrfal Kmgdom (in the find fenfe) and the Univerfal Church are One, in Of e God, yet particular Kingdoms and Churches are diverfified in ffecit , as (hail anonbefhewed.

When I fay that the matter (ordinarily) fhould be the fame § I mean cot to tyc the Govcrnours of Church or State , to a ncceiTary conformity of their adminiftrations as to the matter, in taking in or calling out of members ( favc only in point of advantage and convenience , to be mentioned in the next chapter.) For each fort of Governours have the charge of their own diftind adminiftrations. It is

not

218 Of the hep; form of Government,

not only poffiblc, but too common , that one fort i much morecarelels and unfaithful to God and men then the other. If a good Magiftrate have bad Pa flours over the fame people, and the Paftors wifl not difference between the precious and the vile ■ but will keep the impious and hltby in the Church, the Magiftrate is not therefore bourjd to keep fuch as Free men in the Commonweakhjbut muft make it (as containing Free men ) narrower then the Church. And if faithful Paftours live under acarelefs Prince tbat takes ihefilthyeft and mod impious as Cives , the Palhurs mutt not do fo in the Church -for they muft be accountable to God for the difcharge of their own truft.

Bur that which I mean, is,that the fame Qualification makcth a man capable of being a member both of a Chnftian Church and Common-weahb,which is, bit Covenant with God in Cbrtft, or his Membership of theUnivcrfal Church, fuppofing the other cir-cumftantials or accidental capacities which are indeed diftinft,

Laftly, Note that I exclude not fomejuft exceptions of ordinary or extraordinary Cafes, in which the Members of one fort of Society may be excluded from the other. Perfons that are through fcruples (innocent or finful ) kept from joyni&g with a particular Church for a time, being yet capable of their Communion, rosy be yet members of the Commonwealth. W^ne of Riches may domorealfo to keep men out of Freedom in the Common-wealth, then out of the Church. And yet 1 think that in aThco-cracie care fhould be taken to keep fome members from fwelling co excefs, and other* from extremity

of

1>f want, as among tbe lfraelites there was ; ret fo as 10 mans induftry fee difcouraged , nor propriety in-'aded, noridlenefs nany chcrifhtd. ^nd Riches and Poverty (hcu!d cot make altogerher fo great a difference as they do in Prophanefocieties. If mens Poverty be not fo great as to make them tbe fervaotsof others, and deprive them of ingenuous Freedom , ic fhonld not depsive them of 'CivilFreedom : efpecially where Criminal and Civil cafes have different Judges, they may have more Freedom about Criminals then Civils. Where wealth is concerned , men of wealth (h >uld have the power: but where Verde or Vice , Honefly or Difhoneftv is the matter of debate , the Honeft though poor, fhouldbavc more power than tbe Impious thac are rich.

I conclude therefore that though variety of outward States, and the negkfts of either Magiftrate or Paftoun,may be an exception to tbe Ruic,vet as to inward qualifications,ordinariIy the fame perfonsare fie to be Members of Church and Common-wealth.

But as the Church bath only tbe members within, and yet the Cempeten'es, and Catechumen^ and in a morediftant fort,the excommunicate, tad the Neighbour Infidels, under her care, as owing them foffic help; foa Cbriftian Common wealth, though it own none a< Civts^ ( or freefubjeds, cotT.rnonly called Burgeffes, or enfranchised perfons ) but focb as arc fit to beCburcb-raembcrs , yet bath it many that are raeer fubje&s, and arc to have the protcftion of the Laws for their lives and poffelfiocs^hat are cf a lower form.

2* And yet thacChnrch and Common-wealth are cot formally (nor def*%o alwaycs % nor nfqtlly roatc-

rially

rially in a great pirt) the fame facietics, appearetb. I. From the difference of Governours. Magiilrates' Rule che Common, wealth, and the C hurch as in the Common^weakh,bat not the Church with that peculiar Government proper to it as a Church. And Mioifters may Teach in che Common wealth , but as Paftours tbey Govern only the Church as fuch. &. From the manner of Government and adminiftra-tions. The Magiftrace Ruleth imperioufly , and by force, having power upon mens eftate* and perfons: Bat the Paftours have none fuch, but govern only by the Word of God explained and applyed to the Conscience. 3. From the nearefi Foundation. The Common-wealth is conftitute<tby a (^virtual or aftu-al) contraft between che civil Soveraign «nd.the People : But the Church (particular) is conftituted, by a confent between the Paftours and the Flock. 4. From the extent- The Common-wealth conraineth all the pepplc in a whole Nation or more, as united in pne Soveraign. But particular Churches ( diftind from the univerfal united in Chrift ) have no general Ecclefiaftical Officers in whom a Nation muft unite as one Churchy but as Corporations in one Kingdom ^ or as fo many Schools, that have a peculiar form and Government ; but fuch only as is under the Magi-ftratcs Government in its kind : or as feveral CoN ledges in one Univerfity. 5, From the accidental incapacities of men to be members of each. A Servant X)T Beggar is to be a free member of the Church, that is to be limited much more in his freedom in the Com* mon-wealtb. And a man that lives as aCarryer or MtfTenger, in conftant travail from place to place, ( fpecially if he have no home ) is fcarce capable of

being

being a member of a particularGhurcb, who yet may be a member of the Comracrn-wealth. 6. From the Nearefl tnd. Civil Order is the Neareft end of civil (Policy : but Church Order, for holy Cotpmunion in Gods worfh p, is the Neareft end of Church Policy. So that formally they are divers, chough materially , if Princes and Paftours would do their duties, in reformation and righteous Government, they would be if not altogether, yet for the rooft pari the fame, as cocfiftingof the fame perfons.

Thef. 206. It U thU Theecratical Policy or Divine Common-wealth, which is the unqueJlionabU reign §f Chrift on earth, which alt Chriftians are agreed may he jujlljfonght • and that temporal dignity ofSaints % whkh undoubtedly would much blefs the world.

Whether there be any other reign of Chrift on * eanhcobeexpe&ed, that is, by his vifiblc perfonal abode ( which I perceive fome Papifts of late very bufy , under their feverai maskes, to indigitate, partly in order to perfwade men that the Church is a Body that bath an Univerfal vifible Head,which muft be Chrifts Vicar, but in the interfpicc bee wixt his firft and fecond coming,) this controverfie 1 do not now determine. For my own part, I reverence the Ancients that were of that mind, and many later that bare followed them. I am my felf as mcerly Neutral in it as in almoft any point of fo great moment fo often propounded to my confideration : I oppofc them not in the lea ft, nor am I for them : Not from a carelefnefs or unwillingnefs to know the trmb, but the difficulty of the cafe, and the weaknefs of my

under-

2i* of the btfi formofGwemncnt,

Though Godthoofe not big Officers now in tl fame manner as in Mofes and the following judge dayes, (as to the extraordinary Call) yet are the now as truly his Officers as then. And therefore tl people are firft to be engaged in Covenant with Goc and then with the Prince as Gods Officer : and thefe terms are Princes to hold their power.

Thcf. 198. $. Ina Divine Common-wealth the Ho

nourandT*leafing of Qod^ and the falvatisnof the peo pie are the Principal Ends, and their corpvral rvefan but fuhrdinate to thefe.

For it is mush denominated h termino vel fine : thai which is bat for earthly Ends, is but an earthly Socie^ ty: The Body that is not for the foul and fubjed: u it, is not the Body of a man, but of a bruit; Anc the Kingdom that fubje&etb not corporal feiiciry r< fpiritual, and temporal to er*rpal, and lookcth not tc that j is but a brutifti fenfual Kingdom. For thougt Rational men arethefubjefts of it, yet while thai Reafon is fub jeded to the flefti and appetite, they an a fine to be denominated brunfti: For that is a mam predominant faculty, which is next that which he makes hischiefclt End : And therefore if be have 1] Brutifti End , bis Brutifti appetite is predominant, though Reafon fcrveit: And the man, and fo alfc the Society and Government is denomnated from that which is predominant • and therefore from thk End and brutifti Ruling faculty it muft be called Brutifti.

The/;

Thef. 199. 6. Where the Gofpel is publifhed^efns ~brif}^ our Lord and King, bj the Title of Redemption, ' aI[q to be acknowledged by Prince and people,and ta\en

a6 the Beginning and End of the Common-wealth.

The Kingdom of Chriftis proved before. If any nan will but read the Scripture, he need no other onfucation of Hcbbs that from Scripture would

ove chat 1 he Kingdom of Chr ift is only at his fecond oming, and not at pcfent.

Thef. 200. In the Adminiftratien of a Divine Com-*on-wealth y the Officers fhould be fuch as God will own ; bat is i men fearing (Jod and working righteoufnefs ; wnfoberjrighteons'andgod'y,that bj Faith & Love arc 'objected themfelves to God their Creator and Redeemer.

Ifchelnferiour Magnates be Infidels, or ungodly oen, they arefalfe tocheir bigheit King: And h0w hen can rhey be fie to Govern for him, and promote tis incereft ?

Tbef. 20T. In the Adm'nifiration of a Divine Com-nn wealth. Godmuft be a/lofted all that daufality in he choice of Individual Afagiflrates, which he ctnde-cendttb to^ that is y l.All the deferiptions and Precepts f his Law m*fl beobferved. Z-.T^q/i \that bj hit Gifts nd Providence do anfwer his Law muft be tlctted. .And to that end % thofe that he hath made capable only, houtd be EleEtors. 4. And that which cannot by theft iftsfbt n>ell difcernedyifit be of moment ^fhould be refer-id (0 a Lot.

P3 Pf

Ofchefelfliall anon fpeak fomewlat more fully in ordqr to praftice.

Thef. 2G2. In a Divine Common-wealth the Laws of God, in Nature and ^criptnre, mnfk betaken for the principal Laws, which no Rulers can Ai/pence with; and All their Laws mujf be as by-Lw ^ ftibordinaie to them for the promoting of their execution.

Though the Law of Mofes as fucb oblige uwior^ yet the matter of it under another form may oblige; that i«, rhe Moral Law (till bindcth us, both as the L %m or Mature, and of the Redeemer : And the Rea-fons of the I,aw commonly called Political, (chough indeed the Moral were Political ) do ftill bind, fo far as our cafe agreeing with theirs, we can perceive in thofe Laws how God would havefucha cafe determined. If Gods Lsws keep not the preheminency,bis Government is rejt&ed. He rueth by Laws v and to rejeftthem is to re j ft his Rule, All the world have the Law of Nature * CbrifHans alfo have the Law of Grace, and the Law of Nature in the moft legible Charters. Thefeare to be the principal (Unites for the Government of the Common-wealth : and mans La#s (houW fubferve them.

Thef. 203. In* Divine Common-wedth, the fins figxinft Qod mufi be accounted the m*Ji hainotts crimes -, The denying orblafrhemingGod^ or his £jfenti*l Attr%+ bates or Swvraigwj^u tobe judged the higheft Trio/on-, fyjJ th d'awing men f other Godsend feekfng thefuine rfthe Common wealth infpiritHah^ to be accounted the i hi. ffft enmity to h. The

The offence againfl tbe higheft Authority rouft needs berhe greateft offence {ctwisparibus.) And though tbe chief panilhment be referved for the life to come, yet that will not excufe the Migiftrare from [be duepumfhngof it here. For Magiftrarcs executions sre for the publick Good of that particular Common-wealth > whieh wiU not fruflrate Gods executions for the Giory of his Juftice and other ends that are to man unknown. The chief puniftunenc for Murder, Thefc and-other injuries to man, arc refer ved for the lire to come: And yet we will not let them here goe unpunifhed, leaft prefent impunity encourage chem to invade men* Jives and eftates. No more (hould notorious Impiety go unpunifhed here- leaft impunity encourage men to deftroy their own and others fouls, and by their examples and temprarions to undo men evcrlaftingly and bring down Gods temporal judgements on the place.

Thef. 204. In a Divine Common-wealth, Helinefs

muft have the principal honour and encouragement , and a great difenneebe m.ide between the preewvs and the piie*

King David faith Tfat. 16. 3. That his good extended to the Saints that Are in the earth, and to the excellent in whom was alt his delight. Pfal. I0i«6. be pro-feffetb that hu eyes fbxll be upon the faithful of the Land, that they may dwell with him : he that walketh in a perfetl way, he fhxll ferve him : but verf. 8. A fro-ward heart /halt depart from him, and he will net knoft a wicked perfon , and that he £ will early deftroy all the wicked of the Land > that he may cnl off all P 4 wicked

21(5 Of the befi form of Government,

yeicktd doers from the City of the Lord7\ This is t Theocraty, when Princes govern From God, By God, 1 and for Gcd in all things.

Thef. 205. *By this ttsppearetb thatinatrue Theocracy , or Divine Common wealth, the Matter of the Church and Common-wealth fhould be altogether or al-ntojl the fame, though the form of them and adminiftra* tions are different*

1. That the materials or fubjc&s ftiould be ihe fame, appeareth from what is faid : They muft al! be fuch as enter the Covenant with God, which in a Christian Common-wealth can be no other then the Baptifma! Covenant which cnteretb them into the Churcb^Gircumcifion entered them by the holy Covenant into Church and Common-wealth,which among the Jew* were materially the fame. He that is by the Covenant given up to God in Chrift, is a member I of GodsUniverfal Church and Kingdom. Yea indeed the Univerfal Church, and the UniverfalKingr dom in the Arid fenfe, are both materially and form^ ally all one ^ though the particulars are not fo. There are three fenfes of Gods Univcrfal Kingdom. 1. As the word fignifieth ail that are obliged vs fubje&sto obey him; and (ball men, even Rebels are members of his Kingdom. 2. As it fignifieth thofe that obey him ftcundumqwd, or analogically, but not (imply and acceptably, (nor profefs fo much.) And fo Turks and maay Infidels that worfirp God, but not by Cbrift, are in bis Kingdom. 3. As it comprehendeth onlv faithful accepted fubjed*, and thofe that by pro-fcfiian teem to be fuch: And thus bis Kingdom, an4

his

bis Church Umverfal are all one formally.

2. Buc the reafon why particular £hurchts and Commonwealths are not formallj the fame,but diftinS Pv>lirus,is 3 becaufe though the Univcrfal being United in One undivided Head 1$ bot One, as being denominated from that Head , }et from unity proceedctb fpultip icity : God doch not communicate all that power in kind which ii Eminently and Tranfcendent-ly in bimfelf to any one man, or fort of Officers • but diftnbuterh to each their part -, Civil Power to Civil Ru!er«, and Ecclcfiaftical ro Church-Rulers. When we ire once come down below God the fountain in our cbfervation , we find a prefer* Divifion of that Communicable Power into many hand*, which f!ow-eth from the incommunicable Power that is in God alone. For man hath not Gods fufficicr.cy to be all. The Popes flatterers maycx'ol him as an Univcrfal V ce*God, or V ce-Chrift; but as Scripture tells us that he wants the Form, that is, the Authority : So Nature tells us that he wants the Aptitudt and Capacity of matter. And therefore though the Vniverfal Kingdom (in the ftrid fenfe) and the Uoiverfal Church are One, in Of e God, yet particular Kingdoms and Churches are diverfificd in ff>ecit , ai (hail anon be (hewed.

When I fay that the matter (ordinarily) fhould be the fame % I mean not to tyc the Govcrnours of Church or Stare , to a neceffary conformity of their adminifirations as to the matter, in taking in or calling out of members ( fave only in point of advantage and convenience , to be mentioned in the next chapter.) For each fort of Governours have the charge of their own diftind adminiftrations. It is

not

218 Of the hep; form of Government,

not only poffibic, but too common , that one fort is much morecarelcfs and unfaichful to God and men then the other. If a good Magiitrate have bad Pa-ftours over the fame people, and the Paftors will not difference between the precious and the vile , but will keep the impious and filthy in the Church , the Magiftrate is not therefore bound to keep fuch as Free men in the Commonwealcb,but muft make it (as containing Free men ) narrower then the Church. And if faithful Paftours live under acarelefs Prince tbat take? : he filthyeft and mod impious as Civet , the Part* >urs mutt not do fo in the Church . for they mart be accountable to God for the discharge of their own truth

Bu^ that which I mean, is,that the fame Qualification makcth a man capable of being a member both of a Chnftian Church and Common-weaUh,which is, bit Covenant with God in Cbrift, or his Meroberfhip of the Universal Church, fuppofing the other cir-cumftantials or accidental capacities which are indeed diftinft,

Laftly, Note that I exclude not fome juft exceptions of ordinary or extraordinary Cafes, in wf icb the Members of one fort of Society may be excluded from the other. Perfons that are through fcruples (innocent or finful ) kept from joyoing with a particular Church for a time, being yet capable of their Communion, ra*y be yet members of the Commonwealth. W'.ncof Riches may domorealfo to keep men out of Freedom in rbe Common- wealth , then our of the Church. And yet 1 think that in aThco-cracie carefhould be taken to keep fome members from fwelling co excefs, and others from extremity

of want, as among the lfraelites there was ; ret fo as no roans induftry fee difcouraged , nor propriety invaded, noridlenefs nany chcrilhtd. ^nd Riches and Povcrcy fhcuid not make altogerher fo great a difference as they do in Prophanefjcieties. If mens Poverty be not fo great as to make them the fervantsof oihers, and deprive them of ingenuous Freedom , it ftioold not depiive them of Civil Freedom : efpecially where Criminal snd * ivi! cafes have efferent Judges, they may have more Freedom about Criminals then Civils. Where weal 1 hts concerned , men of wealth fh >uld have the power: but where Verrfce or Vice % Honefly or Dilhonefh is the matter of debate , the Honcft though poor, fhouldbavc more power than the Impious that are rich.

I conclude therefore that though variety of outward States, and thenegkdsof either Magiftrate or Piftours,may be an exception to the Ruie,yet as to inward qua lificat:ons,or dinar ily the fame per Ions arc he to be Members of Church and Common-wealth.

But as the Church hath only the members within, and yet the Cwfeteu'es, and Catechumens and in a morediftant fort,the excommunicate, sad the Neighbour Infidels, under her c^re, as owing them fomc help; fo a Chriftian Common wealth, though it awn none as Civcs, ( or frecfubjeds, commonly called Burgcffes,or enfranchised perfons ) but foch as arc fit to be Church-members , yet bath it many that are raeer fubjeds, and arc to have the protcftion of the Laws for their lives and poflelfiocf ,tbat are of a lower form.

2. And yet thatChurcb and Common-wealth are not formally (nor deftty alwayct, nor ofually materially

? 2 o Of the be ft form of Government,

rially in a great pirt) the fame focietics, appearetb. 1. From the difference of Govtmours. Magillrates Rule che Common-wealch, and the C hurch as in the Common^wealth,bat not the Church with that peculiar Government proper to it as a Church. And Mioifters may Teach in che Common wealth , but as Paftours they Govern only the Church as fuch. &. From the manner of Government and adminiftra-tions. The Magiftrace Ruleth imperioufly , and by force, having power upon mens eftate* and perfons: Bat the Paftours have none fuch, but govern only by the- Word of God explained and applyed to the Confcience. 3 . From the nearefi Foundation, The Common-wealth is conftituted-by a (virtual or actual) contraft between the civil Soveraign -and the People : But the Church (particular) is conftituted, by a confent between the Paftours and the Flock. 4. From the extent- The Common-wealth containeth ail the pepplc in a whole Nation or more, as united in pne Soveraign. But particular Churches ( diftinft from the univerfal united in Chrift ) have no general Ecclefiaftical Officers in whom a Nation muft unite as one Churchy but as Corporations in one Kingdom -, or as fo many Schools, that have a peculiar form and Government ; but fuch only as is under the Magi-ftratci Government in its kind : or as feveral Col-ledges in one Univerfity. 5. From the accidental incapacities of men to be members of each. A Servant or Beggar is to be a free member of the Church, that is to be limited much more in his freedom in the Common-wealth. And a man that lives as aCarryer or MtfTcnger, in conftant travail from place to place, ( fpccially if he have no home) is fcarce capable of

being

being a member of a particulai:€6urcb s who yet may be a member of the Comnacrn-wealth. 6. From the Nearefl tnd. Civil Order is the Nearelt end of civil Poitty : but Church Order, for holy Communion in Gods worftrp, is the Neareft end of Church Policy. So that formally they are divers, though materially y if Princes and Paftours would do their duties, in reformation and righteous Government, they would be if not altogether, yet for the moft part the fame, as coDfiftmgof the fame perfons.

Thef. 206. It U this Theocratical Policy or Divine Common-wealthy which is the unqueflionablt reign of Chrift on earth, r*hich all Christians are agreed may he ]»ftljfo*ght j and that temporal dignity of Saints % which undoubtedly would much blefs the world.

Whether there be any other reign of Chrift on" esrehtobeexpeded, that 11, byhisvifible perfonal abode ( which I perceive fome Papifts of late very bufy , under their fereral maskes, to indigitate, partly in order to perfwade men that the Church is a Body that bath an Univerfal vifibleHead^whicbmuft be Chrifts Vicar, but in the interfpacc betwixt his firft and fecond coming,) this controverfie 1 do not now determine. For my own part, I reverence the Ancients that were of that mind , and many later that have followed them. I am my felf as meerly Neutral in it as in almoft any point of fo great moment fo often propounded to my confi deration : I oppofc them not in the leaft, nor am I for them : "Not from a carelefnefs or onwillingnefs to know the trntb, but the difficulty of the cafe, and the weaknefs of my

wader-

undcrftanding. I live in hope of the coming and appearance of our Lord'JefusChrift, and pray that he may come quickly : But that he will after h s coming raign Vtfibly on earth, and if Jo, in what manner,are things that I have read much of, but am uncertain af-&er all, and force can perceive which way ray judgement raoft incltnech.

But in the mean time, whylhould wenotallcon-

jfp re in our longings after x hit Raign of Cbrift, and.

Dignity'6? theSainrs,and Reformation of the vVorld,

ch is undoubtedly our duty, and which all agree

about that have the fear of God ?

If there be mch a thing as a vifible Raign of Chrifthere to be cxpe&ed , he will furely elevate h s Trvants in their Capacities of Soul and Body , as well as in their Dignity of Rule : And therefore we have little now to do but ftudy,snd wait, and pray for that Kingdom that is to come. For till we have the Capacity, we can have no exercife of that Dignity.

But in onr prefent Capacity , I would fain know of them that talk of the Ruling of the world by the Saints, what more they can defire or expeft in Rea-fonthan I here propound, i. They cannot without fa&idus uncharicablenefsand imnaodefty fay,that it muft be only the Saints of this or that party or Opinion, that (hall fubduc and Rule the reft : nor only the ftronger fort that (hall be dignified , excluding them that are babes and weak in the Faith. 2. Nor can they rationally dream that the mod unchari able (that it, in Chrifts fenfe, the mod gracelefs fort ) that can cenfure and condemn all others as no Saints, and appropriate holmefs cauflcfly co themfelves,

fhould

Ana vappyeft c ommsn- maiw. 21$

fliould therefore have tha Role of others. If Charity Rules not, Chrift Rules nor, 3. Nor can they cxped fure that all and only Saints (hall be Princes, Judges, or other Magiftrates : Fcr then the World were worfe an hundred fold then no w. For now wc have thonfands of Saints that are Subjects ^ and then all the Subje&s rouft be fuppofed wicked, and no Saints, and we rouft have no more Saints but enow to Rule : And if wc had materially fuch wicked Common-wealths, it would bring the plagues of God upon us : And if Government cf Saints do no more Good in the World but to leave all the Snb-jeds wicked, icwerelikcr Satans Govemmenr then 'Chrifls. It is certain therefore that it is not all, but fame of the Saints that mtift be Governoors • and fo it is already ; and that it may be mocb Bette r,and that fecured to our Pofterity, fhould be now our joint de-fire. And let us wait for the coming of Chnft in his own way.

Thef. 207. As there feldcm arifeth any turbulent O pinion or party in the Churchy but by the cccafion of feme negiett of Truth or Duty, which by their extremities God callelh m$ t$ reform : fo I thinks the Promoting of this Holy Theccratical Government is the flint of Reformation that we are caied to defire * bj them that now plead for the Raign of Chrift and the Saints.

It is a fpecial pare of our wifdom to know what is our Health byour Difeafes, and to learn Truth from the erroneous, and Duty from tbem that fwcrve into excreams. The rfntincmiam have called u* to preach

more

i 24 Of the bef form of Government, more the Dominion of Love, and the Riches o Grace, and divers other things: The Arminiam hav j called us to take heed of a cadfelcfs narrowing o Grace in its extent, or of fathering our fins diredW or indirc&ly upon God. The Anabaptifis have callcc Us to reftoreand praSHfc Confirmation, and not take all into the number of Adult member* that were bap. tiled in Infancy, and never knew Chrift nor a godly life. I could fay the like of other Parties that bav* lately rifen up. One fort runneth to tbetti, and another part raileth at them • but he is the wife mail that knoweth how to receive from them fo much as is good, and leave the reft: could we duly improve^ them, we might have caufe to thank God ( though not them ) that ever he permitted fuch occasions off our Reformation. So may I (ay in particular of thefi Millenaries :4f we could by them be awakened to promote the unqtieftionable Raiga of Chrtlt, what a mercy would enfue ?

Tbef. 208. It is no men frame or mode of Govern- i memwhether Monarchy Ariflocraty, Democratj, or mixt, whether the Roman, Spartan* Venetian , or any ether Jlfode, that will m*ke happy a Common-wealth in the hands of imprudent, impious men , fo much as one of the other forms >fHpfofed worfe y will do in the hands of wen of prudence, and the fear of God.

A great ftir is made by Mr. Harrington and other ftlf-conceited Polituians for their fcveral forms. No contrivances are of much moment to our bappinefi, but thofe that fecure us of a fucceffion of good Governors. Thtfe particulars I fhall here briefly

manifeft,

And hapfjefl Common-wealth. 11 >

tnanifeft. i. That their contrivances tend not to fe-core us of fuch a fucceffion, nor a prefent faithful Government. 2.That imprudentand bad men in their contrived form will undo the people. 3.That prudent faithful men in other forms, are likely to be a blefiing to the people.

1. That Hobbs hit Leviathan, or way of abfolute Impious Monarchy , making us, our Religion, &c. tendetb not to fecure us of a Righteous Government, is a point that needeth go proof with any reafonabie man; were it but becaufe the irreligious Author pretendech not to any fuch thing as the fc-curing a fucceffion of the Chriftian Religion, without which a Rgh:eous Government is not to be expend.

That Mr. Hnrringtons Oceana, and Venetian Ballot, have no fuch tendency, is plain. 1. In that it is fuch a Governmentas Heathens have been our Examples in, and in which he thinks they have excelled us, that be propounded. And therefore doubtlefs he inrendech cot that his frame (hall fecure us the Chriftian Religion,without which we can have no happy Government.

2. And he profefleth himfclf that his fammnr wealth u meft inconfijient with a Clergy : without which the Chriftian Religion never was maintained in any Nation upcm earth. And Chrift faith to bis Minifters, whom he promifed to be with to the end of the world, that he that defpifctb them , defpifeth him, Luke 10.1$. And as Chrift never Ruled fiflcc hiiAfcenfion but by his Officers, Word and Spirit -fo be that purpofely defigncth the extirpation of bid Officers, inundsth not his Raign 3 0? at itfift promo-

216 Of the befiform of Govtrnmtnt, tcth it nor. And he chat is an enemy to the Raign o Chrift, at he is the heir of wrath himfelf \Luke 19.271 fo would be make others, and therefore murder xm Coramon-wealeh.

3. He thinketh Venice^ where Popery Ruletb, anc whoredom abounds, is the pcrfc&eft Pattern o: Government for u§ y now exiftcnt : there r ore he in tendetb not fure that his Model fhould keep us frorr the Raign of Popery ( or whoredom. ) I doubt no* but the fame Model among better men, might dc much againft them : which doth but (hew that it ij not the Model , but the better men that muft dc 1 moft.

4. The wbolefcopeofthedefignisby the Bailor and Rotation to fecureus from the danger of a probability of being Ruled by Wife or Honeft men, and put the bufinefs out of doubt,tbat ftrangers to Pru-dence^and enemies to Piety (hall be our ordinary Ru lcrs,andconfeqnently Chriftianity be expelled. Car you doubt of this ? 1 .He knoweth not what Prudenci and Piety are, or knowe:h not England or mankind that knoweth not that the Major part of the vul. gar^rc fcarcely Prudent and Pious men. 2. Hi knoweth not what Piety is f that knoweth not thai Jm pious men abhor it; and he is not a Chnftian, thai neither believeth the Prologue to the firft Covenant of Grace-, tkditfmb^God^ill pnt enmity between tk Woman* and the Serpents feed , which the firft borr man (hewed in killing his brother , becanfe his em "works were evil , and his brothers Righteous, l Johr 3.12. Nor yet believeth the words of Chrift, thai bis fervants mil be hated of all men far his fake , bt\ caufe the) are not of the mrld> &c. 3. And he know

eifc

eth not Oceana ( Mr* Harringtons Common- wealth ) that knowcch not that the ignorant and ungodly rabble are made the Lords and Rulers of all.

Goto the Foundation, and follow it up to the Head, and Judge. In his firft Order, fag. 58. in the diftribution into freemen and firvanu , all are freemen that can live of thenafcives. 2 In bis ftcomi Order, the younger fort are made the marching Ar~ my, and the Elder the Garrifons. 3. In the third, by their eftates they are diftribmed into the EqneftrUn Order and the fat ■ only tbofe that have prodigally fpenc their eftates are excluded Suffrages and Government. 4. His fourth Order fettleth the Parodies, Hundreds and Tribes. 5. His fifth Order begins with the Panto Ballot ; where all above thirty years of age are to choofe their Deputies by fuffrage: when in raoft Parifhes its too well known that the Major part are Ignorant men, and too many enemies to Piety , and many to common fobriety and Civility . In fome Parifhes you may go to five^ if not ten families, before you meet wit hone that can fo much : is read ( though i hope that is not the common cafe) ( And in abundance of them, the multitude are fo educated , that beyond the matters of tbeir Ploughs,and jCam, and Trades, they are fcarce men, and can ,icarce fpeak fenfe. And of all men, the rabble hate 3 K>th Mtgirtrates and Minifters that would bring them , tp to Piety , and reftrain them from a licentious fen-a ual life And of all their Neighbours,they moft bate 1 :hem that live an holy Heavenly life, and condemn s :hem by their difference.

y And of crari fequitur effe •, fuch as men are/o they [jPrill aft - aodftichif ibey ire freemen, (bey will

C^a * *hoof«4

228 Of the be ft form of Government y

choofe : wilt they choofe wife and Godly men tb partly hate them, and partly know not the worth Wifdom ? Would they choofe thofe Magiftrates thi they know would pumfh them, and whom they a hor for ftriflnefs, and for punifliing Vice ?

6. In his fixch O der, two parrs in three in evei Panflimuft be for the Minifter : And how many P rifties be they where a bad man that will fair the humours, lhallfooncr have two parts , then a god faithful Paftor ? And pag. 6$ He providcth that the

. be no excommunication to make a difference, b<i Heaven and Hdlmuft be confounded •, forfooth b caufe that excommunication is not clearly proved 0 of Scripture to fuch capacities as his.

7. His feventh Order gives us Juftices of Peao Jury-Ken, Captains,^.by thefefuffrages. Andt choofers may tell us whit kind of Juftices and Ca tains they will be. 8. His eighth Order giveth Horfe and Foot-Captains by a Bailo!, that its ten one, know as well how to perform their truft as know how to guide a (hip that was never in one.A as wifely might our parifhes and their Deputies the Major Vote eled us Pilots and Captains of (hi out of ftabl.es, and barns, and Cow-houfes, as then cleft us Land-Captains and Magiftrates. So I ninth and tenth Orders carry on the fame work, giving us Magiftrates out of Shops and Threfhin floores. They muft elc& us the Philarch , the Lo Lieutenant (perhaps my Lord Ale-feller, or Lord Plow-jogger ) the Cnftos Rotuhrnm , &c. Philarch muft keep the Qoarter-Seffions, and hi caofes in order to the protection of Liberty of Co fcience, who partly know not what Confcience is,a

pari

pirtly hsce riorhngmore then Conferee , though hey love nothing nr.ore then Liberty. No Tribe may fctiion a Parliament , qnlefs the Philarch at the ouncel frame the Petition, aud propofe it by clause, unto the Ballot of the who!e Tnbe, &c. We are like then to have goad Petitions, am! comfortable relief from Parliaments: When a pack of the rabble »re got together, that lately had got the name of [[Damn-m^fr]] tba{ took him for a Puritane that fllfpoak a fenrence without £God damn roe] in it ^ and no man (hall put up a Petition to the Parliament, but by their Counfel and p r opofal and Confcnt ^ then we have a perfeS Common-wealth I Were it not for fear of abufing the naoae of God and Holinefs, I would here by predidion, draw you up one of theic Petitions; but I dare not fo far defile my Paper, and the Readers eye*. I am aftiamed and a weary to follow this gang any further, and fliew you what Parliaments we muft have, that being fetched from the Dung-cart to make us L<*ws, and from tie Ale-houfe and the May-pole todifpofe of our Religion, Lives and Eftates, can fcarce tell whether the Language of a rational Law be humane and intelligible; and if they read fuch a Law, they fcarce know whether it be Englifh, but better undcrftand ihem that bleat and bellow, then they do thefe Law-terms. Or if there be a cunning Knave among them, its he that ftiallbe the Prince and lead the reft. When I lately heard a defeription of the Irifh, I was thinking how gallantly they would Rule or choofe us Rulers by Vote, efpccially in Religion; when they know fo much of Cbrift as to tell us that he is a better man then Saiat Patrick. \ and fo much of the Devil, as to

0^3 call

call bitn Knave, and tbats a great part of their Religion. Aad yet this is not all; but Mr. Harringto* will give the people the fupremacy and laft refoluti* on. Thats better of the two, then to give it to ih< Devil § or to worfhip the old Egyprian gods, ar Ox or an Onion : Get all the Nobility and Gentry firft to put it to the Countreys Vote, who (hill be pofTefTors of their Lands and Lordfhips: Or get all the learned and Wife men in Pb.lofopby , Phyfick, Law, Theology, to put it to the Vote bow tbefe (hall be regulated and ufed 1 The beft ufe that we have in England for popular power of judging, ii by Juries, tfeft we think preferve our Liberties : And yet (I (hall fay again ) I have thought of the excellency of a Deroocracie, when I have fat and he*rd a Learned Judge opening a hard cafe of Titles to the Jury, and they have flood by him all the while as if he had been talking Greek and Hebrew to them, and gone fheir way and brought in a Verdtft for Plaintiff or Defendant at a venture, %$ ic firft came to their Tongues-ends, before they undcrftood thecaufc any more then the man in the Moon ^ unlefs there were a crafty fellow among them, and then he ruled all the reft, and he had the day that had bis voy ce. Which when I faw, I thought it in fuch difficult cafes almoft as good to throw the Dice to decide the Contro-verfie.

Bat Mr. Harrington doubts not but the people will be wife enough to choofe the wife, and good enough to choofe the good. As if we knew cot what bard, anifcornful, and cenforioua thoughts the vulgar have of Nobility , Learning, and all thit is above them. W .i:u reproaches do we daily hear from them,

not

I otonly againft Divines, bat againft Lawyers, Phy-•itians, Princes, and all whofc waies they are unacquainted with ? Many a time have I heard them fay ,

I I Ic will never be a good world, wbile Knights and "jenrlemen make us Laws, that are cbofenfor fear, f»nd do but opprefs us, and do not know the peoples t ores: It will never be well with us till we have Parliaments of Country-men like our felvcs,that know our *ant*.] Nothing more natural, then that the propagation ftiould be of the kind : and tb&c fenfual and mgodly men fliould choofe fuch as themfelves, and is will fit their ends : Efpecally being now exafpe-ated by a war and fome attempts of Reformation , :hcy wiH be more virulent then heretofore, and no-:hing will fatisfie them but the extirpation of thofe hat have croft them, aud would have reformed

9$KD.

It is ea fie to bring fuch on the ftage in a dreaming Model, and put a golden Oration into their mouthes, and feign a fool more eloquent then Dmoftkexes : bat when it comes co the execution (iftbeNition be fo dtftra&ed as to try ) it will not be found fo cafie 1 matter to teach the Eleded to fpeak fenfe : but the Senate and the Prerogative tribe muft prcfently be put upon wielding the great affairs of Government, Civil and Religions, of Peace and War, which they ure utterly ignorant of, as never being exercifed in before. If tbefe Politicians will fcorn to be equalled h the reputation of their Learning with unftudied ncn that never took any pains to get it ; ( yea or to >c matcht in point of Prudence by Divines that ftudy ts likely much more then themfelves, if fo be they lave but read more of fome parts of Hiftory or Poli-

0^4 ticks,

ticks, though they are ignorant of the principal part of folid learning ^ ) why then fhould we equaliz-unskiliul Rufticks that rever Oudied Politicks a day but are fuddenly chofen from the Plough or Alehoui by the vuigar vote, with men that have fludied an< been trayned up to the skill of Governing, and beei cxercifed in it ? Surely if Mr. Harringtonbz (o much i wifcr man as he proclaims himfelf then the Clergy, a may warrant him to give it us as the fuffrage of thi Nations (pag. 223.J that Q An ounce of Wijdom i -worth a pound ofClergii] and that \^Minifiers of at others leaft mderftand Political Principles'] j if all th« Clergy though they are men of the fame Countn and complexion withhimielf, and have ftudied manj t purs for his one, cannot yet come near the eminence of hiswifdom, no nor attain to fo much knowledgt pf Political Principles as all others have' ("in his account -, ) we muft then exped to be Governed by i conftant Miracle, or by conftant folly, when men tba never ftudied fuch things are made our Governours Are Divines all fuch fools for all their ftudies?and wil the Plough-mens Vote immediately give us a'Senate and Prerogative tnbe of wife men! wife in matten of higheft moment,tbat they never heard of or med-led with before.

And left we ftiould have any hope they fhould grow wifer by experience, the Rotation muft turr them out before they well know where they are, and what it is they were. Called to do ^ and from the Academy of the Shop br Alehoufe, we mnft hiv< frefhmen in their rooms that are as wife as they were. What Ship was well Governed that was thus ufed in choice of Pilots ? What Army was profperous that

was

J*as thus ufed in choice of Commanders? What School was well taught that was thus ufed in choice )f School.matters ? to have the ignorant and on-ixercifed introduced, and then corned out before they :an grow wife, to fecure as againft all poffibilicy of Remedy.

, Bat though che National Religion and Confcience !mult be thusdifpofed of ^ yet Mr. Harrington and his Brethren (they know why) do haply lecurc us of libtrtj of confcience , and that of a fufficent lacicude that [_No gathered Congregations be molefled or inter-rupttdin their vtaj of T»or(hip^ being neither femfbnor Idolatrous, but vigilantly and vigoroujly protctted, &C pag. rjo.] Popery had been before excepted, but chat found place for repentance ; and now Mr. H. and bis fraternity have Liberty, either never to worfhip God at all (Tor chat's fuppofed co be free) or co fee upDeifm, and worfhip God without a Saviour, or cp fee upMahometaniim, or cry down Chrift and Chri-ihanity, or to make a worfhip of preaching op impiety and vice, and crying down the Scriptures and all true Worfhip. I will not talk of fuch low things as Liberty to preach down the Godhead or manhood ofChnftjtheCreafton, the Refurredion and Life co come, and other Articles of the faith, by parts. But if he fclc not force extreamneceflity of fuch Liberty, there need not thisexceffive care co fecure it. What oeed all this ado for liberty of fuch Confidences, when the major Vote of the impious Rule, who will not only grant you Liberty, but extirpate thofe that for the defence of Chriftianity would deprive you of it? Afgu. To exclude the heavenly treafures of vertne x

pUty

piety and prudence, a an evil, which Government mufi be jecured againfi, or it cannot be good.

But Mr H s government is not fee med again ft it y (but * certainly bindeth it upon us : )

Therefore Mr. V?'government cannot be good.

The Major is hiiown 5 page 10. faich he [Sadcomplaint i f that the Principles of Power and Authority, the goods of the mind andoffortune do not meet^and twine in the wreath or Crown of Empire ! Wherefore if we have any thingofPietyorofTrudenceJet us raife our f elves cut of the mire of private Inter eft, unto the contemplation cf Vertue, and put an hand to the removal of this evil from under the Sun ; this evil again ft Which no Govern-ment that is notfecured, can be good • this evil from which the Government that isfecure mufi be perfeft: Solomon tells US) that the caufe of it is from the Ruler, from thofe principles of Po^er , which ballanced upon earthly trajh, exclude the heavenly Treafures of Venue % and that inflnence of it upon government y which is Authority . We have wandred the earth , tofixd out the bal-lance of power f but to find out th^t of Authority , we tn*ft afcendnearer Heaven y or to the Image ofGod t or the' foulofmtn.^lhasW.H.

Oat of his own mouth are men invited Co oppofe his Policy, as they would do the Devil, or at leaft, the moft deftru&ive plague of a Common-wealth. Ie is not more certain that the earth doth bearna, then that the rabble vulgar multitude are for the greater part not only void of folid Piety and Prudence , and this Heavenly Treafure, but enemies to it: and that all men are by aflcd and Ruled by a private felftfli fpi-rit, till faving grace make God their Center, or common

Hon help do elevate one of many to prefer cbe common good before their own. Is bis Common*wealth fecare, yea perfed (as he faith it rouft be, if feenre) from this felfifli evil? Muft we be Ruled by the rabble that (as I before faid from the words of Auguftine) bad rather cbere were two Stars fewer ip the Firmament f then one Cow lefs in their paftarcs,or one tree leis in their hedges, and thisto fecurc as from Private intereft, and the excinfion of the heavenly Trea-fure ? Let qs then go to a Brothel-boofe for a pattern of Chaftity, or to Mr. H. for a pattern of Hn-mility.

Argu. 2. That Government is next to Helljkataf-certainethus of a cenftant fnccelfion of impious enemies of heavenly vertut in chief Power. Butfnch is Mr. H fc Government, that give th the Major Vote the power, and calleth ignorant men to places cfhigheft truft 9 andgreat-eft Korl^ ; and is inconfiftent with a Clergy ; there* fore,&c.

Argo. 3. A people,faith Macbiavel, that is corrupt, is not capable of a Common-wealth. ( They are Mr. Harringtons motfa,V*g 45) But the Major V*te of alrnoft all Nations a*e corrupt •, therefore they are un-capable of a Common wealth.

1 know Mr. Harrington is here involved (as be fpeaks) by Machiavtl. No wonder. Bur if MachiaY vel be become a Puritan to him, what is Mr, Har~ rington to us t

Bat per hap* fome will fay, [Was not David a Shefc herd, and yet a per [on meet to tea King Q

*Anfw. 1. It teems then there is an Inftanceofa worthy King that was taken from a Sbeepfoid: Bat to have many hundred pcrfons fo prepared for Government!

236 Of the left form of Governmtnt,

merit, is not ordinarily to be expe&ed. Amos % Pro pher 5 y wascalled from the herd : but argue not there if yoa love the reputation of \ourreafon; that th major Vote of our Hcrdfmen fhould judge rhe fpirit of the Prophets 9 or be accounted Prophets as wcl as he.

2. God can fetch a Ruler from aSheepfotd: bu the vulgar Rabble are not fo go *J cboofcrs a* God is At leaft not fo much better then God, as to chooft five hundred good ones for one that God did choofe.

3. But its well known that in thofe dayes, wher Countries lay open, and mens treafure lay in Cattle rather then in Gold , that Hcrdfmen and Shepherd* were the greateft men , and fitted for Riches to be Princes.

Obje<9\ But do not our common people choofe good Psrliammts hj/z Major Vote y 8cc

jinfjfi. 10. Mr. Harringtonf Model hath not yet made them Independents 5 and therefore they ordi narily choofe fuch as their Landlords do defire tbera to choofe; and therefore it will go according to the quality of the Landlords, and not according to the quality of the people* 2. Formerly when the peoples Liberties wereercroachton, and no divifions made in the Land among the Gentry, they were all ready to joyn for the common liberty,with fomc more unanimity then now. But now.by the late wars they arc divided, and one part think themfelves opprcfTed, and the attempts of Reformation have irritated the fen-fual gang ; there wants nothing but Liberty, to tread tbefe Reformers in the dirr. Lee Mr.H. and his party gee down the Army,rod take off all the late reftraints,

and

and let Parliaments be chofen by unreftrained Voict, :i and that party that hath mod tenants, and that is rooft againft Puritans,that will carry it. 3. And even before the divifions and exafperations , the divided Parliament and the war enfuing,ar.d Major part of the N'-bility and Gentry adhering ro the King, (who by a minor part were conquered ) did (hew us what a Vote would have cone. So much to Mr. H.

2. Having (hewed that thefe new Models fecure tis not of a Righteous Goverment, (though there is much good lnterwoven^which by righteous Governors rmght be made good ufeof,) I (hould next (hew that the Imfrndent and Evil mil not be kindred bj theft Forms,fr§m undoing the Common-Health. And for that, what need I more, then, i. That men at liberty will rule according to their difpofitions ? An evil tree bringeth not forth good fruit. Men gather not grapes of thorns, nor figgs oftbiflle*. Folly will not do the works of Wifdom, nor Impiety cherifh Godlinefs which it hatecb. Why elfe do not Heathens, Turks and all Infidels fet up Cbriftianity, but becaufe they are againft it? and as much are ungodly fenfual men, though called Chriftianf, againft true Piety. 2. What is there to hinder them ? Is it Laws, who made them ? It is they themfelves that are the Law-givers. Whether \t be a Monarchic, Ariftocracic, or Democracies the Soveraign is the Law-giver. They are alfo the Judgesofthe Law, having none above them : So that in making, repealing and executing Laws, what mifchief may they not do, efpecially which the fenfual multitude can but bear ?

Name us that Common-wealth on earth that is pi-on fly Ruled by impious Rulers, and Prudently

Ruled

338 Of the beflform of Government,

Ruled by foois, whatever the Model of Government way be.

And to what nfe are all their Models, if not Co fe core us of good and righteous Govcrnours ? Is it any ;, better co be impioufly and unrigbceoufly Governed „. by a thoufand tben by one ? If therefore it fecure not e . this, but rather certainly deftroy it , their Model ii I poor relief or comfort to an oppreffed undone people. |:

3. The next pare of my task here is to (hew you, t that in every Form, whether Monarchy, Arittocratic, , f or Democratic, wife and pious righteous Governors „ will make the Government a bleffingtothe people. For, i. They will ad according to their Principles: But the Principles of ail wife and pious men, do lead thcra to prefer God and the Common Good, before any private intereft of their own • therefore, &c. 2. They will ad according to their Eifpofitions: But honefty and wifdom difpofes them to prefer God and the common good > &c. 3. Governors will Rule according to the attradion of their Ultimate End. But every wife and boned man dotb make God bis Ultimate End, (and the nearer End the Common Good.)

Holincfs is a new Nature: and therefore a conflant Monitor and mover unto Good. They that Love God indVertue,and hate all evil, will Rule accordingly.

Its true, they are imperfeft, and have their faults: but that which is predominant in their hearts, will be predominant in their Government.

Thcf. 209. From hence the common JJZueftioHm*) be refihed, Whether it be better to be Ruled bj good Lws and b*d Governors\or b] good Governors and b*d Law* ?

Anfw,

And happy eft Conwafi-wuhk. a jp

Kd(w . It is as ifjou jbonld as^ls it better be warmed >j coldfnrw, or tooled bj the fire ? Laws are nothing but itts of Government \effefts andfigmficatious of the Go-jernours will concerning whatjhallbe tbefubjetts Duty. Laws antecedent to the Sever aigns vile,are effttts before he caufe.Good Rulers will m*k* & continue good Laws % tnd bad ones the contrary. AH the -world have good Laws \lreadj made them by God: But ifjou will needs fuppofe i feparationj fajjbat Good L*ws with bad Rulers will lo little goody but rejlrain a little of their evil : But if he infer iour Magifirates enlj be bad, the Good Rulers \nd Laws that are over them may force them to do good.

Gods Laws arc the effc& and fignifications of bis pffc. And bis Will and Power are before bis Laws: rbe Laws of the Common-wealth that are made by nen 9 are cbe effe&s and figns of the Wills of the jw givers: Leg flation is the chief a A of Govern-nent, and bigheit prerogative of Governing Autho-icy. Contrads may be antecedent to Government, >ut Lawcannor. When tbe Individual Ruler dyetb, he Laws furvive, not as effe&s of Contrad, or effed rithoucacaufe, nor as his Laws that is dead, but as lis Laws that doth fucceed , who ownetb then (as >y tbe ContraA be is obliged J as foon as be fucceed-th : TbeSoveraignIiveth*»/p*o>in the Confticuti-m • and to whomfoever tbe Power is divolved, his dido the Laws become, and as foon as be difown-th them, they are null (though tbe conftiturivc Zontrads are not fo.) Where Kings only are the .aw-givers, or Senates only, er both conjucft, they »ve power over the Laws, to repeal them. And bad overaigns, fifno reftraint be in on them) will make

bad

2 40 Of the be ft form tf Government, bad Laws, and good ones will make goods Law:

And if fundamental Contracts limit the Soveraigr if he can, he will violate them, if vice difpofe him t ir, and carnal Intereft entice hira. And how bard i is to execute limiting Contra&s effe&ually for bis re flraint that hath got poffeffion of ftrength an Soveraignty, is commonly known.

And if the Laws were good, and the fuperiou power fo good as to make them, but not fo good as t< be much regardful for the execution, then if the infe riour Magilirates be naught, they will make nothinj of the Laws. Whoknowethnotboweafily impiou Judges and Juftices can deftroy the full, and tun moft righteous Laws againft them, by mif-urerp-e Cations and misapplications? Saich Plant hs in Trin ad.4. Mores leges jam perduxermt in poteftatem fa-am •, £<t mi/era etiam ad par let em fnn f < fix* elavi ferreis ^ Vbi males mores affigi nimis fHerat aqnitis &c.

I conclude therefore that God having already givei us the bd\ fundamental Lms, lee us have goedSove raigns $ and wc ihall have good humane Laws , and lei us have good Afagiftrates, and we fhall have go$d ext cation, which is the end or ufe of Laws: But if w< have bad Soveraigns , we (hall have badLa^s^in parr and ihzgood will be uneffe&ual • much more if alio we have badMagiftrans. This is paft doubr.

Chap. 9,

rlow a Common-wealth may be reduced to this Theocratical tempeyf it have advantages, and the Rulers and People are willing.

rbef. 210. A Sitfiould be the do fire of all good JLXmenjhat the (fommon-ivealth might >* happy in the enjoyment of the Cjofpel and Peace , and hUfecnred to pofteritj •, fo the open way to attain thefe nds, confifleth in thefe following Rules ofprattice.

R. I. That the Mini/ters of Chrifi that are to teach \ndguide the people by the Word of God , be generally tb/e,judiciow J godljJ'ai:hfuli diligent men.

We cannot expeft the people to be good, if the Teachers be bad, unable, or negligent. It is Gods Word thai'* managed by them, that muft reform the people, and work out their vice. As mens Laws fup-pofe the Laws of God,and mens Government prcfup-pofeth Gods Government; to the true methodical obedience to mens Laws, prefuppofeth obedience to Gods Ltws, and confequentiy forac underftanding of them • and a right fubjeftion to roan prcfuppoftth fabjeftion to God. The firft work therefore being the Miniftcrs, the true reformation of the Miniftry, making them indeed Divine, is the fi^ft thing to the making a Common wealth Divine.

Much hath been done already to this of late in this R Nation,

Nation, through the bleffing of God : (though muc is yet to be done, efpecially for ripening the Miniftr in Judgement and Charity, & bringing them to nse et Unity, which time mult do.) And the princip hopes that we have in this Land of a faithful fu< cfffive Eledion of Parliaments, from any thing tfn is yet before us, is the happy fuccefs of the Miniftr upon the Souls of many, by which the people bein much reformed ( though yet too little) arc raor enclined to prudent pious men to be their Govcr nour* in Parliament, then they have been heretofore So that this hath made a hopeful beginning, and if f be cartyed on, will do much more.

This is not unknown to the Enemies of Chriftianil ty, or to the Papifts, that all confpire againft the Mi niftry, as knowing that to make them odious, an< their labours vain, or get them down, is the likelyei way to attain their ends.

Let thefe enemies note, that lam not here plead ing for Lordly greatnefs, nor Riches to the Miniftry nor an aliene Power in Stare affairs, or any coercive Power at all: (and would they have a Ciergie lower?; but only that they may be Learned, Judicious,Godly Able, faithful men, provided with their daily bread or food andrayment; x\nd can they for ftnraeoppoft •his?

Thef. 211. RhL J J. Above all let there be a fxec Law for the due Regulation of the Elettonrs and Elefli-ens of Parliaments.

The true Reformation mult here begin •, and if the Foundation be well laid in the people, the building wil be firmand fafe. And

And bcrcletmeprcfumetofpeaka few words of the NeceJJity, and ofthe Vtiliij of this courfc, and then, Hiw itjbould be dene.

1. It is known that Parliaments qua tales, are not Divine, Religious, ProtcJUnt or juft. The fixArti-

1 cles by which the Martyrs were burnt, were made by a Parliament. Ail tbe Laws for the Papal intercft in

J the dayes of Popery have been made by them. They have often followed the wills of Prince* to and fro. And therefore they are not indefcdtble, nor immuta-

f We as fuch.

2. It is known that there are Members of various minds in them all, and fometinac tbe raifcarrying par* ty is fo ftrong, that by a few more voices they might bring mifery on the Common-wealth.

3. It is well known that in mod parts, the Major Vote of the Vulgar that arc Cboofcrs are Ignorant, fclfifti, of private Spirits, ruled by mony, and fchere-

1 fore by their Land-lords, and other great and power-fill men • and withal they are bitterly diftafted againft tbe ferious diligent pra&ice of Religion, according to the Rules of Chrift.

4. It is therefore apparent that if they bad their Liberty,tbey would choofe fuch as arc of their minds; and it was by providence and accident that heretofore they did not fo.

5. Aod it is certain, that the wars, the change of Church government and forms of worfhio, the differences of Rcligtous men,and the many Sefts that have lately rifen up among u?, and tbeftrift Laws of Parliament about the Lords day , &c. and fptcially their Tixc^have deeply difcontented them and exaf-pcratcd th*& againft fuch as they think; have caufed

R % ' tffefc;

thefe, fo that many would now purpofely defign tbeir ruin.

6. It is known that in the late Ele&ions, the ex-clufion of Delinqaents, and the Countenance of the times made terrible by many late fucceffes 8gainft all forts of enemies, and the prefent cxiftence of the Army that hath fo prevailed , hath been their rc-ftraint, fo that they durft not go according to their inclinations.

7. It is known that the rcflraincd Gentry, with thofc that are enemies to ferious holy living according to the Chriftian Rules, are in moft places flrongefi in popular Intercft, having moft Tenant$,and moft ol the affedions of the vulgar: Andthst they can tbi< day, were they bat as free from fear of fufferirgs a< others, bring more voyces into the field in moft places then any others can : And that even many wel meaning honeft men are of cowardly Spirits, anci dare not difpleafe their Landlords or great Neigh hours, but will vote with the ftronger fide.

8. And its known that the Leaders never lefs want cd will upon the grounds fore- mentioned.

And what followeth upon ail this • btic either fl ill to keep an Army over them (which fhculd not be or to Regulate the Eledion, is necefruy to faveu fromruine by a Parliament? For what probablhi is there but the next that is chofen by fuch a Ma jori ty of Votes with abfolutc freedom, will undo all tha hath been done, and be revenged to the full on a]j that were fo odious to them, and fettle our c«laK)it]j by Law ? The effe& lyeth fo obvious to a difcerninj* eye, (andalmoft toallj in the Moral Caufei, that w way reckon it as done already, if not prevented.

z.Bu

2. Bat could a Prudent courfe be taken now for the Regulating of future Elc&ions, we fhould have a moral fecurity of good Parliaments to all Generations, who would make good Laws, and fee to the execution, and be under God, the fum of Bleffings for the Common-good ; We (hould have Parliaments *)f the wifeft and mod pious men 5 and fuch as are leaft for private Fntereft, but would devote them-felvcs to God and to their Countrey h The Parliament would be the Princes Intercft •, fo that he neither would nor could divide from them. And they would be the peoples Intereft, fo that they could ndt difownthem, but would lift them up in their eftcem, and (a them with the firft in their daily prayers and praifesunto God. And Parliaments would be more Honourable, when they were more Divine, and cho-fen only by vertuous men, and net by prophane debauched perfors. In a word, Pietj and Peace were more likely to be fecured to Pofterity, certainly , e*-fiiy, and honeftly this way then any w&y.

And ihentheeffedingofit willbean A&ual moft excellent Reformation of the Common-weakh h fclf-, and the Regulating Laws, excluding the vici-ou% would eDgagctbc people againft Vice, and fo conduce to their falvacion.

Thef. 212. The Regulating Lm mufi contain 1 .the defcription of the Electors by their necejftrj Qua-lijicatiom ^ and 2. a cowfe f*r Legal discerning the Qualified from the Vnquali fed-, and 3. angulation of the Manner tfEUttions.

The firft and fecond reform the very fubfiance of

R 3 ihe

t\6 Hew a Common-wealth may be reduced

the Republike, and arc the mod neceffary excdient pare of its Reformation.

Thef. 21J. i. For the due Salification of Members, let fokuch of Gods own La&s bo owned , as u ftill undoubtedly in force*

- It is an erroneous and impious affertlon that all Gods Political Laws are repealed. Vniverfal Policy raufl: be diftinguiftied from Particular : And the General Laws and Principles from the Application oi them to a particular people and cafe. As the World is ftill Gods univerfal Kingdom, fohatb he universal Laws to Govern them. The fifth Commande-ment fet in the Head of the fecond Table , is the fummary or ground of humane Politicks, command-j ing the duties of Princes and people, though Parents and children only are exprefly mentioned. The following Commands agaainft Murther, Adultery, Thefr^ and falfe wicnefs, were part of the Jews Political Laws, and are ftill part of Gods Univerfal Politicks , and belong to every Common-wealth in particular to enforce, and fee them executed, as well a* Ethically to private Confidences. Princes are the keepers of Gods Laws, and nmft fee them executed • to promote which, their Laws muft be Subfervient: where any of tbefe Morals by a penalty annexed is applycd to the Jews in particular , though qmatentu Mofaicatfr Judaica^ the Law be ceafed,yet as it is the Law of Nature, or as Chrift hath taken ic into his Law, it doth remain : And not only fo, but the Rea-fon of many o;herJcwi(h Laws may ftill be fignifica-tire of Gods Will to us, and fo be Obligatory.

Where

Where there is nothing in the difference of their :ate and ours that varietb ttie cafe fo as to deftroy 0 ostbeReafonof the Lair, it may thus indireftiy ►ind us ftill, by (hewing us what God would have aen in fuch a cafe to do.

Thef 214. The Mvral J%uaR$catiou of E left or s ntffi be this , that no man choofe but thofe that have pub-ikeljowned the Baptifmal (fovexxnt^ ferfonallj, dtlibe-welj andferiouflj^ t ak}ng the Lord for their en lj (jod % ven the Father^ SonandHoljGkoft^ the Creator , Rt~ "leemerandSanftifier^ and that Ijeth mt under the guilt f any of thofe fins for which God would have men put 0 deaths or ctit off from hu people.

Here are but two things required in the Moral Qualification, which no man that bath the name md face of a Chriftian can except againft. Pirft t that le be one that ownech God the Father, Son and Holy

hoft, in perfonal Covenant ^ that is, that he pro-efs himfeifa Cbriftian ; Oihers are excluded from Liberty, I think, by our Laws already. This there* Fore cannot be denyed.That be was Baptized in Infan-:j is not enough, becaufe cboofing Parliament men is not a work for Infants i but the Adult; and he at age that owneth not his Baptifmal Covenant, dotb renounce it, or atleaft is not to be reckoned among believers. The fecond point is, that he live not in fuch fins as God would have men cut efffor. And who can except againft this ? But here nore 1. Thai it is not the oft committing fuch fins only that ma-kcthhimuncapable-, but being at that time under the Guilty For araanmuft be hanged for one Murder, R 4 " though

*48 How a CtmtMn-wtalth may be reduced

though be daily live not in it. 2. It is the Guilt info r$ humano that I fpeak of, and not of his conference a co God. If the Magiftrate pardon him, and fully paote don him, he is not under Guilt before him. 3. Not<»< that it is not only cutting off by Death, but alfo by ac il extermination, or disfrancbifing, or excommunication, that I fpeak of. He is unfit for the Priviledge oi a Choofer, that God would have any of thefe wayei to be cut off, but fpccially by Death.

4. And note, that a capital offender may have I pardon for his life, when yet the Ruler may not per baps reftorc him to his freedom herein.

it

Thef. 215. For what crimes God would have men\C cutoffs Ihavefhtwedbefore % c^.j. viz. ForBlafphe-my, Idolatry, perfwading to Idolatry ; Murder, Man-ft eating , Inceft^ Sodomy , Adultery , prefumptuous finning , and obftinate refufing to obey Magiftrate^Prieft, or Pa-rentjn cafe of Gluttony, Dru»ken»efs 9 and the like : and all fuch 06 would not feek^ the Lord : all wizards, and that turn after wiz,zards % and more fuch tike,which may eafify be collected.

Thef. 216. It will be a fair and expeditious courfe, that all thefe crimes enumerated by the Parliament,for which they allow Paflors to excommunicate men, Jbsll alfo difable any perfon from choofing any Parliament-man or Magiftrate.

There are many enumerated in the Ordinance that fetletbche Government of the Church, and jfihe Pirliament plca r e, they may add more, as they fee caufe.

Thef.

Thcf. 217. At lea ft it cannot be denied us, but that kefe crimes enumerated in the late Humble Petition ni Advice, difablingmentofitin Parliament,ficuld ilfodifable the people to Elttt.

And that much well executed,wou!d do cbc Nition /cry much right, and free us from much guilt and langer. And there is no Rcafon cbac Lords and iCnightsihouIdbedifabled, and Pefants let alone in heir Priviledges that are guilty of the fame thing*.

Tbef. 2] 8. As no man was to live a member of the Common-wealth of lh&t\ that entered not into the Covenant of God, and fubmittedn9t to his worfhip , under the Miniftratkn of the Pt lefts (though thej mi^ht have faults ) but he that would not feek, the Lord God of lf-rael was to be put to death , be he great or [mall, 2Chron.J5.11,12,13. So no man Jbould be fo free in our Common-wealth as to be choojtrs of cur Varlia-ment-men or Magiftrates , that Hve not in Cbnftian Order and communion , for the ordinary worfhipping of God, and under the Difcipline or Guidance offome faithful Paftors (where fuch are) either Jppreved or Tolerated bj the Ma gift rate.

To be an ordinary defpifer of Gods pub ike wor-(lvp,or a ncgleftercfit, and of the Guidarce of Gods Minifters,was Death or cutringeff in the Jew-i(h times: And no man can teii us why it fiiouid not be at leaft a caufe of disfranchiz : ng now. A man by disfranchizing is not a penny the poorer, but only kept from hurting the Coo>mon*wcaltb. And its a

bird

hard cafe, if we mod commit our lives and Religion to the Votes or Government of them that God would hare had then cat off, and put to Death! Let men have liberty freely in all lefTer doubtful things that good and fober Chriftians differ about: and if they be Impious or Infidels, (unlefs by particular crimes they incur any penalty ) I urge not the Ma-gtftrate now to deprive them of their Eftatcs or pergonal Liberties: But let them have nothing to do with Governing us. A man would think this (hould be a fair and moderate motion i It is not an Ana-baptift f nor an Indep-ndent, nor any upon fuch kind of differences that I am motioning an exclufion of: But thofe thatare Members of no Approved nor Tolerated Church. And there is great Reafon. For i. They Live like Acheiftsaud Infidels, and therefore they may be numbred ; if not with fucb, yet with them thatare near them. Faith is pradfrcal, and tendeth to holy living and obeying. He that refu-feth to give God his publike Worfhip, aud fo denyeth him the chief part of his homage, is *n Atheift in life. 2. There were no Chriftians in the Apoftles dayei that had a fixed abode, that were not members of the Cbriftian Churches in the phces where they lived : and thofe that were unruly and walked difor-derly, were to be avoided and caft our. 3. If they believe not that God is to be worfhipped publikely by his fervanti, and would perfwade others againft all p.ihlike worfhip, they are not fit to live among men ^ therefore if they therafeives forfake it, they are unfit for to meddle with onr Government. 4 He is not ordinarily fit to choofe a Governour, that as to his Morals is nor capable of Governing (allowing

ig*gradual diflferente. ) But the negle&ers of all Church-order, and Communion, and Difcipline, are infit to Govern: for they would deftroy Chrifts In-creft in the world: therefore they are unfit to choofe. If it be becaufe they know not of a true Church o joyn with, its a fign tbey doubt of the Head when bey doubt of the body, and know not that Chrift inked is King, that know not bis Kingdom: Or elfe ire juftly tobefufpededfor Romilh Juglers, wbofe lefign is to take down all, that they may fet up cbem-elves. 6. However it be, they that excommunicate hemfelves from Chriftian Churches, can blame none )ut themfelvcs for it, and have no rcafon toesped :o be taken for Rulers or choofers in a Chriftian Common-wealcb. 7. He that refufed all pubiike Worfhip under the Pricfts, would not have been fudged to feek the Lord, nor be one of their Common-wealth. 8. God hath no ordinary pubike worship but by his Minifiers; snd therefore to live under the Guidance of no Paftor, is to rejed the ftated way of worfhip -, nor can be (ordinarily) be numbred with the flock of Cbriit, that is under no particular Shepherd. Everyone thereforefhould be a member of fame Church.

Thef. 219. 2. For the execution of this LaW. then fhduld be Cdreful previjionjvhicb being a Mod ] a / thing, lfhdll not pre fume tofayfo much of , bnt leave to the wifdomofGoverr.ours\ only I fee before tu I. anim-ferfeU utejfetiual way, which u bj convitling men fer thefe crimes before >ome fufiice. 2. An eff'tiudi Regular more excellent way, which u this : Let all Fa-ftorsin England that are approved have an Ivfinwevt

of Approbation, and all that are Tolerated an Inftru ment of Toleration-, and let no man he achoofer or t Ruler that holdeth not communion with an approved o\ Tolerated Church, and is not fignifed under the Paflor. hand to be a member thereof ': or that Jball be caff om of the Church for any ofthofe crimes that the TarlU* ment {ball enumerate : And that there may be no jea* Uufie of Minifters ufnrpations or abufes herein, lei every Parifh h*ve one or two of thewifeft men bj the fuperiour Rulers made Church-fujlices, or Cenfors tc meet ftith the Church- Officer s,and to take cognizance oj the cauft : And lei all that the Paftors and Church take tn or caft out according to Cjods Word, be ufed bj them as members or no members of the Church -, But let no man be disfranchise din the Common- wealth , or lofe his Vote in El client , u*lefs the Cenfor or Church Jufticc Ruled by the Parliament* Laws, confent to the cenfure. And let all that are caft out by hi* confent and the Churches b<nh,£; regiftred,and difabled to Vote, unlets bj the confent of both upon Repentance they be re-Jtcred.

This courfe is eqaal: For it is not meet that Minifies fliould bethedifpofcrsof the Liberties of the Cornmon-weahh ,, nor will irhtlp but hinder their Mmiftry thst they (houid mix it with any fecular Power ^ and though the penalty were but confe-quentia!, it would be inconvenient for them toufc that Power. And yet on the other fide, it is not Par* Hament Orders any funhef then as they are fubor-d«nate to Gods Liws , that they muft Guide the Church by. Now in this way the disfranchized per-fen hath no more trouble through the Minifler thcrr

if

if he had nothing co do in it, but Come more eafe and benefit: For if the Cenfors alone fhould judge him criminous, he would have no benefit by the Churches more favourable Judgement, in cafe the Cenfors fhoold be too rigid : Or if tbey fhould bear any man a Grudge, it is unmeet they fhould difable him alone: And therefore when the Judgement of the Church and of the Cenfors muft concur to any mans Convidion, he will be further from the danger of anv injury: The Church fhall have no power to cor-vi& him with Relation to his civil Liberty ^ but only the Cenfors fhail not do it withou: their confenr, that his Liberty may be the better fecured.

If you think that this power of Church and Cenfors is too great ro be exercifed over Joftces of Peace, or perfons of greater place : I anfwer, 1. Where ever there are Jufticcs of Peace, itisfup-pofed that they be themfelves the Cenfors ,• and therefore that fear is vain; And for Riches , they fhould priviledge no man in impiety. 2< You may leave your Greater men (if you will be partial ) to forae higher Judgement, or leav« them the Liberty rfan Appeal.

Of the Office of thefe Cenfors I fhall fp^ak jnore ander the hit Rule.

Q^eft. But what fhxll be done in the Tolerated Chur-:hes f Anfw. As you pleale, either let them alfo raftout none from his Common wealths-Priviledges Without the confentof ths Cenfors of that Parilh •, >r rather let them alone to do with their own mem-icrs as they lilt in this refped ; Becaufc 1. They will befo eager to keep their ftrcngth and number, :hat they will difpriviledge noreof their own, without

2^4 &*# A Commw- wealth may be reduced out great caufe. 2. And if they da, it is ofuallybe of all/orit will drive them to the approved Churche Queft. But what ifMiniftert mil not admit oftfn thy ferfons into their Qhnrcheslfhall the) therefore war their civil Privileges ? Jnfw. I. If Miaiftcrs grafl raifcarry in their Office, the Magiftrate bath powc to pumfh them, or cad them out; and what woul you have more ? 2. If one Church will noc receiv them, another will, either Approved or Tolerated 3. If all this will not ferve, let your Cenfors in thi alfo have the Judgement, or a Negative voyec. Le the Qualifications already given by the Parliamen concerning thofc that are to be debarred from th< Lords Supper for Ignorance or fcandal, be the Cen< fors Rule (with what clfethey think meet to add^ and if any man publikely offer himfelf to be a mem berofthe Approved Church of that Parilh when he liveth, and be refufed, if the Cenfor Judge the Refufal injurious ( according to the Parliaments Ru!e?j Ice it not injure him in his civil Liberties, but let him be Regiftrcd inter dves •, Though I rhink this caution fhould be unnecefHry, becaufe the Minifters themfeives are under your Power. But it is only men that are Utterly uncapable of Church-communion, or that wilfully refufe it. that we defire may be no Choofers or (fives (though Sabptts flill.)

Queft. But what if jour T afters will negleEl Difci* fline s and let inrloemofi fcanddlous men ; will not the Cowman-wealth he polluted and hazarded bj their negligence? Anfw. i. Ic can be no worfefor that, then it is; and therefore thats no reafon sgainft the thing. 2. I confefs there lyeth the greateft danger; And therefore Parliaments fhould noc by any catrfeleft

fl

fe

To this Thetcratical Temper, &c. 2 55

caloofics of Minifters doing overraqch, reftrain, dif-ible or difcouragc them from cbae ducy which flefh nd blood is moftagainftof all their work-, But Ice he wilful negled of Difcipline (and if you will, ex-:effive rigour too) bepunifhable according to the [uality of the offence. And let there be a Court of >oamiffioncrs in every County ( thofe that are for je&ing fcandalous Minifters) empowred tbereun-o ^ For Ey&ion (hould not be the punifhment of bailer faults, cfpecially before obftinacy • nor yet hould fuch faults be unpnifted • But of this more non. But that here the Cenfor (hould have power ilone to deprive him of his civil L berry (as we grant lim alone to preferveit) will be injnrious to men* tights.

. Thef. 220. The third part of the Law for Eegula-ing Elections foncerneth the Manner ofE'letting,wbere variety of tolerable Afzdes occurring J fbtllr.ot prefume 0 extol any one above the reft , there being no fuch n& ejjltj of any one Mode as the felf-ccnceited Modi Hers magine. 1.7 he Cives that are in the Cenfors Regifter nay meet in every Parifh Churchy and btfore the Cen-ors, MinifttrsjConftabUs,Church-War der>s,and Overmen of the poor ( fwsrn all to fidelity ) may give their Votes for Parliament-men^ which tkefe Officers may car-y in at a General meeting to the High Sheriffe. 2. Or heft Ctves in the fame place and manner 5 may choofe heir Deputies (proportioned to the number of the pecple n alt Pcrifhes) which Deputies may at the General meeting ( to avoid eo*fufio» ) choofe the Parliament men ( bting themfelves firfl fworn to a faithful rtoyce) And tkeje Elcttms in the Parties > and the

County

2 5 6 How a Common- wealth may be reduced fiunty meetings may be either by Vote or Ballot

[

The confufion that is now at Ele&ions, is very great •, and without abundance of coft to theCoun trey or the Ele&ed Gentlemen , fo great a multitude cannot be brought to the Pole j which if they be nor, the uncapable roue may intrude and carry it. And therefore for every Parifti or Hundred,either to fend in their written Votes by Officers, or rather to fend their fworn Deputies with power to Vote in their ftead,will more orderly difpatch the work, and with much lefs charge and trouble. Every Deputy may bring in a lift of the names which he reprefentetb and ip he thacreprefenteth a Panlhof an hundred men, (hall have the voices of an hundred ^ and he or they that reprefent aParifii of a thoufand men, (hall have the voices of as many.

Where there is danger led the Greatncfs of any over-awe the people from their liberties, the Ballot isfomewhatthefafer way then the open V.ote^ and yet not much • both becaufe Jug'ers by flight of hand might convey in five for one ^ and fpecially be caufe thofe great men will beforehand be engaging the people to Promife them their faffrages, and they dare not deny the Promife ^\i they are fuch as dare not deny them their Vote ^ And yet in all thefc things indifferent, we would not flick to gracifie Mr. Harrington^ or any rational Model!er,that can get the Parliaments confenr. But i. We mutt have our Gives, the matter of our Republick firft reformed. 2. And N we would have no more change then needs rauft , but things done with as little ftir as may be, about circumftanti-ais a and not have the Venetian painted drefs and toy^

ifh

i

■

T$ xhu Theocraticd Temper, &c. 257

ifh gawds, to cover a defiled people ; nor wub a great deal of coft, and labour, and pomp, to fee up an adorned Image •, Et magno Lahore nugas agere , ut materiam fuvtrant opus. We arc fomewhac indifferent for the drefs ; but cannot be indifferent, whether we have a pious cr impiOus 3 Cbriftian or Infidel Com-mon-weahh. Reform and fecure us in the main, and we will not quarrel about fucb variable unnecefftry modes and circamftanccs.

Thef 221. Though foUcitations cannot be prevented, jet that liberty of Votes maybe preferved, let the Regulating Law deprive all men of their Vote* in that EUtti-en y that are proved to have t romifed them to any man before the meeting.

They raay confider and debate it before- hand , for better information, but not promife.

Thef. 222. Ral.IlL To make the Common-wealth more Divine, our Parliaments themfelves mufi be more Divine: which mufi be tffcEted by Defer i prion, and by Oath., which are bothfo happily Ordered already in the Hucr b!e Petition and Advice, that, if execution be added, may conduce much to gut bappineff.

The faid Petition and Advice determineth , that inder the Penalty of a choufand pound ,and imprifon-uent till it be paid, no perfon be clc&ed and fit u\ ^rliament bur [fuch as are perfonsof known Integrity ,

"earing Ged, andofGotdcenvtrfatien Net furh

is are gutltj of any of the Offences mentioned in an Act f Parliament o/Aug.i 650. intituled^ Aft agunit

S fcvcral

fcveral Aheiftical, Blafphemous and execrable opinion*, derogatory to the honour of God, and deftru-dive to humane Society. No common fcoffer nor revi-ler of Ri listen, or of an/ perfon or perfons for prof effing thereof : No pzrfon that hath married or fhall marr) a wife of the Popijh Religion-^ or h*th trained or /hall train wp his child or children 5 or any other child or children under hx tuition or Government, in the Popijh Religion ^ or that fhatl permit or faffer fuck child or children to be trained up in the fail Religioner that hath given or fh^U give his confent that his Son or Daughter fbtllmarrj any of that Religion : No perfon shut fhall deny the Scriptures to be the Word of God> y or the Sacrament sprayer, Aiagijlracj and Mimfirj to be the Ordinances of God : No common propkaner of the Lords day ; nor prophage (wearer or curfer • no Arnn^ard, or common haunter of Taverns or Ale-honfes. ]

They arc/worn alfo for the true Proteflant Chriftian Religion in the purity ofit^as contained in the Holy Scriptures, and far fidelity to the Prottttor, an i for the Peoples Rights and Liber ties.~] A more excellent Ad hath not been made for the Happinefs of England, concerning Parliament*, atleaft fincethe Reformation. O chat it may be bat effectually put in execution.

Thef.223. Rul. IV. The Prudence, Piety ani fidelity of the Princes (landing (Councilconduceth much to thefelictij of the Common-wealth: and is to beprocured^ i.B] Description. 2. And by Oath.

1. The Law mud defcribe them according to their ncceffary qualifications. 2. The cboofers of them ( efp.daily where Parliaments choofe) may be fworn

as

as near as they can to choofe according to that Description. 3. Themfelvesare to be fworn toad accordingly.

Thef. 224. Ru*. V. The Prudence and Piety of the Prince is of high concernment to the Happinefs of the People • which is to be fecurfdin Countries where be is Elective\ by a duly Regulated EleUien 0 and where he u Hereditary, by a duly Regulated Education ^ and by due Limitations, and by Oath.

Where he is Elettivi, a Defcription is prefuppofed asexiftent in Gods General Laws already,which rcuft be obferved.

Tbef. 225. fhefafe way for Eteftlon ,is,that a Parliament choofing or approving the Council , [wear them to choofefourof thebefi Qualified perfons , and that a well-regulated Lot take one of the four • the people of the chief City , or ddjoyning parts , feeling God by folimn fafiing and prayer, for merciful determination by that Lot.

In ele&ive Principaliciei, it muft be fuppofed that a Council of Srace have a fufficient power to keep the teace till a due Elc&frm : and yet that they be (efficiently difabled from perpetuating their Supremacy, or delaying theEIeftion.

The Perfons to be Eleftedmay be either left to rhemftlves as to their Rank, or they may be limited, cither to take four of the Council ( as men firft approved by the Parliament, and acquainted belt with >tace-aff4ir$; ; or elfe the General of the Army (if

S2 hi.

* 6o Hew a Ctmmtn- wealth nuy be reduced be be not of the Council ) and one of the Nobility, and two of the Council. But however let them ac their admiftion into Council, be ftridly fworn to choofe the fitteft according to the defcribed Qualifications, if they (hall be called to a choice.

Here arc divers thing; expreflfed as neceflary, or much inducible to (he propounded end. (Suppofing ftdl that wefpeakof rhofe Nifions that are fecting up, or have already an EScfiive Prince,that is not ab-lblare, nor bvA) the whole Soveraignty, but in con-jinftion with a Parliament or Senate) i. That the Senate choofe the Council, or at leaft approve of them. And fo them/elves being firft compofed as afofefsid, there wiil be great hopes of a Prudent Pious Cottxcil. 2. That the Council ( or the Parlia-rnenr,if then (icting ) choofe/i^r , being fwore to a faithful choice aforehand.

And here let itb: obferved, that Ele£lion\% to be preferred to a Lit, where it may be performed upon grounds of Judgement and Freedom - and that a Lot is not to be brought into ufe, but in cafes of Ne-cefficy, where judgement failetb. For, i.Elfemen fhall negled the Law of God, which is propounded to them as the Rule of Judging. 2. And they (hall negleft their Reafooand Gods gifts, by which they are qualified for Judging 3. And they will tempt God, and therefore povoke him to afllift them by the Lor, while they take his name in vain. 4. And if they eled nor fit perfons in preparation to the Lot / but turn loofe a Lot among a number that are molt unft ; they betray the Common-wealth to ruine. If our new Modellers (hould carry their Lotteries among the vulgar rowt, whe*r there** one or two

wife

wife men among a multitude, 3ncl expe& ihat.thei c Lot fhould fkd ouc thofe few, thay might be convin-ced by experience, that God made then no promife of foch fucceft, nor appointed Lots tafp re men tie ufe of their Reafon. Till I have Gods command oc promife to (hew for our encouragement, I muft believe , tint he that cafts a Lor to find ouc one wife and godly man among an hundred fimpietcns or ungodly men, is 1 kely sn hundred to one to be deceived. The Apoftle* cbofe two of the mcercfl men ; to be Judas his fucceffor, before they rrade ufe of the Lot: ar.d then the Locd.d choofe Mutrban cne of the two

3. It ii here taken for a matter of great necefiky , that ye: a Lot fhcuid finally determine. (In an extraordinary cafe indeed, as afteraConquefiufually One only is capable : bat we are not giving Rnlts for extraordinariei.) Ard the need of this Lot is thus apparem. i. 1c will prevent Confederacies and making parties and friends for the fucceflion , which eKe will hardly ever be prevented. 2. It will avoid the odium that elfe wiii I;e upon the Council, from the rejeSed party : Men will eafier take a rejection from God then from man, 3. I twill prevent tfec dif-fdtif-"a&ion and confequcne rebelliou \ contrivances of the rcjjded. For it fcemeth a difhonour to be rcj>&ed byebosfers, but its nodifhoncur to mifs it upon a Lot. 4. It is a mod rational fuicable courfe , that he :hat ftaods next Goi 3 (hou\d btchojn b) <W ? and"God (hould have the principal hand in the choice. The \poftles give God the choice of Matthias an A?g(IU by Lot, b:caufc no power under God was fit to convey ( orchoofca man to) the highell Ecdefisitick

S 3 power:

r $ % How a Common- wealth may be reduced power : But ihey chofer.ot inferior Officers by Lor. 5. It will more comfortably iasisfie the Prince, to do or fufferinhis office, when God calls him cor. 6. l'c w^ii very much fatisfie the people in their fubmiflion and obedience, and prevent rebellions, and hinder fufpit ons of the Princes ambitious afptring to the power. Ai his choice wa? Divine, their dUmitinQ vnd obedience will be towards him as towards an Officer of G>d.

4. Ir is here taken t ! fo as neceffary, that the Lot be carefully regulated by a Law , e.g. as to be dona before man}% 'n the publickeft Chprch of the City, in inch and fuch order, which is eafily contrived • tbac fo they that would creep in by unrighteous mcars may h?.veno hope.

5. That the chief City OFa!!thararenear,that cm fo Ypeedily meet, may by faffing and prayer feek Gods merciful determination, is a thing of apparent need, by rcafon of the great weight of the cafe, and that the Government may be more purely Divjne, and the people the fullyer fatisfied in the pcrfon, and the bicffir.g' of God procured thereby.

Thef. 226. Where the Prince u Hereditary , and hath a Parliament either to participate intheSove-* raignty, or to feenre the peoples Rights, the education of his children JhmU be [tewed b) a Qandin^ Rule, ftrittlf defcHbing the Tatorsjboth Divines and Tolititians y and careful!) jecuring the execution.

The Prince that will not Confent to this ? for fear of ioHi g hislnrercft in bis own children, in reafon ffcgtiid do; citfire chat they (hould hereditarily fuc-

ceed

T* this Tkeocratted Temper^ &C. ^ 6$

fucceed him in the Government. If he govern nor for the common Good as his end, he is a Lord or Tyrant, and not Governour of the Common-wealth. If he do govern for the common good, then the Common-wealth hath a far greater Intereft in his children that muft fucceed, then he can have. If they be fo his own, as to be principally for him, or for themfelves^ they sre then unfit to be tbe Governours of a Common- wealth. Iftbey be not; then the Laws muft difpofe of their Education. Tbe fubordinare Rules for this Edccuion, I will not be foprefumptu-cus as to let down.

Thef. 227. Thefecondmeanscfa peoples fecuritj as from their Prince , is that in the Fundamental contracts he he limited to Rule them bywb^lfom Laws to be made bj the [ropofal and conjent of his Parliament.

TheReafonof thisis , 1. Becaufe of the irnper-feSion of ail Princes ( as of all men ) who therefore muft be fuppofed to bave feme evil or imprudence, whofe evil fruits fhould be prevented, that they may not produce the common hart. 2. Becaufe it is fuppofed poflible that Princes may efpoufe a private Intereft , from which rhe publxk Intereft muft be fecu-rcd. And being not Abfolute and Arbitrary, he will be Icfs capable to hurr.

Tbef. 228. Ths third means of Security Jsjhe Princes Oath, rvhieh is to contain the fumme of the Fundamental cent ratt which laj the ground of his future Go-vcrnmer.t.

S 4 Every.

Every point of a Princes du:y is not to be put into his Oath, but fo much as is ncctffiry to the common fofecy,and cpnftq.ueptly to the being of hU Govern-reenr. Tor elfe it will tempt the people to think that hi they aredifohliged when he viola, eh his Oath in any of thofe particular. Buttbcfubftance of his Cove- e nant ftiould be in it.

Thef 229. Ru.VI. The feeHritj of a Nation,as to their fucceffive Safety, Piety and Peace, rtquieth th#: the JM.luia.btin Honeft^ faithful tbedtent and valiant hands : -which will be arc amplified, I. By thefore-we.-uiomd fecurfag. a faithful Prince and Parliament th*t mufl Ku-e thim. 2. By arming all the faithful of the Nation that are fit for arms, and faffe> ing none but fre men, to be of the Handing force Aitkin the Land.

3 . By cauftng all Souldiers te be fworn to the Sovereign and ibe (fonftituti.n. 4. By keeping the Forces that are under p y, in neceffa-y dtpendance up n the Sovereign pomr for their pay. 5. By keeping the power of placing and dtfpi'ucing (he greater Officers out of the hands of any Cjensral Officer in pay. 6. By keeping them by di-flanre, and other mea\ns,from uniting in anj as afttfjici-intthad, but the Soveraign power. 7. By vigiluncy againft tntrud ng masked Papifts and enemies that fow the feds of fedition among them. 8. By fapplying every vacant place with Godly valiant men, and weeding out thetn^odly and feditiour. 9. By afufjicient encouraging of the faithful in their due pa \ 10. By making them ft ifi Laws again ft Impiety and fedition, and keeping up 1 rptc Dij upline among them.

1. yi", Harrington iruly tels you the neceffuyef

A r mmg

Arming the freemen : men of beft Education and n:erelt, will be moft valiant and moft trufty 5 and if leformed as I forementioned, they will betrueft to :heir Country, in matters of cverlafting confequence: tisreafon thaimen of greateft Imereft and feffici-ncy fhould betrufted with the defence of themfelves tnd their own. Thecowardlinefs of Freeholders is be undoing of their Country : To fave their own kin they arm their fervants, and fo make them their oris. Efpeciaily when it comes to fighting indeed, tnd they dare not venture their lives: Orellein for-gn Wars, where they ufc to employ their fervants ly, except in command, and then they return up->n them as their Ccnqaerers. Many that are fer-eants may be fent abroad, but not fo many as may be tbie to matter their Commanders, and the junior fort rf Freemen, that ihould ftill be mixt in competent number*. The moft fervile and bafc are ufualiy ihrough the disadvantage of their education the moft impious. And fo rtuch wickednefs as ufualiy dwelleth in fuch Armies, is worfe then the enemy to them. Noneol the Forces in p3y, that intend the common good, anddeferve the name of Chriftians, orCommon-weahhs-men, will be unwilling ro have the faithful people of the Land to be pofTcffcd of a ftrengcb Sufficient to ballancc them for their necefTary jreiervation.

The reft alfo are fo plainly rational, neceflary nd confcionable, that I (hall think it nccdlefs to *ive Reafons for them diftm&iy, there being nothing >u: ignorance, ungodlinc's, or a treacherous fcififh defign co matter the Common-wealth, that can have any thing cofcfiderabic to fay sgainft them.

Two

z*6 Horn a Common - wealth m*y be reduced

Two things more I add, i Let the old tryed faith£ ful Souldicrsof the Army be the chief Commander of part of the Militia of the Countries •, yee non but the faithful, and men of Intercft, that have fomc what to lofe by the mine of the Common-wealth f nor yet fo as to ftreng hen any co a dirgerous redundancy of Power. 2. That every Regiment o Yooi have one faithful Minifterto reach them, and every Regiment of Horfe two at leaft { becaufe quar teringvery diilant, ore man can be but with few atf once) Seducers are the feditious difturbers and de- \ ftroyers, who will creep in and prevail, if there be * none to gain-fay them.

Thef. 230, R. VII. // u necejfarj to the true Happinefs of the fowmw-wea'th , that the Inferior Mdgijlrates (fudges, Jptjiicts^ &c.) bepradent, Godly fatthfu/me>s ; which u [eenred to m , I. By the forewcHtiomdFietj of the Sovereign Powers th*t muft choefe them ^ and 2. By good Laws that binde them to thtir Duty.

It is a great mifhke in many Law-rmk w rs, that are more folicicous incomparably to reftrain both Inferi-our Migiftrates and Minifters from going too far, and doing too much, then to put them on to do that which is indeed the bufinefs of their Office, when yee Cud\ and blood will do as much (and in the Miniftry abundance more) to bring us to the defective Ex-tream, then to the exceflive. The benefit of Law is s rainei by the Execution: And if we have not faithful Jjdgc$andjiftices> we can look for little execution. If the Mig Urate benui?ht, it is an eafie

cnatter

/ 7*0 this Theocratical Temper,8cc* 26j

: j atter for him, by difcouraging Plaint ff» andAcca-

a rs, and by hiding the fence, or u refting the Law, or

hundred wayes to make nothing of rhcm , if noc

orfc then nothing; and turn our dcfepfive Arms

jainft us.

oj Thef. 231. R. VIII. The Chriflun excellency and Jlicity of a Commonwealth, dtpendeth exceeding much ,,. * the Purity and Unity of the £ hurches that arc there : lt ind therefore it muft be the Rulers facial care 1. That j, of j Dottrinc , IVorfhp and Order and Difcipline be

nnintained in the Churches ; and 2. That they be ought to as much Charity, Agreement and Ccmmu-

ion as can be agreed.

Thtf.2S2.This fur it j of the Church rcillbe procure^ . By the Aforementioned) care that godly, able faith-ul Puflors be provided ; and the ungodly , inefficient mi negligent kept or cafl out. 2. By the faithful order-ng of the Churches,and exercife of holy Difcipline, fup~ vefing the previous rcquifites forcmentioned.

Tbcf. 2:3. For the fttling^f a found and holy Mi-wfl>J, 1. There muft be Laws defcribing fuch asfb&ll be pnblikely Approved and encouraged, and fnth as /halt be only Tolerated 2. The 'Peopleand Patrons, the Or-iaUeri and Approvers y muft each have their due htereft prefervei and allowed them. 3. No man muft pub-likely Teach, nor hold private Affemblies, be fide fuch asftandin due fvbwdinaticn to the Churches, but fuch as have from the Approvers an Injlrument of Approbation or of Toleration. 4. Blafphemy and fubverting the Effentials ofChriftiamy, or of Cbrift an communion

on and worfhip are to be fever ely reftrained, not Tole *' rated in any way of Teaching or propagation what fa *

ever.

$■

It is in vain to make Laws defcribing fuch as dial: be Tolerated, unlefs there be a way to put them in execution. If all be Tolerated without difference, * why (hould the Law make a difference? Ic is asne-" ceffary therefore that by the Rule of thofe Laws, 0 Commiffioners gran: an Inftrutnenc of Toleration, as * of approbation. And that the Commiffioncrs of Eje- I dion have power to deprive them tint forfeit it of] their Toleration, ss others of their Approbation. But of this elfe Where. The reft I hope is all granted.

Thef. 234. To the holy order and Difcipline of the Churches , be fides the JMinifters duty {of which 1 have • fpokenin other Writingi ) it is nedful, I. That the M*v)fir ate drive on all that are Paftors andadminifitr Sacraments, to exercife Difcipline, by diftingmfiing the cleanfromths unclezn. 2. And to feenre the Inter eft of the Jfrfdgiftrate and the Common-wealth,that there bt duly jiyned fome Officer of the Mdgijlrates in all the jiffcmbliet for Worfhip and Difcipline -, and Magifira-cj ani Aiinifirjjotwified together , that the) may concur andc^-operatie, without any invafion of each others Offices, but for mutual he^p.

God hath in wonderful Holy Wifdora fo nearly joyned the Chnrch and Commonwealth, and the Magistracy and Miniftry , that both are of neceffity t> the w?lfareof e*chNation-, and ic haih occafi-oned many ignorant mtrn to comend about their preeminence

I To this Theocrdtical Temper, &c. 2 69 minence, as if it were a controvcrfie among fobcr Ihriftians, which of them were the chief: when ic is 10 controverfie, nor is there any room for thecom-arifon, they bcin£» tf#4 tales of dillind co-ordinate ;ixids,and each is chief in his proper Office.The Magi-trateisastruly the Governour of Mmiftcrs by the > word or coercive power - a< he is of any other of lis Subje&s: And tbeMinifterisas rraly the Magi-trares Church-guide by the Word of God , as he is jf any other of his Flock : yet indiredly be may rcquently be bound from exercifing any fucb dif-jraceful a&sofDifciplineon them, as may tend to diminifh their Authority, ordifabletbem to their jroper work. Government is a divine A#, which Imitateth Nature. Arijlotle and Galen could not agree whether the Head or Hears was the Principal member anil, firft feat of Life. And why may they not be conjanA and co-ordinate, each being the pincipal in its kind^ the Head of the animal ipirits ar.d operations, and the Heart of the Vital? Philo-fophers have troubled therafelves with difputing, Vfkeihtr the Intellect or IVMbetfce firft Principle of the fouls operations ? But by this time they are for themoft pare agreed, that the IntclleS is the firft quoad fpuificationem attns, and the Will quoad exerci-tinm. But if any will make a tough difpute of it, whether Specification or Exercife be firft y he will do it to no profit. It is a dead Common weath (and that is none, bat a mcer carkafs) that is without thc^ Ma-giftrate : And it is a mad Commonwealth (wbicfns little better then none) that is without t Church and Miniftry. I think they that Would feparate the h-tclleft from the Will, the Braiu from the Heart , the

Dire&ive

Dire&ive power from the Imperial } are no betttkl friends to the Common-wealth, then he chat woulk deliver a man from the prefurrption of bis phantafi t by cutting off hs Head, or from the paffions of hi ^t Heart by pulling it out of his Body. Some Difeafe * may warrant roe to cut off ray finger; bat none wi! p warrant me to cut offmy Hrai , or to pull out m\$ Heart. Some fay the Intellect fo participated of Jn-k tlination, and is fo near kin to the Witt, that We majL properly fay, IntelleBuj vultvtrum ; and that th<L Will hath fo much participation of Intelligence thatt we may well fay,that Volant as inttlligithonHtn ; wbc-h rher that be fo or nor, I am Aire that it is no humane! Body that hath not both Heart and Brainy nor a hu- \ inane foul that wants either Will or lnulktt. The Priefts fat with the Civil Judges in Mofes time, and had Judicial Power, much further then we now de-lire. The Minifters fat with the Magistrates in Eng~ land before the dayes of milium the C^qatroy. If any would exempt the Miniltry from being under the civil Governours Jurifdidion, or would pnt into their hand the civil Power, or Sword, even any degree of u proper coercive forcing Power, I would Petition with thefirfl againftit; But if any Parliament would have fome chofen Minifters fit in both Houfes without any Votes or Power at all, but only a Liberty to fpeak when the caufe of Religion and Confidence is on the Stage; or if they would have ifacra *fit with Judges on th^Bench, and Juftices at their Sellions, without any power, only with a Liberty of fpeaking to a cafe of Confcience,ai I would never Petition for it, fo I would not think thsu £om« raonwcaltfi the leff Wife, or Pious, or Happy, or hte

that

To this Tbeocraticdl Temper >&c. 2 71

lat did admit ir. Bat we are all for excreams. Same

* oft have a Pope to carry both fwords, and trample l \ pon Kings and Common-wealthy or at leaft they > luft have Lord Bifhops to fet and Vote among the

* ords: And others rauft think them unworthy to ( >eakintheCaufeof Cbrift, which fometime is toft ^p and down by men that little nndeiftand it-, and

>me think them not worthy to ftand in their pre-:ncc, but make them arthc fcum and fcorn ©f man-Lnd : And what have they but their holy Relation »Chriftandbisfervice, to make them lb contem-tiblc ? They arc of the fame Nation, blood and pa-ntage as other men : For their'lives, though they re imperfect, if any one relation and rank of men be lore upright and blamclefs and holy, let as be bani-led or dicthedcatb* For their fludies, unlefs it be Nvioc things that make men fools, or much learning nd fiudie that make them lefs wife then other men, nd unlefs the way towifdom be to lay afleep our Leafon, and caft off ftudy r or at lead to ftudy no-ling higher then the Moon, undoubtedly they have tie advantage by far of any one rank of men. If Di-inity be True and Good, then certainly the Students fit are likely to be the wifeft and the beft qF men i or the cbjed ennobleth, and the employment per-:&eth the facultie?. Kings themfclves were commanded by God of old, ftudy Divinity continually, and fa were other Commanders, yeaandall. Dott. 17.18,19,20.7*;5. .8, 7>™*.i 1.19,20 &6.<J,7 > 8.-P/i/w.i.2,3.Ific ebafe the Teachers, it cannot honour Princes nor ny of the Learners. The Nation therefore that vilifietb and defpifetb

the

2 7 * Bew a Common* wealth may be reduced

thcMiniftry, defpifeth Chrift. And tbe Magiftrat that grow jealous of their intereit, and fei againft work that Chrift hath fee them to do,do but pluck oi their own eycs,and deftroy therafclves,and unchrifb their Coramon-weath. Magiftrates and MinifteM^ therefore muft joyn together in the work of God k yet fo that we will not meddle at all with their work fo much lefs defire their Riches and honour : Let thei td take the Pomp, and Rule, and wealth of the world w We defire thera fo much fplendor as may countenance them in their work. For our felves, we would bavj^ nothing but leave to labour, and tbe Devil chained u t from hindering mem falvation, as far as by the Magi t ftratecan be procured. k

r

\

Thef. 2 3 5. To free the M^gifirate from alljealoujii of our ufurpations, and to further us in our "toork^ by at holy Concord, Let every Parijh have one or wore Cenfors cr Civil Officers ^enabled to thefe following works. I. Tt keep peace in the Congregations, if any make diflurbance^ cr if any by force intrude to the Sacrament (for the Pa-* [lor j or peeple have no power of violence.) 2. Topjn with the Mtnijier and Church-War dent in dijpofwg of Seats in the Church, to avoid Contentions. 3. To meet once a moneth with the Church-Officers (or others) to hear the Caufes that are brought before them: Where , I. He -may force thofe to appear as Atagiftrate, (when he feescaufe) whom we can butintreat. 2. And he may (whin he fees caufe) have power to adminijfer an oath. 3. And his Tower and Vote concurring or differing, t&kj determine how far the Magiftrate ftallfecond them; Andalfo, ^.Thttmnebe taken to be dhfranchifed for

crimes,

times, by any excommunication, without the Cenforj ' d vvittion and confent (as we/did before.)

■:< In every Corparation that hath a Maior or Bay'iff, to d other Juft ces, lee them alfo be the Cenfon. And xi fmallCountrey Parifhcs where no Juftice of Peace i ideth, let the fufficienteft perfon or psrfons be ena-eicd by the Magiftrateto this Office; And let him Wive no further Power, If the Church may prc-toMind theficteft perfons, and the Rulers accept or nje&themas they fee caufe> and fo authorize foch q they accept, it may fully fatisfie deir intereft. If gjey refufethif, we au well content thit they chcofc em as they fee meet. This will further the Mini-y, and flop the Eraftians mouthes, and take away ic jealoufits that are ufually by Magiftrates kept (p againft the Paftors: Their Cenfors (hall be pre-i.nr t and fee whether we meddle with State matters, r go beydnd our line. But ftill let this introduce no >nfufion of the Offices by the conjunction. Let the Churches ads be valid co meer Church refpe&s (as kbiolacionor Excommunication ) whether theCen-»rs (hall confent or not: but let them be of no in-uence upon Civil Rights, if he confent nor. As lagiftrates are Civil Rdfers of Paftors and Churches ndmuft help them with their power agiinfl: oMk-ate untraftablc ones $ fo there is no reafon that we hould defire them to be meerly the Executioners of »ur Sentence •, but they muft take cogntzince of the aufc, and Judge where they mult execute : If bercfore their Officers be with us, and hive notice >( the whole proceeding, they may be fatisfied how ar tQownoura&s.

T Thef.

Thcf* 236. Theugh Magiflrates cannot force wen to JBelieve,Love God y andfo to befaved,yet thty muft force them tofubmitto holy Dottrine, and learn the Word of God, and to walk^orderly and quietly in that condition, till they are brought to a voluntary perfenal profejfim of Chriftianity, and fubjeSlion to Chrift and hu holy Ordinance ; andfo being voluntarily Baptized, (if they are new converted Heathens, that never were before bapti m zed) or Confirmed (if they were baptized before) they may live in holy Communion with the Church.

t

If Magiflrates force not,orMiniftcrscaufe not the grofly ignorant to bear and learn, and fubmit to Conference, or Catechizing^nd fach neceflfary means oflnftru&ion till they arc confirmed, or by the Approbation of the Paftors admitted into the Communion of the Church with the adu.t^heir Infay Baprifm will but let in corruption and confufion into the Churcbci,while men arc commonly taken for mem-ben of tt,that know not what Christianity is,or live in the open violation of their Baptifmal Covenant. Mi-nifters therefore (hould be by Law retrained from admitting the uncatechized antf unconfirmed to Communion.

Thef. 237. 2. The Vnityalfo of the Church is very needful to thefafety and peace of the Common-wealth % that Parties be not hatched and animated againfi each other, who will be difturbing the Common peace to promote their ends.

Two extreams are here to be avoided. The firft of them, chat will give Liberty or Forbearance to none

but

To this Thtocrattctl Temftr, &c. 27 5

bat tbofeof one Opinion or way, in points where difference is tolerable. And while they think by this to fecare Unity and Peace, they moft effe&ualiy deftroy them both : while they put a necefiity on many good end fober men, tofufferthc execution of their pe-nattie^ JMid then movexorapaflion in others to the fuffcreri, and provoke many to hazard att for their impunity. The other extream is theirs that either pnrpofciy cherifh diviiions ro weaken the people, that titty themfehrcs may hold the ballance,and make advantage of their diffcntion«, or at leafldocarelef-ly permit intolerable Herefie, infidelity or impiety to be propagated or praftifed wuhout due reftrainr. And thefe Rulers will find in the iflue, that obeying God, and looking tobislntereft, and the common good in g-eateft things, was their greareft duty, and would have moft conduced to their own fecurity: and that when ihefe Fa&ions h ive a while contended with each other, fomecfrthem will fall on the Magiftrate himfelf, and however he behave himfelf,he (hall never be without foroe perilous enemies. A broken,divided, contending people will never be long true to him, nor ftrong enough to defend him: but their ftrength is tnoft exercifed in winceing at each other, till perhaps they have unhorft the rider.

Thef. 238. The means which the Magiflrate mnft fife for the Churches unique thefe. 1. He muff neither h\m[elfimpofe y nor fnfftr the Pajtors to impofe any uncertain or umeceffarj points of doftrint, difcipiine or TPorJhip , at neceffarj to the Vnion or Communion of Churches j tut reftore the primitive (implicit], hj taking tbi Holy Scriptures in general M thifuffichni Rul? T % uHd

1^6 How a Common-wedth may be reduced

and Law of faith and w or/hip, a^d the ant lent Creeds of. the Church in particular y as the univerfal Sjmbole : or if any more copious be drawn up, let it meddle with ni Controverfies that may be forlorn, and let it be as much *s may be in Scripture words.

Neceflfary points rouft be held as necefTary y and unneceff >ry things muft not be made neceffary. This is the g^eat Engine that hath torn the Churches and battered their Peace. If men Zealous for opinions cry out againft errours, and for fecurity of the Orthodox profciSon, let them have leave to be as Orthodox as they will, and to do as much againft errour as they can : but let them nol be the common Judges of Truth, nor have every thing done that fanfic or fury (hall think nccefDry to fecure the Truth. The Scripture is acknowledged to be certainly true by us all • and therefore none will fcruplethe fubferibing it; but fo are not the doubtful colk&ions of all that think their opinions rauft needs be Articles of their neighbours Creed. He is Orthodox that holds but fo much Truth as is contained in the Scripture. He that believeth explicitly % and obeyeth but fo much as is there delivered in plain expreliions, is fit to be a M?nifter,and to have Communion with the Churches. He that lubfcribech to the Truths which are plainly exprefled in Scripture ? and yet perverteth them by Herelie, or underftandeth them not through igno ranee, may as eafily pervert or not underftandthe fame truths plainly delivered by men. Let therefore the holy Scripture be the National Confe/fion and Religion; and let the antient Creeds be exprcfly pro-

feffed

To this ibeccratcd Temper, &c. 277 fcfod by all that are Baprzcd, or admitted to Church Communion. And if any fpecial occafion make more feemneceffary, wh'chmuft beinrpofed, let that more be no wore bat a Confeffion expnfFedin Scriprure-phrafe, atleaftin every controvertible point wheh godly men do differ about. Let men enlarge their voluntary Confeffions, andfparenot^ bat rotirepcie them, nor make them the bailance of their Communion.

If any fay that [7* u met that Fzftors explicitly Hnderfiand mere then the antient Creeds jhotigh no more may be ofnecejfit] to everj member:ard therefore a more Urge Confeffion u to be fubferibed or owned , feting by fubferibing to the Scriptures , he frefejfeth but an Implicit belief as to the particular truths .[]

I aniwer, 1. I can as truly and wifely fay that by fubferibing to the National Confeffion he profeffech but an Implicit belief of the particular truths therein contained. They are as plain and as wellexpreft in the Scripiure as in theCcnfeffior. And therefore the fubferibing of one is ssgood a proof of an Explicit belief, as of the other. 2. You know that fubferibing to your Conftffion proveth not that men under-ftand ir. And therefore you take another courfe to try the found underftanding of •the Preacher r It is fuppofed that he is a known tryed man, and that the Examiners have queftioned hra in order to difcover his underftanding, befides what his preaching muft difcover. And cannot the Examiners as well try him by a Qneftion about fomc Scripture Text, as by a Queftion about an Article of a Confeffion that no more plainly cootaineth the fame trurh? 3-Andthrn if he comradift the nee* ffiry Scripture- truchs t which

T3 he

he doth confefi •, Church-Difciphne an J the MigN iVate, according to the quality of the Errour and eff nce,muH rcftrain him^ which they may as well do if the Scripture only be the Rule, as if it be a Con-fe/fion.

Thef. 239. 2. It is necefary both to the purity and p ace of the Churches, tha f the publifbingor propagating of the Certain intolerable Err ours be reflrained^ fatJtfa the Magiftratc and the Chnrches : and alfo the frafticeof lui.U Er r our t th M a\e practicable.

A< Lb^rry in things where Lberty may be grant-cd,is ncafl\ryX0i:h€ Churchei peace ; fo is reftrainc in (hinge intolerable. ! t is not Liberty of Confidence *ha?I fprakof, but Liberty of tongue and p afticc. Mens coiikiences are not under the infpeftion or cogn zacice of the Magiftrate. He that will be an Inrtdcl,rr uit bnve liberty of confidence to damn him-telf, and then to torment h'.mfelf whether the Ma-giftrace will or no : But if he have liberty to infeft and feduc* other*, the Magiftrate (hall anfwer for it. If any Libertine here incerpofe, and ask me, Tiy what Law a MagiftrAte fly all meddle in matter 1 of Religion to reftrain men againfi their conferences * I (hall fully anfwer him eife where, if God will, in a more feafona-bit Difcoarfe on thatSubjed.

Thef. 240. 3. It is necefarj to the Churches Peace, fhat no prvate Congregations be gathered, or Anti-chit re he erected by any but fuch as have an Approbation 0 Toleration fur it from the Magifkrate : foppofitg flik fhAt {nek private Ajfemblies are A/lowed of courfe

as

Ti this Thcocratical Temftr, &c. 279

* as are kept bj the ApprobationofApproved Minifters, in adnefubordinatitnto the Chnrdh-Ajfemblies.

Let Approved or Tolerated Minifters (that have an Inftrument of Approbation or Toleration) have leave to allow of private meeting*, fubordinate to the publike, fo tbey be well regulated by Laws. Bue ifunliraitedlyprivateAffeDblies'be permitted, then 1. It is in vain to limit Toleration ^ for all will be Tolerated. 2. And then it will be impoffible to rc-ftrain Herefie, Infidelity or impiety. 3, Yea they may meet to plot againft the Migiftratc, and who can difcover or hinder them ? To force them to keep open their doors is fome Remedy , but a poor one: for the) c*n do it at fucb times as none will trouble them. What honed man will be with them on the Lords Day at the time of publike Worftiip, or in the night unfeafonably ? &c. % And they can tell when any more then their own company ire there. Matters of Families muftbe encouraged in their Family- worfhip, andhoneft Neighbours in helping each other in holy Exercifes in their proper places. But no Aflemblies (hould be Allowed by the Magistrate, but what an Approved or a Tolerated Paftor will Over-fee and take care of, and in fdme fort be ac* countable for, as under his charge.

Thef. 241. 4. It unecejfarj to the Churches Peaa, that no Paftor* or Chriftians hi fuffered in Print or Speech to rail at one another, and nfc contentions opprobrious fpteches : but that the Magiftrate moderate them in their Difputis , and that the Tolerated Churches b$ not fujfered U caft [corn ufen the Approved T 4 Churches,

*8o Hw 4 Centmefl'ipealth may be reduced

Choreics , nor to be over-bufte or fublike in drawing away others to ihiir mind, fuppofivg them to have leuve to Vvorjlip God thtmfelves in their Tolerated ' ***?, and modeftlj to defend themfelves under the Magistrates moderations

If other men for foul words fha!l be bound to the good , behaviour , and fcolding Women fhall b put in the gamble ftool: there is no reafon that the people (hail have leave to rail and fcold on pre-tence of their Opinions in Religion.

2. In p^bike Deputes the Magiftrate Should be Moderacor in point of peaceable modeft carriage. And theiefore hcfhould be prefent in Synods ufuaily to keep peace. No Synods have been fo peaceably managed fincc the Magiftrate withdrew from them, as they were before when he bore fway.

3. It is fuppofed that t*ie Magiftrate judgeth the Tolerated Churches to be erroneons , though he judge them tolerable-, and therefore it is not fit that he give them leave to draw peep'e to their way by bufie publike importunity, which may both corrupt and difquiet the Churches^ nor to pour cur contempt and icorn upon the Approved M»ni(Urs or Churches. But 1. They may have leave in their own Aflcm-liies foberly and raodeftly to plead their own caufe. 2. Andalfo to defend it modeftly in print, if it be fcffiuhed. 3. Andalfo to give to the Magistrate or others an account of cheir faicb and vorfbip when they arejufllytalltd to it. 4. A;d;'fj to manage pub'ikt D.fputcs when the Mafciftrace fhail'Liccnfe tfcein.

Thcf.

To ihis Theocraticd Temper, &c. 281

Thef. 242. 5. The Magiflrate in crder to the Churches feace muft moderate Contriver [us, efpecially as managed by Writings and Dilutes : and when he [eeth that thej are not «, ed to Edtfi:ati n 4 but to Divi-fion y and that they cannot be further /offered without the great danger of the Church % ht mufl either com m m*nd them filence , cr prefcribt them necejfarj hands,

• The Servants oftbe Lord mufl: not ftrive : and therefore Logomachies and perverfe difputings that gender ftrife, and qnerch Charity , efpeciaHy when they kindle a pubiick flame, are not to be permic-ted : Magiftrares muft not here nnnecejfarilj inter-pofe : but when it is nectffory, they muft ufe their Authority, efprciatly in over-feeing the prefs, and retraining piffionate intemperate men.

Thef. 243. 6. Frate'' nal Affociationsof Churches and Affzmblicj of their Officers andMeffengers muft be enaurjged, in order to the needful correfpondencj and communion of the Gharchrt •, and thai Gods work^ may be carried on in concord 3 the (fenfor or other M gifirate being prefent y when heftcth it meet to rejirain them from usurpations, and contentions.

I fpeak not of Aflbciations of parties to bandy againft each other, nor of Synods dire&ly and properly for Government of the particular Paftors ; for this is controverted among wife men , whether ihey have .uch a Power. Bat as Scripiure and Nature require Vnity anu Communion of^Churches, and

corictrd

concord in Qods Work> , fo do ibev require the meanr tbat Nature it felf makech neceffary to thefie ends But of this elfwhere.

Dividers therefore that refufe Communion wittf* the Approved Churches, fhould have lefs of the Ma giRrates Countenance ; and the Unanimous , charitably peaceable men, that are Lovers of concord and brotherly communion , (hould from the Magiftrace bare fome fpecial countenance and encouragement.

cr

Thef. 244. 7. The Magiftrate mstft net commit any of his }roper coercive power into the Paflors bands, nor trnft them "frith hu Sypordjitbcr to depofe each other v er any way Govern each other by force : But the rejecting others from their communion, and perfrpading men to avoid them y u all that the bigheft pretenders can call an Ecclejiaflical farifdiffion over thnr Brethren , in which alfo tb'ej are to be moderated by the Magifirati for peace.

It would long ago have quieted the.Churches, if the Magiftrates had kept their Power to themfelves" and alfo had not made themfelves the Prelates Executioners. If the Pope bad not got the Sword into his hand, nor into the hands of bis Prelate*, and Magiftrates made not themfelves bis LiSors, he could not fo much difturb the peace. If bis Excommunications were not feconded by violence, and he could not meddle with mens bodies or eftate*, he would be at laft aweary of thundering againft them that care not for ir. And no Prelate bach any face of a Title to a forcing Power: who made them Magiftrates ! Whit (hey can do, rauft be by the Word uponehc

Conference •

"pnfcience-, byfpiritual, and not by carnal Weapons. And for a Magiflrate to punifh or dcftroy a nan to nomine, bccaufc he is excommunicate, before ,j »c knows whether it be juft or unjuft, is but to make limfelf the Prelates Hangman, and renounce his Rea-bn with his Authority, and to do he knows noc vbac or why , at the command of another •, who fee cannot lave him from the wrath of God if he >rove a perforator. As fcolds in the ftreet endanger not the Peace of the Land, becaofe they are un-irmed , and go to it but witlPTongues % or Nails and Fifts: foif Divines be kept unarmed , and have no power to perfecute one another , they will at laft be weary of contending, and when the fray is over, :hcy will be as they were : Or if they paffionately excommunicate each other, experience will convince them of their folly , and drive them to return to Unity, when they have felt awhile that they are but weakened by it, and hindred in their work, and made the contempt and fcorn of tbeir enemies. Bat if a Prelate, or a Synod , or any of them have power to difplaceandcaftout, or fine, orimprifon, orbanifh others when they are angry with them, there will be no peace.

Be awakened then, ye Cbriftian Magiftrates, to keep your Sword in your own band, and ufe it for God, according to bis Law, difcerncd by your own tanderftandings (though taught by Miniftcrs) and put an end to the quarrels of Popes, and Prelates, and Councils, that are partly contending for jour power to be in them • and partly difturbing and deftroying our peace by jour Sword which they have got into their hands, or at their Commands.

So

So much for the Rules by tvbich a Common-wealt may be made a Theocr; fie, or truly Divine, and tt Kingdom of Chrift ma v come among a*, and his Wi be done co the Glory of God and happinefs of th people: Whicb I have,though not who!ly,yet chief!' fitted totbisCommon-weaKb,outof a defire of ii feliory.

, BlciTcd are the people that are in fucb a cafe, yc bleffcd argthey cbac have the Lord for their King am God. Grant us but rh^fe Snbftantiais, and fecure til thefe great ?hir,gs which our happinefs confifteth in and wr w II not contend cither for or againft fuel jingles as Mr. Harrington and others do by fo great j ftieisupon. Monarchy, Ariftocraty, cr Democrat} wiil fecure us ( tfa ugb a oiixt Government^ limi;ec M- narchy we judge beft ; and Democracy worft, it mod: places •,) fo we may befecurcdintbemain. Lei us pray, and in our places peaceably endeavour, thai we may fretheday when the ?rest Voice in Heaven (hall fav\ [ T H E KINGDOMS OF THIS WORLD ARE BECOME the Kingdoms OF OUR LORD, AND OF HIS CHRIST] £$.11**5,

And thai if alUhefe GhriSian Common-wealths were bat by Affociackui conjoyned for :acir n.utual defence, rind promoting che Intercft of their common King, f he earth would be in its neareft refemblance cf Heaven.

Chap* 10.

C H A Pi 10.

)f the Soveraigns Power over the Paftors of the Church, and of the difference of their Offices.

Thcf. 245. HP H E office of Magiftrates and Ml-JL nijiers (or Pajlors of the Church) are

Ictafpecie *£/?/*£?. There are common anions that either of them may do: but chcy are diftin&ly obliged and authorized to fpecial works, which arc therefore proper to their feveral Offices : and forbidden to ufurp each others office. Vzziah the King was irnictcn with leprotic for medling with the works of Priefts.

Thef.246. The Civil potter is EffentialU afi**-mon-wealth ( or Civil 'Polity ) and the Paftors only ne-ceffarj to its well-being ; and the Payors are effentialto the £hurcb ( as a Political Society ) and the CMagi-ftrate necejfary but to its well-being.

A Chnrch may poffibly be without a Magiftratej but not well: And a Common-wealth may poffibly be without the Paftors of the Church or other Minifters of thrift h but not well.

Thef. 247. Magiflracy and Minifkrj are each of th:m Immediritelj and co-ordinately from Chrift, a*d

neither

a86 of the Sovereigns Power over

neither cf them from each other. Though re(peStivti one may be under the other in txtrcife , & the Objeli l the Agent, jet neither of them flow efentiafl/ from tk other, as the ejfeft from its proper caufe.

Magiftrates arc not the Indicators of the Miniftry They fee rhera not up, nor can take them down Chrift hath not put the Minifterial Power into the Magiftrates hands as a conveying Caufe, that they might give it Minifters. Nor do Miniftersgive the Prince his Power, though they have been ufed oft to Crown them. They are twitted together, and joyned as the Soul and Body, or rather as the Brain and Heart, the Intellect and Will, as I faid before : bui one is not the others root.

Thef. 248. Eecaufe the Power that is One and Per-fed in Chrifi^ who U perfeEllj capable of it , cannot in the derived meafure, be all received and exercifedby one man ; therefore he hath divided it, giving part to Aia-giftrate % and part to the Paftors, to be refpeftively exer-cifed under him '."

It is a great Queftion with many, Whether the fame man may be a Magiftrate and a Mioifter ? and a greater, Whether one man may be a Soveraign or the higbeft in both Powers in a Nation ? And yet a greater, Whether one man may be the Spiritual and Temporal Head of the whole world ?

1. ThePapifts commonly think, and fo did our Prelates, that inferiour Magistracy may be ordinarily held by a Bifhop, and a Biflioprick by a Magi-Urate. Ncceflity I doubt not may make it lawful, to

which

The Pdflors efthe Church, &c. 2 87 rfhch all Laws of meer Order do very much fubmir. J f there were no man capable of the Miniftry there ^ ut the Magiftrate, or no man capable of the Magi* ™ :racie bat the Minifter, no doubt but they might rc-eive the refpc&ive Offices con jun&Iy , rather then he Church or Common-wealth fhould be ruined, or / eceive any hazardous detriment. This I ftand not to Srotc, as fuppofing the Evidence obvious to the _tcader. But without fucb neceflity, it feeros to me hey may not be conjoyecd. Por 1. Chrift hath plain-y feparared them. 2, Yea and forbid temporal Rule obtsMinifters. 3. And he hath prefcribed to Magi-Irate and Miniftcrfo much work as will take up the vhole man and time. 4. And he hath forbidden Mk-lifters to entangle tbemfelves with the affairs of this iky 2 Tim. z. 4. And 5. the an tier, t Church univer-ally was of this mind, as is well known, not only by "an. Apoftol. 6.81,8 3. bat by the Council of Calce-ion^Cam. 3.^7. and divers others. Sjmfttt* Epift. ?o*t. Andronicum,& Athtnaf. ad vitam folitar. *gtn-es, write exprefly againft it, and fay chat God hatb "eparated the Offices, and that its not lawful for Bi-[hops to play the Magiftratr, nor for Magiftratcs to play the Bifhop. Cyril of Alexandria is branded by Socrates with a black Mark, as being the fir ft Bifhop there that did ufurp a cc crcive power. What Pope GtUfius faith againft it, you may read in Grotim ii limperiofum. Pol. p. 37.He that will do one of the works faithfully, I warrant him will have no mind CO have another Office toanfwer for,unlets neceffity re* quire it, which is nothing to the ordinary cafe.

2. For the fecond Qgeftion ,1 deny the fubjefi of it on one part; There is not to be a S0veraign Paftor

f

2o5 Of the Sovereigns T$mr over

in a Nation, as there is a Soveraigo Prince* If there were, and oie man could manage both, I confefi Rcafon would fay much for the great convenience that both (houldbeinonehand. But we rauft nor ufe our Reafon to tell Chrift what he fhould have „ inftitwed, bui to find out what he hath infti-euted.

3. And for the third , there is no need of Argument ( but where pride and fafiion makes men mad) to prove that no meer man is capable of an univcrfal Epifcopacy, or an univerfal Mo« tiarchy ^ much left of both; which yen the flat terers of the Pope would give him. If Pope Gre forj (o abhorred the name of univerfal Patriarck J, in John of Cenjiantinople ^ how are they to be thought of that not only ufurp both Name and Office, but alfo make it Effential to the Catholick Church, and oeceffarily to be believed to falvation? O horrid pride and faftion ! faith Gregory , Epift. Jon. Conftanc. c. 82. p. 208. QTuquidChrifto, Univerfalis fcilicct Ecclefisecapiti, in extremi judicii esdifturm examine qui cunda ejus membra tibimct conaris Univerfalis appellationefupponere? Qmsrogoin hoc tarn per verfo voc?balo , nifi ille ad imitandum proponitur qui defpeftus Angelorum legionibus fecum focialitet conftitutis, ad oilmen conatus eft (ingularitatis erum pere,ut& nullibi tubeffe, &folus omnibus praecflc videretur?! Hemeancth T the Devil. ] And doth not the Pope now do the fame, and much more ? What need we any other teltimony to prove the no velty of Popery ? And how Will the Pope any better anfwer it to Cbrift the true Univerfal Head, then the Bifhop of CwftantinoyU could do ?

But

Jut I have faid more to thefe men in due ptece-

Tbcf 249. JIUgiftratis and Pajlors lowing diffc-tnt kjnds of Power, muft txircife their ftvertl Powers « one another : So that the Magiftrate u the Paftcrt Inlerbj the {word, and the Pafior u the AJJgiJlrates *aftor and Ruler bj the Wrd.

This Is tinqueftioned among all fober Chriftians:

ave that the Papifls put in fome excepions for cbe

xereption of their Clergy. There is no prudent Chri-

Han Magiftratc that dare or wilfdeny, tbit Paftors

M Authoritatively excrcife their Office towards him % as

• veil as towards other ^po. To exempt them from the

1 } a!loral Power, if hot to except them from their care

jind charge, and fo from the benefits of iheir wcrk:

&hich is no greater a favour then to be exempted

rom all other helps from God by ram : Was it Altx-

mders fervitudc to be taught by *Ariflotle ? Would

iot that flittercr be kickt oat of doors by a Prince %

hat fnould perfwade him not to Obey his Phyfitiana

br his bodily health and life, as if it were a debafc-

nentof hisMsjefty? Or that ftiou Id perfwade him

iot to let his Son be Guided by School-maftcrs and

Turors ?

The Government of Paftors is much like a Phyfiti-ins Government of his Patients, cfpecially in Hofpi-tals, or Cities where Phyfitians know their charge: Though a man be authorized by the Prince to be a Phyfitiao, it is but unto voluntary Patients: every rtian may choofe whether he will take thtir medicines or not. If the greateft Prince or the pooreft totn account it hi* Liberty, tQ die or be (ick i rather ibenfo

w mm

fubmittorheRulcof aPhyfi:ian,thcy may ufcthat Liberty. If theyrcfufc to obey tbePbyfitian, bis Puniihmcnt is to deny tbero his help, and Itt cbera take their courfe. If God have inrrufted Paftors as bit Officers, with a pardon to be by tbem de'ivcrcd to the Penitent, and fealed by Bapcifm or the Lords Supper, or publifhed by Abfoluiionfrom parcicular fins, itimotin the power of any Prince here to inter pofc and force the Paftors to deliver this pardon or thefcalstowbom he plcafe-, or to the Impenitent, contrary to the will of Chrii^. Wetnuft be faithful difpenfers of the MefTagcs, Pardon, Seals, and all Ordinances committed to our truft. Nor will I * t the command of a Prince* be cbi^ftor of a Church that will have Church* privilcdges, and rcfufe Church-Difcp'ine. If the Prince himfelf will have me to be bisPhjfitian, and yet wilt Role himfelf, and refute my direftioni, and command me t * gve him my Medicine that he may take It how and when he lift himfelf, Iwilldifobcyhim, (if the Medicine mifufedbe dangerous) left I fendbim poyfon inftead o; Phy. fick • tbat may be poyfon in bis ungoverned ;vay,thit may be health in mine. And as long as he is free, whether be will ofc me as bis Pby (man or not, it is no injury to his Dignity, tbat I require him to fubmit to my dircdion, upon the penalty of being without my help. I need not tell you of Amhrofe his ufagc of TheodofiHsfit Chrjfoftoms freedom with Eadoxi*,tnd his rtfolution rather tolofcbis hand, then girc the Sacrament to the proud contemners of God and dif* fciplinc : the nature of the office may fatisfie any • he that hath faid £ A man that u an Heretick, after the firfi andfecond admonimn rcjettl and \jHS awajfrom

among

The Ptftors of the Churchy &c. a^i

amingjonthAi wicked perfon\ and [with Cuch^no not to eat] hath not fa^d , [except the Af*vifir*tecom-m And J on otherwijc ] or [except he be a MagijlrAte.] Thoagh accidentally (as 1 (hail (hew anon J he may be excepted.

^Tbef. 250. The nature of P after aI Governntent^whether over Alsg'fir ttesor the meweft men, is n§t lm-peridl, Afsgifterial, Coercive by any force on body or fftate,bu: like thifof a Tutor over his P*fi'j, or a Phy-fitian over his Patients , but that it u of a tnoreefpeciAl lnftitution of Chrift, and exercifed by hU Commiffitn , and in his nance.

The Minifier indeed may Command, but only ai an Ecnbaffador of Chrift in his name; and not by a proper Imp^ra! power. We may Command a wicked man to Rf pert in the name of Chrift5 but cannot touch his Body or Eftatc if be difobey • bat by the fame power bind him over to anfwer it at the Bar of Chrift. The Paftoral Power is bat that of Preaching and Applying the word of God , and adminiilring his holy Worihip. His jurifdi&ion is no other buc fhii managing of the Keyesof the Kingdom of heaven. Excommunication and Abfciution are bat the Application of ibe Law of Chrift to the perfona and cafes before as. Bat yctaMtffigc from the Eternal God bath fo much authority on the well-informed foal, that it can prevail without a rod or fword. W* defire not to meddlt with the (word or violence ; but defil e the Magifirate to vindicate his power from all invaders, not only for his honour, but for the Churches Peace*

1 hcf.25 I. The Magiftrate hath fetter over the per* fonof the'Pafter, btttvo over his *$cc;an]l the Pa.-ftorhath a fpiritual minifterial Authority even over Magiftrates, but not over their office : that is, they can make no alteration in it, nor do anj thing atrainftit.

It is God that hath Infticured both che Offices,and therefore neither of them can change his Infticueions^ not wrong che Office of each other, by any depravation.

Thef. 252. The fiveral Powers of Magiflrates and JMtinifttrs toward the ferfons if eaeh other are limited y and net: h?r tfthem are left to their abfoist: e wills.

ItisnotenooghforaMinifler to fay , The Ke^es of the Kingdom of Heaven are committed ro me, and therefore I may ufe them as I pleafe : For be that did commie them to him, did alfo leave him a Law to ufe them by. And fo if with the Magiflrate.

Thef. 2S3- A faithful Miniftet mtsft be no flatterer, hue re f rove a Prince as clofelj as another man : yetfo that he be Jefficient ly tender efhis honour,which U neceffary to the ends ef Magiftracj.

1. How plainly by Gods own Command the Pro* phets dealt wirb Princes of old,and the Apoftles with all men, and the ancient boly Bifhops with the great-eft, is a thing fo well known at needs no proof. If Princes (ins be greateft, and their fouls as precious as other mens, t«d theic (ins as dangerous to them-

fclves,

The Paflors of the Church, &c. 29 J

felves, and much more to the Commonwr alth then others, there is then great reafon why they fhoold be as ciofcly and faithfully dealt with. And he that meets with the reward of a Zechdriah or fohn Bap-tift, is as true a Martyr, and may as comfortably give up his foul to Chrift, is be that dyeth in defence of an Article of Faith,

2. But the Honour of Magiftrates moft be tenderly regarded by the Reprover • and therefore bis Reproof (hould be in fecrer, till raecr neceffity call it out into publike audience. No! out ef fear, or flattery : but i. The honour of God is much concerned in the Magiftrates honour, for bis Office-fake. If th:y fliouldnot tooharfhly uncover the naked* nefs of Minifters, no more fhould Minifters do theirs.

2. If the Magiftrate be once under difhonour, be will be lefs capable of fcrving God, and managing his calling for the Common good, becaufe of the contempt. It is therefore ncccflary to the Common good, that the Magiftrates honour be preferved. But if he openly offend, and own it, and openly pcrfc-cute the Reprover, and ieare bimfelf uncapable of more fecret Reproofs, he may be openly Reproved, fo it be with that fubroiftion and modefty that may fignihe that we Honour him as a Magiftrate,while we reprove him as an impenitent offender.

Thef. 254. whether it be in cafe ofHere fit or other crimes ; both Magiftrates an,I P afterj are ]sedges •, but differently % as to different ends : The Magiftrate ia fuige Viho id to be arpora/ij punified for Here fie or dnj crime, and this no Pafior muft ufurp : The Paflors dre fudges 'Direftive, who is to be excommuniedtedfor

Herejit dr ether crime /, or Abfolvcd upon Repentance : and tbv no Magijlrate may ufurp.

Icis therefore an infipid Qaeftion of the P^pifls and Libertines, who made t ha Mdgiftrate fudge of Herefie ? O r ^whojhll be fvdgi of Controverts in Religion! Por Judgement about the fame cafe if not ell of thefamckind : but is difunguiftud from the diffcrftExecutions u-hch arc the end* Thereisa Judgement about Cnporalpumfbixg, or not pmifhing ^ and thii belonged to that Power that pumftiing io bclongeth to : And there is a judgement { about Church communis* ani Priviledges ^ and this belongs io *bcm towhomk belongethto admit to, or exclude from that Communion and thefe Privticdges^ which i? not % Pope or diftant Metropolitan or Dio-cefenC, buttheprefent Payors of tbc Church, the People alio having a Judgement of difcretion, fo far as is ncceff.ry to their own pare in (he Execution, and no more.

Thef 255. Thmgha Magtfrattmay be an object capable of Excommunication ^ jet as it i* not rafhly to be done on the Urnft fo it rarely fals out that the So- ( *ver±ign may l.wfully be excomunicate ^ becanfe by Ac ciJent it becomes nnmtit.

Forinftance : ■ 1. It feldom if ever fals our, bat tbae an Excommunication of a Sovcraign will fo dif-houotirhiflt, astomake agiinft the Common-good, by making bim left capable of improving hi* Office. 2. A o r feldom us oac but .has it will provoke the M -tgiilr&ic 10 perfecuie not only a particular pcr-

fon, '

fon, but til the Church that (hunneth his Communion. 3. And it feidom fals out thac the Prince is a member of that particular Church that raoveththe doubt. 4. It iian hundred to one thac the Church may as fccurcly for their own Confidence*, filently withdraw themfel ves from the Comma nion of fuch a Prince, without any Publication of an Excommunication to bis difhonour. All this corifidercd, and withalltbat Affirmatives bind not ad femper; and that Pofitives give place to greater duties, and by weighty Accidents may be fufpendcd(as Chrift (hcw?s n the cafe of the Sabbath and eating che (hew bread) [ think it will follow, that feidom, if cver,doth it fall DUt, buc that by Accident, it will be unlawful foex-:omun!catc the Sovcraign, though Church-power Imply extend to him as well as others.

Thef. 256. If a Magiflrate of higher or lower ran\ be excommnniedte, he muftfor all that be Honoured and )bejed y *nd no man u -watt Anted thereby to contemn him.

Much lefs may men lay hinds on him, or difpoflefs Sim of his Dominions, as the Pope doth by Chrifti-in Princes, or allow the Sub je&s to rebcll,or to mur-:her him. Wonderful! that Princes will fo long endure that Power, that not only teachesh this, but hath fo often executed it.

Thef. 257. To deny Magiftrates to be the ObjeSii )f Pajfera] Power\ u but 10 deprive them of the Excellent mercies oftheGofreUnd Sacraments 9 and Church-communion , and order, and Absolution , &c« which *k ri fi hath committed me hie Mmftcri hands, and

U 4 which

vehicle Princes need as much At others, And have a fmtchriglpt to.

The Minifterial Power is bat an Obligation ao< Authority to adminifter thefe mercies in the name o C hrift: arid therefore the firft Queftion is, whetbei Alagijtrdtes have Right to the Bitflings ornti Ifthe] have nor, they are the mod miferablc: If they have they inuft be fo far uadcr the Power of him thaL; doth adminifter them, as the ends and application do;h require. As if the Turk fh Emprrour wen converted, and did believe in Cbrift, he had R'ght cc Baptifra for Remflion of fins: And therefore h mult befofar under the Mmiftcrs Power, as toty judged by him, whether he be indeed a Believer, anc fie for Baptism, or not. And fo for Commuri^n ir the Lords Supper, and Abfo«ution 3 and the reft.

Thcf. 25S MagiJJrates may not ufurp the PA^ora, office, nor do the work* that are proper te it.

Such are the Adminiflration of Sacraments and other publickWorfhip, and all contained in the Key* of the Kingicm of Heaven : The Example of SahI\ Vz>za, and many Scripture psflages are plain in this. [No man taketh this Honour to hitpfelF, but he chaz is called of God, as was isfaron] Hcb. 5.4. Yet Ma-giftratcsmuft worfhip God with their families and people •• they have opportunity. Though they are not [fepAratedto tie Qofpel^tnA have not a charge of b^ngtbe Teachers of a people, yet niuft they joyti In^rpdioo with their cqrrt&ions; and Judges on the genfb, and ptber MagiftraTci, may teach the people

the

he Laws of God. Cenftantine ufually made fucb )rarions as we call^Scrmoni. And that they may ray wich thcro, is as much paft doubt •, but ycc not

0 the Pallors pare.

Thcf. 259. Minifttrs as mil as other mtnmuftbt uhjttt to M'giftrates, and pay them Honour, obedience md tribute : and *re to be pttmfied bj them if thtj lifobej*.

When Will.BarcUy was pleading againft the Popes Supremacy over Princes in Temporals (which inde-pitc of ail the Sophifms of Bcllarminc he hath well Kriormed) cap. 3 3 p^.265. he begins with an £Am-pliusdicaro, & veritatcm, licet odium fonaflismihi pariturarc, &c. —Dcam ergo, & grandc vcrbutn >erloquar, cujus force auc nondutn meminit quif-juam, aur, fi meminit, faltem eos quos intereracid cire^ non ut debuit commonefceir: Gcricos fcilicct Dcr coiom orbcm, qtocarq- ordinc velgradti fiot, ion cflc adhuc ullo modo exemptos & libcratoi a potcftate temporali Pnncipum feculariam in quorum rcgnis ac regionibus vicam degunr, fed pcrindc ac cjeccricivcs ijs iubjedos eflc in omnibus quae ad po-icitarn & rcmporalera adrainiftrationem 8c jurifdi-dionem pertinent, inq-cos jus viraeaenccit, &c.

O fearful, doleful itate of the Papal Nations /

I when among them, yea even in France, the Power of

P/incesover the Clergy, and the duty of Paftors to

[ obey the Prince in fecular things was fo unknown, as

1 that fo wife a man rauft begin with a £ forte auc non-

dpm meminit auifquaraj

It is one of the intolerable ufurpations of the Pi-pal

>98 Of the Sever aign Power ever

pal Clergy, to plead an exemption for facb t cum * row potent party, from municipal Laws and Ma$ n ftrarcs Judgement: Though Chrift paid Tribute, at commanded Peter to do the like: and Peter and Pa hare given fuch exprefs commands to all the Cham without exception, yea to every foul, to be fubjed t the H»ghers Powers, to honour them,to pay them tr bate, &c yet all this is nothing to men that hai got the maftery of Gods Laws. Is it poffible tbi they that plead Antiquity and Tradition for thci Religion, can believe chat they have either of thee for this ? Were the ancient Bifhops exempt from th Judgement of the Magiftrates, though Heathens Or did ever tny of them plead for fuch exemption Nay, do they not with oneconfent profefs the con crary ? Doth not Scripture and til Antiquity fpeak & plain for the Magiftrates power over Bifhopsf that is thePaftors of the Churches) and for the Churchc fubjedion to Magiftratcs, as its poffiblc for words tc exprefs? And yet thefe Novelifts traiteroufly pra ttod exemption. Pcrfccudon by unrighteous Judgment indeed the ancient Chr iftians did deprecate and dtclaim againft: but never againft Magiftrates judg' ingof the Clergv. They did indeed condemn thofe Cbriftians that were fo worldly, uncharitable, and contentious, as to go to Law about perfonal in ju rics which Chrift bad commanded them to forgive, and about the trifle* of this world, when they all believed an everlaftim? glory: especially feeing they were Infidels that mail be their Judges, who were their common enemies and perfecutors I They made feveral Canons to rcftrain them from fuch uncharitable courfet, requiring them to avoid fuch inconveniences.

nccs, to refer the matter to ferae among them* cf. And fo the Bifhop became by their volnma-confent, inft e*d of the Magiftrale to them; bat w&t as well to the People as the Psftors of the rch: And when Magiftrates turned Christians, Churches kept their cuftom; and hence the Pa* 1 would plead exemption from the Laws. It is ft ill jirabic that thofe that lire in holy Communion, aid forbear Law fuits about perfonal matters, title a reference to fober pious Neighbours may* i:ide the difference, and prevent the uncharitable dcoftly consequents. But what ? Shall we hence ncludc that Chriftians are not fubjeft to the Ma-(rate? Yea, even to a Cbriftian Magiftrate that if clterand a Nurfing Fttber 10 us ? Muft every foul f #b}e£l 9 at d yet all the Papal Clergy be exempt ? th Bernard to them [Si omnis, & vefira : qui* voi ipit ab nwverfetate?] Saith Chryfefiom in Rom. 13. virjfiuly though an Apoflle, though an Evangetift, Hgh 4 Prophet^] How is the Soveragin Power' gheft, if the Pope, even about the corporal penal-1% oi the Clergy, be above him? Who knows not e ancient Chnftiam profefiion ? fach as that of irtuUUn ad Scap. [_CoHmus Imperatorem fie, quo-ado mbk licet e£ ipfi txpedit, ut hominem a Dei cundum 9 & ejnicquid eft h Deo confecutum, /Wis »f 9 minor em. Bee & ipfe volet , fie enim omnibus mar nft, dumfolo vtro Deo minor fjT) So Optatuiadv. arm. lib» 3. Super Imperatorem no* eft nifi folus Df f qui fecit Imperatorem.'] But of this there is fo much ruten by Bilfon, Chamier, Spdatenfis de Repub.Ec-r ef. S+rravia, and abundance more, chit all the apiftt iu khc world may fooccr multiply their guile

and

*nd finrae,with maintaining their treacherous crira then ever juftifie fo palpable in impiety. Mich. Qc daftus hath done good fervice to the Chircb & Cbr ftian Common-wealthi,in refcuing and delivering 1 fo many learned antient Treaties againft their ofui pation. And fmartly they arc 1afht for it by Sigclw tus y Avtntke, Benno,M4ttb.P4ru,M\A many ancief Chroniclers, bat not fo much as they defervc.

Only one thing I crave the Magiftratesof Englat to fee, that the maiked Pap fts are now pleading tt fame caafc by the Libertines, which where they han better opportunity they do in their own names. He COO blind that feeth not who is the Spirit and life of a our common Paradoxes, QThat the Magiftrate g< vcrncth os but as men, and not *s Chriftians: That fc bath nothing to do with matters of Religion: oc may punifh men for their conferences] that is, fc finning and defending it as juft. The meaning of it Originally and Finally, that all thefe things belon only to the Church, that if, to the Pope and Pr< latcf.

Thef. 260. Magiftratis muft not only Govern Mi nifters *u men, but as Minifters; nor CkriftUns only 4 men y but tit £brifti*ns, and as Chnrcbes ; nor only i fechUr affairs, but in the mutter of Gods worfiip.

As a Magiftrate doth not only Govern Phyfitiar as men, but asPhyfitians, with his kind of Govern ment; nor Academies and Colledges only as men, bo as Scbollars and Societies; nor Merchants only a men, but as Merchants- norSchool-maftcrsonlya men, but as School- matters : So do they alfo by Mi

niftcr

The Tajlors of the Churchy &c. 3 01 #

[ters and Chriftians. Ddvid, Solomon, Jehofofhat^ tz<kjah, fofiah, governed the Priefti as Priefti, and \ Ltvito as Lcvtres, and that in the matters of Gods )r(hip. When Conftannne fat in the Council of ice, did he not govern Bifhops as Bifhops? The nemay we fay of M*rtian t Tbcodofius, and other aperours.

Thcf, 2 6 1. Though Magi (Irate i cannot ufurp the Snifters office, nor anj fart of his froftr Vtorl^ yet \j thej funifh him for male-adminiftration,and in cafe tnfitntfj, caft him out from the Liberty of exerciftng office in their dominions.

For Magiftratcs are the guardians of the Church, imuftfeetothc execution of Gods Laws by ail lirSubjcSs in their places; And therefore Gods ws were firft given to the Prince and Prieft, and by a rothe people, as Ifjchius faith, in Ltvit. 15. j. 329. Rede Mojfi quidem & A*r*n loqumus , fed tradi filiis I [rail, id eft, omni populo, manda-m jubet: quia quscurquc per do&rinam divinam icet fanciuntur, feu fenbuntur, primum quidem ncipibus egenc populi, quia ipfis maxinre divina eft dita dodrina, &c. ] How could the Magiftrate Cuftos utriufc tabula , if he might not punifh all fub jefis thai violate them ? He that may punifh irent for negled of his own children, and a huf-)d for the neglcft or abnfe of his own wife, or a fter for wronging his fervants, nodotbt may pu-ti a Paftor for wronging his flock, and abufing the dinancesof God.

[f § Paftor preach falfc Dcftrine, the Magiftrate

cannot

*30x Of the Sovereigns Power over cannot therefore forbid him preaching, and yet-coi tinue him a Paftor ; and if hemifadrainifter Sacn ments or any holy Worfhip, the Magiftrate may n< forbid hira the adminiftrationof thofe Ordinance and yec allow him the reft of bis Office : and if 1 abufe his power about Church cenfures, be canm take Church-Government from him, and yet coi tinue him in the free exercife of other parts of tl Miniftryj for,thisisto abafcand alter the Office Nor is it neccfliry that the Magiftrate form him Law of his own by which to exercife his Miniftry But the Magiftrate muft firft rebuke thofe that mi carry, and then punilh them if they amend not, ar caft them out, in cafes that make them more hmrtfi then helpful to cbc Church. Yet in rhii cafting the 1 out % the Magiftrate doth not Degrade (hem- As I Ordaineth not Mmifters, fo neither doth be nullif their Ordination; but onlyf proh.biteth ihem to exe cife the Miniftry in his dominions: and this no qu ftion but he may do.

Objed. But Magiftrates are feldem compctt Judges efDtclrine and Adrniniflrations y as having a -will or time tofiuaj as divines have.

Anfw. i. It fhould be the principal pare of i their ftudies to know the Laws of Gcd/andther fore it is their own fault if they are ignorant. 2. W fill or negligent omiflions of aperfon, may not alio us to alter the Office. 3. It is fuppofed that Maj ftrates have the counfel of Divines in fuch matte? Though a Magiftrate be uncapable of Judging matters of Phyfick and Aftrology, yet may he G vern, and for their offences punfli Phyfitians ai Aftrologcrs, upon the counfel of fuch as better nnde ftand the matter. pbjed

Objed. BjthU means MdgifirMtes mil be ledt* wng judgement, *ni fo ferfecuti the Church-Anfw. 1. So you may fry of his Governing the ofefforsof any Arts or Sciences. 2. Whoever go-xneth may belyabletofuchinconfeniencei. That irt of the world tbac bath cfcaped the plague of bc-g blinded by fcififh intcrtft and partiality, do know at the Pope and Prelate* have feccn far more guilty j this mif- judging and perfection ; then Princes ivc been: and that Princes have been drawn into 00ft all their guile by Popes and Prelates ( fuppe-ng we fpeak of Chriftian Princes.) 3. We muft not r deprived of the bleffing of Government for fear f aba fc through humane frailties; No more then t muft be a gainft eating, and drinking, and apparel, 1 avoid gluttony, drunkennefs and pride. God bath Dmraanded Magistrates to do their duty ; They can-Dt fo far miftake as to become dangerous perfecators ftbe Church without fome grievous negligence or Milignity of their own • which if tbey are guilty of, ad will know no mean between Negligence and Per-vution, they (hall bear the blame and puniflimcnt om 6od.

If Paftors will caft off the work of Preaching, or e negligent in if, all grant that the Magiftrate may aoi(h them. And fo he may, if they caft off Difci-»line, and corrupt the Church by admitting and reaming the prophaneand fcandalous.* And fo may it punifh them that will exclude the faithful to the Ictrimcnt and bazzard of the Churches , or the ;reat injury of the perfons thcrofelvei. As if a Paflcr vill gather a Church in a Parifh, and exclude the jrcaicr pare of them that are meet to be received

and

30% uj we zoveratgns rower over

and defire ir, fubmitting to any rcafonable terms when perhaps no other Church is near for them cf joyn with. It is meet in this cafe that the Magiftratc allow them a Paftor that will Govern them according] to the Word of God, And fo in other cafes.

It is therefore an injurious clamour of them thai] fay, [If Pope and Prelates be laid by, Presbyters willb\ Uwlefsy *nd will be every man a Pope in his own Parifh and wh$/ballgovern them,or punifh them iftheycffenb?

Anfw. Is the Cfiriftiao Magiftrate no body wicf thefe men ? Are his Laws and.Government nothing i Who hath to do with corporal pugifhirg but he ? would we could once fee a Pope and Prelates that hac no other arms but fpirituah I doubt not but the work Would quickly find, bowiinle their Authority wil uphold their Kingdom, or maintain their Unity ox Scrcngch. If Paftors arc to b?rcje&ed from Comma nion, it conccrneth them with whom thev hsd Com reunion : If they are to be fined or puniflied corpo raliy, itconcerneth the Magiftratc alone. •

Thcf. 262. If M*giftrat:s pur.ifr Miniflers unjuR Jy> that is, per fee ute them, ihcy mufi not refift^ nor di honour tbe Magiftrate, but patiently ft^ffer the wrong.

This being commonly confeft by Proteftants, an plain in it fclf, I (hall take as granted.

I

Thcf 263. If Magnates forbid UWinifters preach erexercife the reft of their office in their domini tns, they are to be obeyed, in cafe that other compete* ftrfons are provided for the work, that the Church r< ceive no danger om detriment by %tj>ut othermfe they a:

The Pafters of the Churchy &c. joj

not to fa obeyed ', bnt yee mnfi do Chrijis work till they difable us.

1. That they Are to be obeyed in the firfienfe is plaifl; becaufc ic bclongeth to them to govern and order the worrtiip of God. David, Solomon, and other tings of Jfracl or fudsb, did take down and fee up hrielU f and order the Officers of the houfe of Gad. rhcdcpoiingof-^^rW and fetting up of Zado^ 3 was juft : And therefore when it is but Orderirg ind nor destroying that they arc abour, we muft obey :hem. Befides the Miniftry may not lawfully be taken ip or held for per fond commodity (principally) bnc tor God and the common good: If therefore nothing iat perfon*l commodity be croft, and the Church not horded or much damnified by ir, we have no reafon odifobey : Much lefs when perfonal commodity it r etf doth aifo invite us to confenr* And I am of the ■pinion chat the Minifter that doth not fcrvc the Lord upm terms of felf denial, and (ufferetb not ^oneway or other) more to his flefhbythc Mini-try, then be fhould do if be were put out of it, (nn-ifsinfome cxtraodinaf y cafe ) hath greater reafon tofufpeft that he is either a felf*feeking man, or ac eaft doth fcrve God with much unfaithfulnefs and Jarnal complyance. We are fore, 0bedier.ee to Ru!ei;i is a Dmy y and therefore we muft not difobey thea [ill we have fucb reafon as may juftific it,

2. Butyetlhai we mnft not obey m the other ctfi, [when it tendcth to the deftru&ion of the Church, on notable damage of mens fouls) is plain, i. Becanfe the Magiftratcs as well as the Minifters have their Pow*<? to Edification and not to deftnidioa. No man hath

authority from Chrift co deftroy his Church or th« foulf of men. 2 > Becaufc our office depend* thai immediately upon Chrift ,as the office of the Magnate end therefore men cannot difpence with us againft hi-will. 3. The Apoftles have gone before us with their example, preaching and exercfing all their office, though they were both prohibited and beaten ^ and hive taught us to fay, [whether it be better to obey God or men, judge ye."] 4. Elfe it would alf© warrant all Chrifliani to forbear fraying and other worfhip of God, when the Magiftrace commanded it: which neither Daniel (Dah.6.) nor the ^foflles, or any good Chriftiam did believe. 5. And it would excufe men on thefc accounts from Martyrdom.

Qoeft. 'But mujt we not obey the Magijlr Ate forbidding us the exzrctfe of our office jf Any hurt Acorew bj it to the Church ?

Anfi*. We mutt prudently confider, Whither the hurt of our filence and forbearing our office, or the hurt of our not obeying the Magiftrate, is like to be greater as to the Church • and whether the Benefit of ourMiniftry, or of our fubmiffivefilence, is like to be greater to the Church , and the honour of Chrift, and accordingly our choifc mud be determined.

Tbcf. 164. If a MtgijtrAte commAnd us to do evil inGedswor/bip, or clfewhcre, We may not obey him.

E. G. If he difable me only from calling out from | the Church or its Communion, a wicked impenitent I pcrfon, in cafe of neceiiity, I muft obey him • and ] niy yet continue in that Church, (unlefi I be called I

6 another,) but if he require me to apply Abfolution i >r the StcrAmtnt perfonal/y CO that man, I may no: rbey. Or if he require me to preach falfe DoArine, >r renounce any truth of God ( and yet fome may be ilenced for a time J For fin mud not be committed or the pleafure of man.

Tbef. 265. Magiftratet may determine offome ne-tjfary circ urn fiances in the vorfhif of God, which God at h left undetermined in hu Word ; hnt jet they mujt fke heed of unntceffary Laws, and of invading the office c the Paflors.

M*giftrates may not make God any new itforfhip->rdinance§. Circumftances of worftiip are Determined bvGod > or Undetermined. The former (as fce Lords Day) the Magiftrate muft fefcond by Law*, ■quiring obedience to Gods Laws. The fecond fore re Necejfary or Vnneeeffarj to be determined .• If Ineciffary, the Magiftrace fhould not put it into a iw ( N. a thing may be neceflary to be determined, tit is not it ielf comparatively neceftiry, but ano-icr might have ferved in its ftcad.) If the dctermi-Kion be Needful ox Profitable\ then either Ordinarily > a whole Nation, or only mutably fro hie & nunc. be later fhould be left to the Piftors determination: he former the Magiftrate may determine: As e.g. bat Tranflation of holy Scripture (hall be of pub-tc life ; What Verfion of Pfalms (hall be Sung, &c„ p e need noBilhops for thefc 9 if the Magiftrate eafe.

Thtli z66. Tht Magifirste may appoint nini»[Of-

X i fktfs

pars for Cjeds vrorjbip itfelfjwt he may make new 0\ firs for thefe cirenrnftances of his Worfh\p+

God hath done the firft already. That the M j ftrare may do the fecond ,is plain, in that he may c termine of chat which is hii work : And fo he m circa facra make officers, as Church- Warden* to j to the building, and Porters to keep the doors, a Sextons to toll the Bells, look to rhc etenfiis, & and Cenfon to keep peace and order.

Thcf. 267. Magiftrates have the chief Power of 1 Temples and Church-maintenance ^ jet fo as that ti are bound bj (jod, to difpofe of it for his Churches grc* eft benffit.

If any Give maintenance to the Church, the M giftratemay noc lawfully alienate it, no more then may deftroy other p-ous or charitable works: But y all Churches Colledge*, Hofpitais, (o ere&ed, a under his Government for che common good. If 1. Magiftratc command os to forfake the Temples, ai pat others in poffeflion of them, we moft obey. If J take from us ibe publick maintenance, we rauft fnj mit: When yet (tf the Churches good require il we may be bound to preach without maintenanl from him in forac other place. Bifhops have nochii to do with Temples or Maintenance, but under tl Magiftrate, by his grant: And yet both are fin g neral at lctft);*rt divine, of Gods ordination, whi cannot be denyed the Church without fin.

Tbi I

Thef. 268. Though Magiflrates may not lawfully \fy from the ^People the Ptwcr of c hoofing or confenring^ ir from the Pafiorsthe Power of Ordaining , jet muji jfj ovcrfiebotb People and Paftorj f andnotfujfer them

choofe or order fuel) as are intolerably unfit, but by *d*rate corre&iens bring them to 4 righter choice and rdination.

J. Chrift hath left the forcfaid Power to the Plan and people: and therefore the Magiftratc may ^i take it from them. 2. Yet as he hath left the wer of Governing all men to the Msgiftratc, fo no an can take this from him. And be is not to leave :op!c to choofe what Ministers thejpleafe % nor to aftors to ordain whom thej fteafe ^ but to fee that wcy do all to the Churches good : None of them can aim a fuller power in his place, then a parent hath ftr his own children, who yet muft be hindred by )c Magiftratc from wronging them, and forced by m to iced and cloatb them, if he deny it.

Thef. 269. The principal workof Magijlrttesabout f ^**5 k t$ P r *fc r vt ^, **<i further the Obedience of ids Laws, which is a great p^tofhis work^; but not alter it.

1. Truly faith Grotius de Irrrperio fura. Pot.7.8,9. fcc cnim eft vera civicatis felicitai,ut Dei fit araam f : amata Deo •, ilium fibi Rcgem,fe illius populumag-Dfcat: qucmadraodam prxclare loquitur Augafli-asdcOvit. Dei. 1. 5. c. 14. qui & faclices dicit Rc-es 11 fuim poceRaccm ad Deicuhum maxirrediU-X 3 landuer,

tandum,majeftati ejus faraulam faciant. j So thf Era* pcrours Theodofius and ftonorius in Epift. ad Marcel Nequc enim aiiud aut belli laboribus agimu? 7 »ut pad confiliisordinamus, nifiut verumDci culcora orbi noftri plcbs devota caftodiar. ] Et Theodofius a< Cyril. Csefarei eft munerii, ui non folurn panfiie fed pie etiam fubditi vtvanc. ] See what Gretius cite out of Auguftine and others,'pag. u, 12, 13, 14 «nd theConfeffionsof Homer , Livie, Horace, Valer M*x. &c. p. 18, 19 That irreligioufnefs ?nd th< contempt of Gods worfhip, is the mine of Gover nors, &c

2. To be enftos Tabularnm, is not to charge them Some think if Magiftrates may not make Indifferen things neteffarjpnd fo make newChurch-Ordmancei tbeyhave nothing to do: As if it were no-hing tc promote the obedience of GodsLawi? Have all cht Judges and Joftices of England nothing to do bccauU they have no Legiflativc power ? One Legiflacor i; enough in a Common wealth*

Thef. 270. It being fo high a part of the MagL ftrates norland honour to promote Gods fervice anc mens falnation^ jea an higher end of huMagiftracy thet weir corporal common good , their dofirine is trajterou. aniintolerable who affi' m I. That Magiftrates havt nothing to cjo with matters of Religion,but are to leave al men to their confidences, and govern ns as men, andnoi as Chriftiixn^ Churches or Minifters. 2. That thi Cl er U *™ exempt from the Magiftrates judgement and fio wonld (et up the ?opens a civil Prince in ever} Cowinin wealth.

His charge againft the Presbyterians as fucfa , is ftlfe, tbacfeigneth them to fet up Imprium in lm-periojfImferinm be taken for any Civil forcing powtr. Bat (be two parties tbat I now mention do plainly hold a dodrinc intolerable in a Common-wealth. 1.1 fhall,Godwilling 4 morefullyfhcwyouina(horc Treatife by ft felf, how they debafe the office of the Magiftrate , and teach people to value bim but as the dirt of the earth, and incomparably below the Mi-niftry, tbat would make him fo tcrreftrial as to have nothing to do wtib the matters of Religion, cor the promoting of mens falvation as fuch.

2. ThcPapiftsarc of three forts herein. 1. Some of tbem hold (as Hoflicnfis, Boz*ius, &cj that the Pope is dire&ly intruded with both Swords by Cbrift, land is the fpiritual and Temporal Monarch of the 'world. 2. Others of them (as TielUrmine, that in h f It is the common judgement ofCttholtckJDivines, de Rom. Pont. lib. 5. cap. 1.) fay, that the Pope indi-ntllj in order to fpirituals, hath the foprcam power in Temporals through the world ; even as the foul 'hath over the body : Tffis comes all to one with the former. 3. BarcUj and others more moderate, af-fert the Soveraignty of Princes againft the Pope: tod fadatbe Learned Lawyers of France. Bur att* ihey that do depofe the Pope from his ufurped So* waignty over the Laity ; yet leave him the fole Judge of the Clergy, or take them from under the Magiftratcs power, do plainly fet up a Monarchy in every Common-waith , befides its proper Government , and give the Pope t Civil Govern-

X 4 menc

merit in every Chriftian Nation in the world. For is not that a Civil Government that punifheth men by fines, imprifonmcnt, or death? Though it be about Clergy-men, furely it is a Civil Government. It is long of facile unfaithful Princes, that g«ve up half their Power to the Pope and bis Prelates, that the Chriftian world is fo divided. Had not they armed the Pope, he could not have done it. If Princes will notbewifer, let them take heed left they excite the people to enquire , Whether a Trince have Povtr togivemaf his Soveraigntyor part of it t§ another? and what the introducing ot a forreign Soveraign (hould be efteemed, and how avoided ?

Ch a f\

Chap. if.

Of the Soveraigns Prerogatives, and Power of Governing by Laws and Judgement.

THc Reader need not rdl me here, either that the whole fhoald have been handled before the parts, and the Genus before the Species, or tbac Laws and Judgement are pirrs of ddminiftrdtion^nd not of the CenjiitMtio* of a Common wealth: ForllntcnJ not exaftnefs of Method, and I purpofely paft ow the JurdRegdlid generally before, and rcfolve to lav nothing (here at leaft) of the Admimftrdtion, bat what falls in upon the by in the defcription of the Power and therefore (hall fomewhat the fullyer here dc. kribe the Power with refpeft to its ads, which I avoid the fuller handling of, and fay no more of the f*rdRtgaUdthen\% neceffaryhereunto.

Thef. 271. The Rights oft hi Soverdign 4ft, 1. His Tower of Governing, which is his Office it/elf. 2. That fdfetjiftrengtbdmd Honour^ dsfdr ds the people ctndf-fordit f which is fmfficient or necejftrj thereunto.

I know that Polititians ufeto treat of this pare before they treatof the Specitjot Ccmrmon-wealths: and therefore I took in briefly fo mi'ch of it in the fifth Chapter as I thoagh? rherc r^ceflary : and (ballfptak a little more ftuiyof it, for the foremen-

turned

iioned Reafons: cfpecially becaufe I omic that par 10 here the nature of Laws fliould more fully be open ed - I know alfo that Politicians much differ in dc (bribing the Jar* Regalia • and that thofe that rathci enumerate then defenbe them, agree not about the Enumeration. They are ufually diftinguifhed inrc the Major* & miner a* I think they may beft be re duced all to tbefetwo Heads: Of which the latter (hall be fir ft fpoken of, becaufe it is but for the former.

Thcf. 272. 1. It is a Prerogative of Ma'y&y, that the S over signs life have a [fecialGuard ^ and that the crimes that tend to his deft raft ion be Treafen, and have tbefevereft pmijhment.

For the Common good is fo much concerned in the Sovcraigns life, that it is not to be left fo open to the ftroak of malice as another mans. 11 is requifitc therefore for the fafety of the Commonwealth,

1. That there be fpecial Laws againft Treafon • and

2. That the Soveraign have a fufficient fafc-guard.

Thef. 273, 2. Another Prerogative is , to have power to bind all thefubjetts in an Oath of fidelity.

As the welfare ©f the people lyeth much on the Soveraigns life, fo will it therefore have more enemies: and therefore thercisreifoajhat thofe cfpecially fliould be engaged to the utmoft to fidelity and defence, for whom ic is that he incurs the dinger. Ashe isfworn cu Govern them faithfully, fomuft they to defend him.

Thef. 274-

Thcf. 274. 3. Another Prerogative is, to declare enemies to the State, and to have the power of war and feace.

Though forac peop f c limit their Sovcraigns in this f becaafe their welfare Syeth fo much on it ^ yet when a Parliament of their own choofing have a part in the Sovereignty, it is not fit at ail to limit them. For it is rot to be foppofed that fo many perfons ebofen by themklves fhould willingly fell their lives to the enemy, or mine the Common- wealth ; And its known that all men arc too fclfifh, and ready to prefer their I private good before the publike: & therefore the com-naon Subjeds muft be forced to (ecure the Commonwealth, ard not be fuffcred to pot in fuch Refervef a? may endanger the whole, under pretence of fecur-ifng their feveral private Inter efts.

Thef. 275. 4. Another Prerogative is> to have the I power of the Arms ard Forces of the Nation^ for defensive and off en five wars.

This in fome refped belongs to this Head of fe-curity and ftrengtb, and in fome refped to the other i Head of Government. For the commanding of Armies i$ a pare of Government. Though where the Soveraignry is divided between a Prince and Parliament or Nobles, there may be contefts about the Power of the Forces •, yet between the Sovcraignand 1 the Sab jed there can be none, favc only about the fecuring of any Liberties, which by Limitations in the Confutation by his own confene he is bound to

grgnt

3 1 & of the Sevtraigns Prerogatives & tower of gram rhem, and faithfully prcfervc: No doubt the Sovcraigo bach the cbicfeft command of the Nations Anna : And he that may not command them to fight, doth in vain command them to obey in civil cafes, and in vain undertake to be their Governor.

Thef. 276. 5. Anothtr Prerogative u, by C r °»*' lands, Tribute/, £uftoms, and $ther incomes to receive fnfficient Revenue j to defray the charges of the Government.

Without this the Government could not be ex-ercifed. Chrift payethtribute,and fo doth T>eter : and Paul faith, Rom. 13 • 5,6,7. [Te mufi needs bcfub'ytt, not *n/yfor wrath, but al/§ for confeience fa kf • for, for this caufe pay yon tribute alfo : for the) aire Gods Mi-nifiers attending continually upon this very thing : Render therefore to all their dues : tribute U whom tribute, cuflom to whom cuflom, fear to whom fear y honour to whom honour^ The limitations I before mentioned.

Thef. 277. 6. Another Prerogative is, to have that Eminency of Honour which is needful to maintain Authority, and to leave a power of fecuringit bj fpecial Laws.

If Msgiftracy be not kept from contempt, the common iafety and peace will not be preferved, nor vice rrftraincd : As Al'jefiy h a beam from the Heavenly Mjje&j, fo rauft it participate of the Splendor in a ncceffary me? fare, as well as of the Pswer. This is principally needful for the borour of God from whom it flows 3 as an E&bifiadors Honour is the

Honour

Honour of the Prince : next it is needful to the publike good, the end of Migiftracy. And therefore the dfhonorers of Majeftj muft be more fevcrely punched, then thofe that detame or diftionour private men, though perfonaly perhaps of more excellent qualifications.

Thef. 278. 2. The higheSi prerogative of Majtfty U its conjlitutedform -, that is, to be the fumma Potc-ftas, to h*ve the Supreme Government. This confi fieri?, 1. In hdvitgfhefupream Legifldtive poster. 2. And the fnprctm power ojjudgement, and execution of that ^) utgtment.

Some call this Effcnce of Majefty its 'Prerogative^ and tome think that Title bclongeth but to the Accidents : but it being the principal Jus MayHatti, 'Magift-acy it fclf being effentially a ftu Regendi, we (hail therefore fo call it, leaving to all the Liberty of their own pbrafe. And though it may be thought to be out of place, I flnll hereftay a while, and enquire into the nature of Laws , under th.s Head of Legiflative Power, and then fpeak of the Properties of Supremacy herein; a; dthen of judgement, but very briefly.

Thef. 179. A La w u an ambiguous term, and is ta» kjtn, I. Sometime for the internalmind ofthe Law-giver. 2. Sometime for the txurnal produtts. In the former fence Gods mind and will is called Lex seterna 5 which proper I] is but the Fountain of Law, unlefs jcu takeit as the Significaturo.^ the Utter fence, I. Sometime it is takenforamtqns of effetttug ^ andfometime

for

for the thing effected on the SnbjeEl. In the former fenfejomettmeit is taken Metaphorically for a con-neecion of Phyfical canfes • andfometimefor metr moral foteflative Rnles : Andfemetime it u taken Metaphor i-calljfor the orderly difpofal of intimites and brutes andfometime only for Rnles to the rational free Agent.

Thef. 280. 1 take the mind of the Law-giver, the fetled order of Nature among inanimates or brntes or m*n ai a Natural agent,and alfo the imprefs on the joul y atf*cb,to be improperly called Laws: and therefore take net the werdin any ofthefejenfes.

Thef. 281. The Law of 2{atnre and of Grace, are fometimetahtn for the imprinting figns, and fometime for the Imprefed Image : In the latter fenfe I take them improperly to be called Laws.

Yet even the Internal Difpofttion, confidered not as a Difpojition, but a fign of Gods W»H, I number with the Laws of Nature. Bat Internal A&s or Dif-fpofitions as fucb, are but figuratively called Laws : But properly the Nature of things ("within us or without us) as revealing the will of God de Debitc, 11 the Liw of Nature: and properly no other.

So the Law written on our hearts and put into our inwards parts; that is,tbe holy effedi of the Law upon us, in thcmfelvcs arc no Law, but the effc As of a Law; unlefsasfccondarily , they become the figns of the will of God impofing further duty.

Thef. 282. The word £Law is alfofometime ta* kfnfo largely a& to comprehend mtsr Diittltons or pre-

ctpts

pts of finch as hive no Governing pofoer. and alfo cm* mBj: B*t Its\e it not thus improperly.

Thcf. 283. By feme alfo it is tttynfo narrowly, as exclude verbal Precepts^ Commifjions, Priviledges 9 mporary Conftitmions, p emiant Laws y and all fuck mccrijconftttme the Jqs Poflidendi,crdcbit»m ba-:ndi, as fuck: and is mMdeonljtoJignifietbofe Lmws idtdriby e mi tuncj fo called , And to comprehend no f/j ^fobligircaut ad ebedtentiaro aut ad fcenaw. ut I follow n:t that too ftrift acceptation.

Lccchofc men that arc not the Matters of Lan-jage y be content to cxprefs their own minds by ieir own term*, and give as leave to do the like. If iy think that the [Name of a Law] (hould be ufed ore Laxely or more ftri&ly then I ufe it, he hath s Liberty ;L(t him have the patience alfo tofuf-rme to ufe mine; and to tell him that my words e to explain my own mind, and not bis. It is Things ad not words that I am here to open: And it is that hing which I here define that I treat of, and mean / the word Law. So various are cbe Definitions of iws among Polititians and Lawyers, that its not ific to meet with many that agree in one and the me Definition. And therefore among fucb varie-

I may have the freer leave to thruft in mine, then

the gowned Tribe had been agreed on fome other: pecially when u I never yet faw many ,if any other I could fee reafon to be fatisfiedin. 2. And et I pretend to no Infallibility • or that mine (hall e more perfed then other mens, but only that it is

ore ftiisfa&Qry to mc: To confute other mens

various

3 20 Of the Sever tigns Prerogatives & Fewer ej\ various Definitions would be but odious & tedious

Thef. 284. ALitokd fi^nification cf the Rulerjf tyill conflicting the Snbjetts due : Or , Poteftativaf conftitutio debiti fubditorum.

K

Becaufe the word [Law^s fometime taken for thej 1 fign or eff.ft alone, and fomecime as comprehending the ad: of Legifiction ^ I ufe the word £ Signification m as appliable to both acceptions But it being not Le giflation (the efficiency being prefuppofed ) but £ $k Law] as the ef$8 that I define, therefore it is paf fively, Qtproipfofigno that I here take the won \_fig*ifoAtion.~yyfzrz it Ltqtfl <t>on that I defined , fhould make xhzGenw an Ail of the Ruler : But judge ^yjpi***] tobethetrue(7f;i»jof a Law (whe

ther pr&dicamentale^ or tranfcendcntale \ Lawyer would not thankmetodifcufs.) It is not the will o the Ruler in it felt, for thats unknown { but as R¥ vealed^And the will of God or man can be no other wife revealed to another but by fome fign , wheche it be word,writing, factor whatever, faith Fr. Sin-re*, truly (de Legib. lib. i.e. 5. pag.zo,) Afferent fpiciertdoadnomiKM Legu lmpcfmontm , videripriu pofitumadfigmficandum ixttmtim Imferium & Jig num oftenjivum voluntatis pracipientis* Ihoenim A riftot.10. Ethic, eitxit Legem (jfe fermonem d fapfrn tiaprofeftum,&tc.~]

So cap. q.pag.iq.. Lexconfideratur-—'$ t in aliqh alio (igno, [en alia materia exterior e % ut infcripfiVi ettam in voce manifeflanti voluntatem (uperiork.

So Gabriel. 3. */. 3 7. <J. un. calls it [_fignum verm creatura rational*notiftcattvttm rtilarationk diSat %U % ligari eam>&cc. Cbje<i

Objc&.Signuta ii anadjunft, and belongs to Legibly fit a Law doth properly belong to the fee end part ojPoli-if 4*j a»d ought to have its Genus thence as being an att ~ the fupream power t &c.

Anfw. 1. li Politick* banifli Logickfbty muft ba-i(h Definitions and rational debates. iVefenbechius nd other* have evinced, that thcCivilLaw it felfis ot fallen out with Logiclr. 2 An Act is a Logic*I crm as well as a fign. 3. I fay not (imply £ 4fa»3 uc £ 4 yfj« */>&* iJ*&rj w'// 3 which arc terms chic aw abhors nor. 4.1 never law any fit one put in he Read of this, but what dotb more darkly exprefs he fame thing, which is therefore lefs fit.

Objc&.TW it is lignum,* better exprejfed bymtn-ioning the Promt*Igatien.

A»[w. Notfo: Promulgation is ufually taken for he id:of Publication, which followcch the En'a&ing md £ fence of the Law •, and is iroplyed as ncceflary o the effeft of the fign •, Of which I ftiall next peak.

Thef. 285. Though to be an Aptitudlnalfign f &?4# hat is of the Generical Efence h jet to be Promulgate md thereby made an Aftual fign,*r to befofar revealed, hat thefubjeftsmay be informed by it that are not culpably negligent is a condition necejfary to the Obliga tint §r Confiitmion of duty.

Some had rather diftinguifh between the ttefrifem-ing and Informing aft of Laws, and make the former tffential to them, aud not the latter, add fo re jeft the diftin&icn of Aptitudinal and A final figns here : but groundlcfly. To Reprefeht^ is al ambiguods as td

fi£»ifie, and is of the fame importance : And therefore if we have need to diftinguifli of o**,fo we have of the other. To Reprefent Aptituimallj ,by containing that expreffion of the Superiours will as is Ape to Inform if Revealed, is one thing \ and to Reprefent attuall} to another by the means of Revelation or fit approximation, is another thing, A (hilling in my pocket AptitudinaUj f*£"ifietk y or Reprcfcntetlo the Sovcraign whofe Image it bcareth : but not afiually till I take it out and (hew it ^ Nor then neither, nifi fxpArtertveUntu, that is, it is but in T>ettnlU pr$-xima, till the beholder perceive it. So here, i. A L*r* E»4cled is truly a Law, as zfignum tptitudinale is a [\jn: but it obligeth not yet. 2. A Law En-aftcd and Promulgate obligeth, becaufc the Lawgiver bath done his part to the full effeft. 3. A Law Received is yet in a nearer capacity for the full effed; but Reception or A&ual understanding it, is not nc-ccflary to the obligation.

Some affirm that Trmnlgation Is effential to a Law. Let them that think fo,define it accordingly: I quarrel not with them, becaufe I come fo near them as that the difference is of no great moment: But yet I confent not: For its one thing to m*kt * !**» , *nd another to pr*mulg*tt it. Yet the laft is a Condition fine quA n$n y as to obligation. As in Belief, the Rtvr Jaticn itftlf is not the formal objcdl of Faith, (that is Virdeltas ReveUntU) nor part of it ^ nor yet the mdttridlobjttt (that is the Truth Revetted) but a naturally necef&ry condition of botb,which fomc call the vinculum ; fo premutation is not effential to Law, nor is it the formal objc& of our obedience} (that i$, the Power of the Law-giver ) oor ;bc mate-pal,

ial (that if, the Law it fclf) but a nccefTiry means nd condition to induce the Obligation 5 chc cna<$ed .aw having but the Totcntiam & Aptitudinem ibli-andi, which muft thus be made aftuaL

Thef. 286. When Ifay a Lar* U a fign of the £aw-ivers VfiltJ imply hie underftanting Jignifed alfo : As Light jtproceedtth from the Legiflaters IntetleU^anddi mpofed jtproceedeth from kid Will, and fo is to be re-tivedby the Intellttt andvtM ofthe fubjettfor Regw ttion\and Obligation or Obedience*

It ii a great controverfie whether it be the ReafoM r the Will as fignified that informeth Laws. On the ne fide arcT. Aquin. Cajetan.xAlenf. Richard. An^ mi*. Soto, and many mdfre : and on the other fide, \tnric. Gabr.Occam, and others,as Suarez reckoneth icm; buc doubtlcft many of them hold as he doth, id as the plain truth is, chat it is bo h : As a man is til ma* without an Inte/tift andmM, and as an ad f command is not human* that proceedcth not from otb ; and ai the Law it fclf hatb both an Informing 3d Compiling power : and as it is by ehefubjeft to be ceived borb by the Jntelleft and trill, (o muft ic •ocecd from both in the Law giver ,add fignifie both 5 et differently: For it proximately proccedeth from i will,and fignifieth that as Obligatory,not fufpend-gmens Obedience upon their discerning the Rca-inablencfi of the Law, which is to be fuppofed.

Trbef. 287. Intbteffencepf thtftgn there u a three*

IdRcfpett of the matter of the fign. I. To the thtn£

[ntfod. z. To the mil of the Lawgiver, i>To the

Y 2 fubietoe

fubjctts, to Whom his willisfignified.The thingftgnifii conftjleth, I. Of the mutter, z. The form ^ that* Right or % Duenefs.

Tbc,Law i r Signifieth the will of the Legiflator, words exprefsthe fpeakers mind* And cbercfo fome make \jhe will of the Qovernour] to be t\ Genus of a Law; and Atfignfied, fo it it: but not exiftent initfelf. 2. The Law nafign refpe&ingtl undcrftanding and will of the fubjeft, as the Termin or finis eui : It nonfieth to the fub jed the Legiflaio will. 3. It refpedeth the matter fignified * e.g. th ChafHty, Sobriety, Temperance, or this or that da is the matter to which we are obliged. 4. The Lit refpc&erb the form produced by fignification, that [ the Debitum or Right, th\t is or that (hall be DsA All thcie fignifiearions are efTcncial to a Law ; fuppl ling thttas to the fubjeft, the Aptitude \% enoagb,a? the Reprefenuticn, whether the pcfton receive infi mation by ir, or not.

Thcf. 288. All Laws being nottimg elfe but the H frejpons of mother t Reafon d*d JViU, it is terttin til /ubjeftsare not to tfttem themfelves jelf (ufficient or 4 dependent, nor enjltved by being Rptled by the Red and will of others.

Gods Reafon and will revealed, is the Univci Light and Law of the whole world : TheSoverat Reafon and will, is the fubordinaic Light and Law chat people whom he governcib • arid is the pub! Reaonand Will of the Common-wealth: Yet « this two-fold limitation. 1. Tha; he have no poic

agaji

1

jgainft the Light and Law of God. 2. That all the people have a Reafon and Will that is private and lerfonal, for the difecrning che-.r Duty, and choofing iccordingly. Bat doubtlcfs Godi appointing that the Laws, that is, the Reafon and Will of the Soveraign, lull rule the fubje&s,doth hereby require much fub-nifibn in us, even 16 far as that we difobey not his

gheft will.

And confeqaently, in many doubtful cafes, the Joveraign may be guilty for ntif-commanding, when ;hc fubjed is innocent that obcyeth him.

Thef. 289. It U no L*w th*t is not the effetl of Governing Power, or thefign of the Rulers will.

Authority is the efficient caafeofLaw, or is the ower of the efficient. Authority is fomettmc taken Formcer Intereft, by Wifdom* ftrengeh, goodnefs, c£*r. by which one man can prevail with others. This is no Law-giving Power. But the Ainheritj that muft make Laws is nothing elfe bat fusregendi^z Right to Govern, which is originally and primitively in God, and Derivatively in the creature. Remember ftill, that this is it that 1 mean by Authority, or Power; and no: mccr power of Intereft by Reputation, ror yet meer nature, ftrength or force. Jtu prdcipientis, the Right of commanding is the only fuffici: nt caafe of Jm fr€cefti % oi impofed Right. Yet Jus conceffum may arife from a more private caafe,

Analogically as man is called a Governor of him-felf, fo his will and word are called a Law f 0 himfelf: But this is no fuch Law as we treat of.

If Ljcurgus or any wife man dr^gv up the Syftem Y 3 of

%%6 Of the Severaigns Prerogstwis & Power ef of Laws for Governing a Common-wealth ; or if in any N*tion,fomc that hive no part in the Sovereignty m*y be the Propofers, thefc are no Laws, till they have the ft*mp of Sovcraign Command. Bat as a Prayer in a Book is ufually Called a Prayer, which indeed is no Prayer (for the*4«**is given it ftom the mat ter, which (hoiil J follow tbtform): So alfo a Loft propofedlmo L*w, but the matter of a L*r* without tbeform

Comraftt arc but feIf obligations , and fuch as may Oecafi n a divine or a publick humane obligation, but arc no proper Laws. But if any will call his buying and felling or any other CeneraA aLrw, as he hath the liberty of roifpeakiag, fo let him grant us the liberty of more ftrid expre/fions. Hence we fay, thic Fundamental Conftitutions, as by man, are by mcer ComraA, and sot by proper Laws of men, becaufe they are antecedent to governing Power, thecaufe of Laws.

Thef. 290. Hi*ce arifeth a double diflribution of Lws. 1.Some Laws are but O economical ^and fome art Political.

The L uvs of a Father to bis children, and a nailer to his fcrvants, arc truly and properly Laws : Yet,

1, Thev are not eminently fuch at Political Lawi are.

2. And cuftom hath (but cauflefly) confined the nnme ;o Political Ltrvr. All that is Ejfential to a Lxy$ t is found in LmsO economical.

Thef. 291. 2. Laws are either Univcrfal for ok whole Commonwealth, or Local and particular •, ant

mad!

made either by the Sovereign Immediately\or by a fub-ordinate fewer Immediately, and only mediately by the Sovcraign.

Some make a great Queftion of it, Whether Le-.giflicion bz not proper to the Sovcraign. x. Univer-fal L*ws for the whole Commonwealth in the main ptrci of Government, muft be made Immediately by the Sovereign: (Though its poffiblc, e. g. a modal or circumftantial univerfal Law, as about Excifc, Meetings &c. may be made by * derived power. ) 2. Local and fubordinate Laws may be made by others; but only by a Power (o Derived from the Sup;cam Ruler, that Originally and med arely they are his Law*, though proximately theirs. That fub-jeds may make fuch Local Statutes by theSoveraigns .grant, is maintained by Politicians commonly (Bocer. Camman Be fold, and abundance more • ) But ftillic isbu: by a Derived Power ^ and it is but fro mo do ^opritjurifdiElionui and it muftnot b: againft the Common Laws. So Maiors with their Corporation-Burgefles are enabled to make Corporation-Laws : And Phyfitiam,and other ftudents in Colledges,may make Colledge Laws: And a Gcner a! by Commiiflon may make Laws Military far his Army.

Thef. 292. Liws may cMfft in w'itingt , words , cufioms or aBions % or whsteW may truly be called a fign .of the Rulers will -, and thej are not confined to any one

] Some will needs tall nothing a Law but whats in writing: and fome will add cu/lom only : By which

Y 4 **

the Law of nature it fclf it made no Law. But ho\*f> arc Nations Governed that have no writing? Doub Icfs any fignificationof tbeSoyeraigns will it Debito may be a Law.

Tbef. 293. A Commiffun or Precept to a jingle per f fen or more, u truly a Law y h wing all that it ejfentia fa to it • but it is the leajl of Laws y una not a Law as th f word is confined to fuck as art eminently called Laws

The Command of a Parent is an Occonomtcal Iaw the CommandofeScveraig* « a Political L*w.Wbtr\ there is no writing,this is cafily perceived* They tak the word \_L*w\ abufively, too ftridtly, that exclud t! e r e fmalleft Laws that have fomewbat of the coin mon nature. If a copamiffion or precept to a fingl perfon, be not a Law , tbey will find it impoffible t< determine juft how many rouft be the fubje&s of Law. Its not necc ffary that it be the whole Common wealth. Laws are oft made to enable a particular pe fon to fell his Lands, co inqaturalize biro, &c. I doth not therefore p'Qve ic no Law, becaufe it j i boat but a fingle perfon, or cafe, or fad.

Tbef. 294. Laws may be either permanent or tera porary : Even that which is butfer an hour or a day may have all rjfential to a Law y thongh of the Lowej ki*d M

Some will call no temporary Precept \a Law 3 They may ufe their liberty ,though without Reafon It is not Eflertialtoa Law,thatit be for continuance If not for a thoufand years,then not for an hundred

noi

ot for feven, not for one, not for a day. The Prince . nd Pat lis mens may make a Law for a certain fad (as he beheading of a Traitor,difpo(Teffiog the Gorer-iour of a Girri f on,a Commander in an Army, dr.) vhtchma^ be executed, and ended in an hour, and ^et be a true Law. And if the fame Prince and Par-iamenc (peak the word by way of Command, it is as TulyaLaw, though not fo eminent.

Thef. 295. The Jpeeifick form of this fignwhieb we call a Law, tonfifteih in Conftitution of Due :fo that a LdVr efentiallj is an lnftrnment of the Soveraignt ml/ h which the word [^Constitution] dothexprtfs.

The word [Ldw~] 11 taken AZivelj or Pajftyely : and fo may the word [Conftitution\ accordingly.Molt properly it is taken both paffivtlj in refpeft to God the principalCanfe : and Attivel) (by Moral aflion) as to the Confti'.ution of Right : It is fignum Arbitrd-rium, & IfiflruwKnttlij non formale -, and fo it is not only fignttm theoricnm ,fedpratlic*m. So that it is iflential ro it to be both fignum notificans,vet manift-ftans, and alfo fconfiituens vtt lnftrnment die.

Thef. 296. This differencelh d Law from 'Judgment : A Ldw doth Infirumentdlly conftitute the Right by wdj of Regulation : The Judgement doth but Determine of it when Controverted by way ofdecijion, or in oeder to execution.

Thef. 297- ^/DebituravelJus,Dueor Right ,£ the Common nature of Mordlitj (dire&ly: as injuftucn indireftlj) fo is it the effentitl terminus of 4 Ltw.

The

W m

i J

33° 0/*^* Soveraigns Prerogatives & Power The very fumm of Morality, and therefore of 4 Law f ii in this one word [Dibit***] (to which [inJk }>itum\ isreducedj morecxa&Iy expeffed thenj theufaal Metaphors and Circumlocutions. Right ku Wrong is the fumme of alt: which are thernfelves R<, : lations rcfulting from the Inftrumemal figi, (To wefpsaknoiof them as in the ad* of raen.j

ObjcA. Debitamconftitutum^^/ the efeBof'f^ Law, and therefore not to be put in the Definition. ^ Anfw.l* Tbenyouroblgdtioad reftnm rauft b.jj,, : left out, which is the fame .-For it is in x^b igatioi n jf all contained, 2. As if the Termini mutt, not entei^ the Definition of a Relation! Or as if [the Law"Jo mull not be put into'the definition of Legifldtion y, nor a Son be in the Definition of hnmane generation { not the Creature be in the Definition of Creation -, not health in the Definition of Healing*, becanfe they •re all effc As! This is new Logic ^ to make new Politick*. Debitum'w the Produft and Terminus of Law and raaft be in in Definition.

mi iro

k

w ■to

Thef. 298. The common wjrd [Obligation] Uf^

tolerable ffibftitHte ef\Confiitution ef Due] which 1

willinglj ufe,but choofe the other in a Definition rather ±

I. becanfe Obligation is but a Metaphor. 2. And de-

fcBive of fit ixpr effing the whole effential Act of Laws.

1 '. Metaphors may be ufed in cafes of Neccffity t or for Ornament: but not in Definitions without Nc-ceffity.

2. I conceive it defe&ive. i.becaufe obligor* ad fosnani} is an unmeet or harfti cxpreffion* It is not *df&utminferendam : for that were but to oblige to

Dfitji

mi : but ok poenamferendam. And [}o bind a man fuffer~] is nothing To fit in exprcflfijn as ce make due te him.

2. Becanfe there are many proper Laws that confute the ?ut habendi vel ptffldendi, and do not pro-riy*4/*£tatall, etcher adebedientiam, aut ad pa-p*, (unlefa by fomc other conjunA a& or part) So God did divide the Inheritance of tbc Tribes 1 lfrael by Law; and Laws of Poffcfsion in a new ian:ation f are ordinary 1 which confticute only (by lis aft ) the Debitum habendi, or give Right to fach id fach Land, bnt oblige not adobediential, aut ad v*am , by this a A. Objeft. Thefe Law do alfo conjiitute the Jus noo uferendi, andfo oblige. Anfw.i. Thatsdoneby not her Law againtt Theft, which was pre-exiftent t concomitant* 2. If foch an ad were found in this* bats nothing to the Queftioo. The Qoeftion ii,Whc-her thi ail of the Lawgiver conftituting metrly the Jus labendi bj a Attribution , or/etling divift<m % be not * Law ?

2. Is not Lex pramians, as foch, a Law? As if a King make a Law that every man that difcovereth my new art, or Engine for the Common good , at Waterworks, Military Engines, &c. or doth any no» :ab!e ad againft the enemy (bribe Commonwealth, (hall be made a Knight or Lord, or be thus or thus rewarded.

Obje&. Thefe bind himfelf to give, and are but pub-Ike Promifee. Anfw.hut they bind not the Subjed to obey or fuffer: They only conftitote the Debitum pra-»;;and fuch pMik? Premifes being made by a Legif-lator for the Common good fire properly fnblikf Laws.

The

The lame I fay of abundance of Priviledges ^ As if there be a Lit* chat be that hath fcrved fo long in the Wars, (hall have fuch Priviledges in che Commonwealth: He chat hath ferved feven years Appren-tiftiip, (hill be free to fet op the Trade; He that it of fo long (landing in the Univerfiey, and Learned, fliallbcfrce toprofefs Law, Phyfick, &c He that hath fo many children, (hall be exempt from Tax* €S\&c. Thefc oblige not at all, either to duty or pu-nifhmenr; but conftitutcthe jHthabrndi only,though confcquentially,or by other aftt,theSubjc&$ be obliged not to difturb them in their juft p^ffeflions. And fuch afts as tbefel think are the [ Permijfton\ that is commonly faid to be an ad of a Law • For if a CV*ff^* be not meant by a Permflion^xi will prove no aA orXaw, but the Negation of an Aft, asffro-tim 9 $u*rez> and others truly Note. But certainly Permijfitn is not Obligation.

Such alfo are*thc Laws for Naturalizing, enfran-chifing,eH.

And it is no wonder if fome Politicians know not where to place Priviledges and ads of grace, when they have tbruft them in jurioufly out of the number of Laws, by confining the word to the eminent fort of Laws.

Nay in fome cafes, (as in the firft Dividing of Countries^ in 4 General *fl of Oblivion after a civil War, &c.) I think that may be * mejl eminent L*w y thu neither ob igetn ai obed>entUm % ant ad paenam % bat only conftuatcth the Debiturn babendi

Bu it is objofted that tcontradtft the Scripture that exclude b all w>rkj of fnpererogntion, &c. Anfyp. i. I coucradict it not; for I affert npon fuch towards

God:

God : but there may be fuch towards men. 2. Buc what though the work be not commanded by a Law; may not the fus habendi be confUtuted by a Law ?

3. Yea moreover in the fame Laws that do command Dnty , and fecond it with a premiant Sandion, the premiant ads is part of the Law : And premiaro as well as punWe is commonly called an ad of a Law.

Pot ( faitb the Ob jedor ) A Benefit u theatt of4 Bfnefattor as fuch, and not of*Legifl*tor.

tsfnfw. And fo beating and killing in Revenge, is the ad of a Revenger as fuch. But yet as it is pare of the fandion of the Law, you confefs that obligate ad pcenam is an ad of Law. And you can give no Rca-Jon, why the prewar parr, as well as the Commina-torjy is not a proper ad of Law ^ and why the making & Reward for Obedience, is not an ad of Law as welt as making /ujferingDuefor Difobedience.Tht fame mao that is a Benefaftor, is a Prince: And as a Benefit, ic proceedeth from him as a Bencfaftor • Bit aiconfli* tuted Due by a Law-giver for the ends of the Lar* y fo it is a effed of Law.

It is added by the Objedor [" // any by giving 4 Benefit dotb conftituere Jus publicum, then he doth this as Legislator % and the Snbjcft is bound obfervarejus a Legiflatorc conftitutum, non heneficium, quatenus i Bcnefadorc Collatum. 3 Anf*. 1.1 (hall yet believe cbac a publicly Law may give many per fetal Rewards asaLaft, that are all tgrminative private. 2. If it be buc a fuj habendi that is conflicted, it is do Obligation to obedience or punifiment (though fuch ads may be concomitant.)

I inftance in Gods own mod excellent Law of Cracc^whcnCi^y? and lift eternal are given by a Pr#-

mifi 9

ntife, which yet if truly * Law, and will be the Rule 0} Judgement. To this is anfwered,tbat [ To give Chrift was to give a Benefit, and a Law-giver,not 4 Lato : ond to make a grant of Eternal life with a precept of faith as a Conditioners to give a Law, and not a meet benefit] To which I reply. To give Chrift to the world in his Incarnation,was to give a Benefit abfolutely ^nd not a Law( who dreamt of chat ? ) To give Chrift to particular fouls for tkeifynJHfication and falvaiion on condition of Faith, and to give Heaven on condition alfo of perfevering obedience, is an ad of Law, though a Gracious Law* And it is not only the Obligation to believe 1 hat is an aft of Law , but alfo the Conftitution of the fus habendi or Dcbitum pramij-

But all this I fpeak with fubmiffion to better Judgments about Laws.

Thcf»299 TbeDutthai is cenfthuted by Law is twofoldi I. What fhjtUbt the fubjeds duty, that is, the Dcbitum officij. a. what firilbeDtxc to him upon obeying or difobeying, or othertvife y for the ends of the Law,thath,the Debitumpraccoij vel pcenar•, or the Jus habendi vel ferendi.

The firft aft of moft publick Laws in order,is the conftituting (primarily, or by confirmation) the Right of poffeffiom as Antecedent to obedience or

difobedience : The next \$de officii* in the Precepts and prohibitions. The laft is de pcenis &pramiis, annexed to the fecond for the promoting of obedience.

Thef. 3 00. Lafitr, it is only the Debitum fubdito-

rum

9 f \m

of

rnm as fttch , that is confiitutei by a Law ^ andfo it U hiftinguiftedfrom Rulers alls about tbiir own or alien* duty.

Ir is no proper Law by which any Soveraign binds bimfeif, unlcfs he have alfo a private or Inferiour capacity* To hirafelf ir may be a Promife or Covenant • but to himfelf as Soveraign it can be no Law : God binds hicn to keep his Covenants: and he binds his Subjeds to their dories. His Commands alfo to men of another Land, chat are no Subjeds, arc no Laws.

Thef. 301. The will of the Lawgiver doth alwayts attain its neareft tni^ which is, To oblige, or fomake Due^ fat its ultimate ends depending % on the Subjects wiS, are often frujlrate.

To make this or that a Dtuy % is his work, to which his Law is prcfently effedual; but to perform that Da t y, is the Subjeds work • and the beft Laws of the wifeit Lawgiver may be broken: yet muft he endeavour fo to compote bis Law as may amend or rcftrain the Subjeds: for they are not only Direding Rule% but compuifivc for obedience.

Thef.302.I4w are the RuleofDnt]& of Judgment.

Juftice wilLpnnifli bat by the Law that is violated: ItmuftbeaRuleefLife,beforewecan be judged by it. Its the Judges Rule too , though in a different fort, when the Lawgiver hirafelf is Judge, of which mgr$ afterwards*

Thef.30j.

Thef 303. As the Soveraign Power maketh Laws, fo may it Abrogate ^or coneft thofe Layps.

Queft. what if a Soveraign make a Law for perpetuity, and call it fundamental, may his Suecefour change it? Anfa. K% \ L&w, tftey arc not obliged by it from a change, bat have the fame Power to alter it as be bad to make it. But yet bis Promife ex* prefled in that Liw,or hisConfent, may oblige his ^uccefTors, if they fucceed upon his terms, before a Change in the Confticution • if he pals a Law of great neceffity for the Publike good , and oblige bimfelf and pofterity not to change ic, his Covenant obligcth him and them. If the Subjeft* Covenant muft oblige their Poller it y, the Princes mult alfo bind bis Succcffors.

Q^jcft. But where the Soveraignty is in Prince and Parliament\may they not change a Law which a former Prince and Parliament obliged Pojferity not to change f Anfw. If it be a Parliament tbat hath meerly a pare in the Supremacy, they may not; becaufe their Pre-deceflors Covenants bind them till God or the People ( to whom they are bound ) (hall difoblige them. But if it be a Parliament that alfo Reprefenteth the People, and is thereby enabled to aft in fuch cafes on their behalf, then they may change any Laws or Contrads, ( except when a Divine Obligation dotb prohtbite ) Becaufe the people can acquit the Prince of his promifes to them, and he can difcharge them of theirs to him. But when any Law appearctbto be inconfiftent with the Laws of God, or End of Government, God faimfelf then doth diffolve it by

hif

bis diffcnt i without whom it can be of no true Air thoricy.

Thcf. 3 04. It belongeth to the S'oversign Power u ma\ta fitted univerfaBy-obUging Interpretation if the Laws.

Jadgi! make pauicuiar Interpretations, id order to theDrciiionof particular cafes. Bat to make ah Interpretation which (hall be the Gated fenfe of the Law, obliging the fnbje&s at fubje&s univer fally, or per modum Legis, Regt*Urlj> this none bat the Lawgivers tbemfelve* can do.

Thef. 305. It beUngeth to ths Soversig* to difpence with PenU Laws, by pardening offence1 : and alf* to difpence with Pofitive L*w$ about Dnty % when the End and Reafon of the Law reejnireth it : Becrtfe hit Laws are to bindtbejnbjett, and not him ft If,

TheLw-giverti above the Law; yet not fo that he may difpence with it at bis pleafnre, bec&ofe he is not above the End of Laws. The Law is but the wii 6/ the Lawgiver fignified : If he have power of his own will, he hatb power of bis Laws. He may not alwaies revoke the Decrees of his own will.bm thai'* by accident. It bath ever belonged to the Soveraign to grant a pardon, even for Life : And this is to Relax the Law : and to Difpence with it as Penal. If Soveraigns are limited from pardoning in cerrain cafes, that is btcaufe thofe cafes are exempted from

2 tbe'if

their Power, and fo their Soveraignty extends not to them: None but God is an Abfolute Soveraign: Man is but Analogically called fo, in refped to God: And therefore where he is limited, bis Power fitiletb.

Penal Laws do makje the Penalty Due to the offen-dor •, but do not bind the Law-giver to inflid that penalty dire&ly : but yet a fine % &c.he may be obliged.

Thef. 306. A Law being the Infirument of Government , and the Rule of Duty and Judgement, the Laft giver bj making it doth oblige himfelfe % ordinarily to Govern by it ; So that he is engaged in foint of Prudence and Fidelity •, for his Honour , and for the Common good,not rafhly to pardon crimes,nor difpence with Laws, butftill upon grounds of fecuritj as to their ends.

He that makes an houfc,doth not fay exprefly, that it (hill be inhabited : but interpretatively be doth: For being a wife man, icisfuppofedebat helabour-rth not in vain, nor ufech a means when he intended not the end •, which is indeed not to ufe it as a means. He that maketb aLaw^doth interpretatively fay, By this I veillgovern : And therefore be doth in prudence and fidelity oblige bimfelf to Govern by it,and not to difpence wi;h it, but feldom,and upon weighty caufe, and alwaics with a fufficient (alvo as to the end of the Law and Government.

Thef. 3 07. He that difpenceth with a L*w upon jufi eccafion , doth not thereby become a Lyar \ nor m*k* the Law fpe*k.f*tfelj : beCaufe it fpeaketh but de De-

bito

Governing by Laws and judgement. 339 bitOj and not direttly de Eventu, as it is a Laic*

1. A claufe may be jnned to a Law that fpeaketh de Eventual well *%ce Debit* ^ and then the veracity of the Speaker lieth on the fulfilling ofir. 2. As was laft faid, imerpretarively tbc Governoar intimatetb that ordinarily be will Govern by ir. 3. Bat yet & Law ai a Law doth not fpeak dire&Iy de Eventu y noc engage the Govcrnour in point of Veracity alway to fulfiil ir. As for inftance : The L8W that faith, [Re that committeth Treafon^ Felony, 8cc, jhallbe pnt to death:~] doth not mean de eventu , that it (hall fo came to faff-: but doth only far, [Death (ball be his Due: and all fudges [hall proceed According to this Rule in admimflring fuftice, till it be dijpenced with^So that if a Traytor be pardoned, the Prince or Parliament are not therefore Lyars, much lefs effenders againft that Law; For as they did conftituce this Due Jo Due it is and the Law is verified: And as tbey obliged Judges andMagiftratestoadminifter Jufticc according to this Rule, fo are they obliged , till they that have power difobiige them.

Thef. 3 o 8. A% no Lawgiver can difpence with Gods Laws,nor with the necefary means of the common fafety i fo neither m*y he difpence with his own Covenants , nor deprive anfeaufelefly of their Rights nor ordinarily cr caufelefly dtfpence with his own Laws nor when the ends ef Government forbid it.

Here are mtny cafes in which a Ruler may not difpence. 1. He may not difpercc with Gods Laws, becaufe he hath no Authority thereto. 2. The com*

% i moti

mon Good he may not overthrow, becaufcit if alfo above and contrary to his Authority, 3. His Covenants he is bound to obey in point of fidelity,to which he is obliged by the Law of God. 4 He cannot cake •way any mans Right from him: for that were in* jufticc and injury to the pcrfon : And therefore he cannot Difpcnce with a Donation or full promifc, as he can with a Penal Law, A Pollicitation may be revoked : for it doth but exprefs a Purpofc to Give fuch or fuch a Benefit , and doth not live it : And a man upon fufficicm caufe, may change his Purpofes : Bat a f /Ipromifei* of the nature of a Donatio* \ and alienatech the Righr, orobligeth in point of fidelity to do it. Groriusde'jnre Belli, /. 2. r. I I. [eft. 2, ?,4. dtftingaifhetb, 1. Inter ajferticnem explicantem ani-mum de futuro qui nunc efl. 2. Et pollicitationem. 3. Et pranifiionem perfect am qud JHsproprium alter* tonfert. Tbc firft obligeth no man further then as he isboundtoconftancy. Thefecondmay bind him in point of mecr Fidelity or Veracity • The third bindeth in point of Juftice, and allows a man an A&ion, as for his Right. Sec alfo Grotius dfjtireT!eBi 9 li.i.c. 3. /f#.7.7.61,62. 5. The Soveraignmsy not ordinarily (forthe Reafons, The/. 304.) difpence with his own Laws •, but that is not for wane of Po-#er , but becaufe Prudence doth prohibit him. 6. Unlets the common fafecy would be overthrown by the Relaxation, and then be hath not Twrr to that.

Thef. 309. It behngexh to the Soveraign to grant cpriviledgts j which he may rever/e^ unle/s he have ex-pre fly or implicitly di/abled him/elfthereto.

When

When the reafon ceafetb, he may withdraw the' Priviledge t unlcfs he be reftraincd by prom^fe, plena-ry grant, or otberwife, of which Politicians commonly treat.

Thef. 310 To blot out in}'amies (as in cafe cfba-ftardj) ani aperireafyla, and other inferiour Jara Ma-jcftatis, are reducible to the greater , and need not be enumerated.

Its eafier to 8grec of the nnmber £$ well as nature, in Generals, then in particular: And its as found in the General, that the Particulars may beft be judged of,

Thef. 311. 2. ts4s the Tomer of making Laws is the fir ft and mofi eminent part rf Sovereignty y fo the Power of appointing all Inferiour Afagiftrates is the fc-cond : there being no Governing Power in the Common^ wealth, bat what is derived from the Soveraign.

AsSovcrisgrscan hate no Powtr but from God, fo Magiftrates can have none but from the Soveraign-We here take the name ^Magifirate^ ftriftly for an Officer to execute Laws, and r«ot laxly as it alfo comprehended the Soveraign. The People in a Corporation may choofc cbeir Magiftrates, but it is the Princes (or whoever is Soveraign's) Charter that giveth him the Power, If the Souldiers might choofc their Captains, yet their Power is/rom the General. Choice (as I have aforefaid ) may determine of the perfon that (hall receive the Power from the Soveraign.

Z 3 But

34* Of the Saver aigns Preventives & Power ef But the great Officers he ufually choofcth him-fclf.

Thef. 312. It is a matter of exceeding moment to the

fafetj and welfare iff the Peopl^ that Infsriour Magi-fir ates be men fearing Cjod y Prudent, juft, of public^ fpiritt, and conragious, hating impiety\vice and allin-yjftice : And therefore next to the making of Good Laros^ it is the Sovereigns principal worl^ to be exceeding care-full of his choice of Officers , and to keop out infinuating Unworthy men.

If we have a juft and pious Sorcraign, and have impious unrighteous Judges or Juftices, &c. the people may groan and languifli in continual oppreffion and mifery.Dead Laws willnot prcferve them againft Living Wolves and Foxes. Poverty, and diftance, and fnendlefnefs dothdhially difable the poor oppref-fedpeope toprofepate an Appeal to an higher Tribunal From whence it comes to pafs that Laws themfelvesgrowddions; and poor men think it is at any time better, if a Rich man do but demand of them half their cftates, to let him take it, rather then by feeking to prefcrve it at Law, to lofe all. All vice will flounfh under impious Magiftrates : Piety and honefty wil be mens outward calamity. If Soveraigns look not exceeding ftri&ly to tb^ir Officers*, the people will be unhappy: And difcontents will be raifed againft the Government : and the peop'e will eafily think that the Sovcraign choofeth fuch as bimfelf, or as are moll: agreeable to his mind : And when once the Soveraign is brought into a common diftaftc with toe people, the Common-wealth it fick of Aicb an

Head-

Head-akeas threatneth fomc worfedifeafc. Nothing Jcarce ever loft Princcf more then irapiouSjflatcering, unrighteous Officers. And fearce'any thing doth more ingratiate a Prince with the People, then to find that he lets faithful Magiftrates over them ; and alio to hear that he er.quireth after*, andfevercly puniih-ecb the unjuft; This greatly endcareth him to the people.

Tbef. 31 j. Princes fhauldbe very circumfpeSi and [ollicitous to find cm theworthieft perfomin the Land % and advance them to Jlfagiftracy and Trnfl y and torefift fuck a* by flattery y ncarnefs, friends\ or bribery, jeek^ advancement.

With raoft Princes few have Honour and Power but tbofe that feek it, and ambitioufly turn every ftone to attain it: And few that are Ambitious of it and feek it, are werthy of it : And confequcwly few worthy perfons are in Power , in companfon of what might be, if Princes did their duty. As the Chri-ftiaas were wont to repcll the feekers of the Paftoral office, and to feek after them that hid rberafelves or fled from it, foroewhac of thi« is imitablc by Princes in the choice of Magiftrates. Firft they rooft be fare to cboofe fuch as are moft worthy : and next, fuch as are not unacceptable to the people \ that is, to the generality of good and fobcr men ^ For the impious and vicious would have Governors like them, that will deftroy the common good.

Tbef. 3 14. The Soveraign hath Power to be Judge

in hk omn canfc 7 Ordinarily , as having no fuperiour

2 4 ]»k e i

judge -, fo the controverjie be not -with the bedj §f the people^ about the very ends of Government.

1. 1 here determine not this laft excepted cafe, be-caufc 1 leave it to the next Chapter. 2 An inferiour Judge may judge in his own caufe, if iucb Power be derived to him. But it is not fit that ufually it (houl4 befo, if it be perfona! and prof erly his own. 3. The prince may depute another co be Judge in bis caufe, and fomecimc Prudence may (ell him it is bed to avoid cenfures: Sut the Power is in himfclf.

Tb^r. 315. It helongeth to the Soveraign H be Judge of all inferionr fudges.

No fnbjcd, and therefore no Judge, is exempted from the Sovcraigns Judgement : Suppofing ftill that it is by a civil Judgement proper to himfelf that he judgeth, and not by Ecclefiaftical cenfure: There he may command the Church to do that which he may not do himfclf.

Tbcf. 316. The lap Appeal u to the Soveraignt Judgement, and his [entente is final j fo that from hp* there is no Appeal but unto God.

[know that no Sentence is abfolutely final but Gods: and that the Judgement of men is of fmall moment, if it be not the Judgement of God by them. The Judge of all the world is at the door. The judgements of the Princes of the earth (hall be there Judge! Thats the day that turns the fcalestoan S^rlafHng Happiqefs or mifery. It is the Joy

of

of Believers, that under all the oppreffions of the unjufc, and tbe perfections of tbe Malignant, tbey bkve room for an Appeal to the Barr of God, where no in juftice (hail find place. But till then there is bo removing of our Caufctoan higher Court then that where the Soveraign power is the Judge. Though it is nor meet for Princes to allow Appeals to themfclves too commonly , yet (hould they do their mmoft to relieve oppreffed innocency. Of the controvcrfies about tbe Soveraigns Judgement,! have fpoke in pare before. As we muft reverence the fentence of thefc earthly Judges, becaufe they are Commifsioned by tbe Lord, and the Judgement is his, who bath promi-fed to be with them in bis work: So muft we be comfortably patient under all tbofe injuries from men, which temporal judgements will hoc, or cannot right us againft , becaufe that we arc the fubje &% of the Heavenly King , and that tbe Judge of all tbe world willdorighccoufly, and that we are near, yea very near tbe day, when all will be fet ftraigbt, and tbe injured (hall have full relief: and they that have cryed day and night to God for help and Juftice, (hall find that he will avenge them fpeedily ; and the expefta* tion of tbe righteous (hall not be in rain, nor will their Reck, their King, their Father fail them.

Chap.

$46 Of due Ohdience to Rulers >

Chap. 12.

Of due Obedience to Rulers, and of Refinance.

Tbef. 3 fj. T Tis the Command of God the universal JL Sovereign r that every ;oal bt fubtit te the higher Powers, and refift t^em not • and this not only for fear of pumfynem, bntfor conference (ake^ Rom. 13.1 .to 7. Tit. 3. 1. xPct. 2. 13,14,15.

Becaufe the right underftanding of thefe command* of God, is of great ufc for our guidance in fbefe weighty points, I (hall ftay a while upon the fearch of that Rom. 13. which faith rooft h and if we undcrftand chat, it will be the eafier to underftand the reft.

Many occafions concurred to make this document of the Apoftlc necefftry to the Rowans. 1. There were Hereticks crept in among them thatabufed the doftrine of Chrittian Liberty , and perfwaded them that fubje&ion to the Rule of Magiftrates was againft their Liberty. 2. Aad the weaker Chriftians were the eafier induced to entertain this dodrinein pare, bectu e they were Heathen Magiftrates that they hereunder. And the Chriftians,being (juftly) prohibited by the Apoftles to go to Law about perfonal injuries, before Heathen Judges, but to agree them among themfclves,they were the readyer to have low thoughts of fucb Judges as ufelefs or burdenfom, or

not

not fie to be the Governors of Chriftians. 3. And efpe-eially becaufe many of the Chriftians bad been Jews, that were hardly brought to any bat a forced fubmif-fion unto Gentile Raiers ; and were ever prone to re-bell againft them, thinking it an honourable vindication of tbeir holy ftace and Church , which they thought no Heathen had right to Rule over. Thcfirft Hereticks rifing from the Jf wifti hriftians, and Ju-daizingfo palpably in this and other things, and the weaker (ortof tbejewifh Chriftians beirg fo prone to hearken to them,gave great occafion to the Apoftle thus to prefs thedodxincof fubje&ion.

Where note, that the main queftion here refolved, is, Whether Magiftracj , and Heathen Magiftrates Jhould befnbmittedto as Gods Ordinance for cenfccnce fake ? And fo it was about the very ftate of fub jefti-en : which among us Chriftians is a matter p?ft doubt • though we are not all agreed about obedience m iome particular cafes.

The Precept it (elf is laid down in the firft verfc, £ Let every foul be fubjeft to the higher forcers] The firit moving Argument is drawn from the efficient caufe, which is God. 1. In general Magiftracy is his Inftirution [There is no power but from God I And fo it is he that fcts up Magiftrates, and tbey ntfubordi-nate to him, and have a power derived from him \The Powers that be are ordained of God.] The con-clufions hence inferred are t/> 2. that therefore 1. Who-ever refifteth the power, refifiethGods own Ordinance, that is, both breaks his Law, and refifteth a Power derived from him, and confeqaently refifteth God. 2. And fo great a fin as refitting Gods Officers and Ordinance, deferveth a grievous puniftunent. In the

third

third verfe , the Apoftlc doth conjan&ly bring in his fecond Argument, (from the end ot Government ^) & aifo anfwer an ob jedion which ther.ee was brought fgainftit. [Whit can be cxpe&ed from Heathens ("might the Chriftians fayj but ads of enmity? They will (till be perfecting us] The Apoftle at once anfwering this, and arguing a fine for fubjeflion, tells tbtfn, that Magistrates have their office to be a terrour to evil worlds , and not to good : And therefore let as do good, and if the office be ufed but according to its inftituted nature, we (hall have praife from Magi-itrates,and need not fear them. For it is for our good that God bath appointed them. Here the Apoftle conjoyncth bis two Arguments, from the Author and tht Snd [He uQods Minifier for thy Good} Its pof-fible a wicked man may abufe his office: but this is the End for which God bath appointed Magiftracy in the world; and this even Heathen Magiftrates profefs tbut they intend, and fuch vice and vertue as they are acquainted with, they do in fome meafure deal with accordingly. But if nacn do evil, then they have caufe to fear theMagiftrate ^ [ for he is Gods M\ni-fler y a Revenger to wrath % to infliEl funifhment on him that doth evil: 2 But men mutt blame themfelves and not the Magiftrate, if they fuffer for IB-doing. Hereupon the Apoftlc repeateth the Corclufion , that there is a neceffity of fubjc&ion, not only to efcapc pnnifhment, but to obey God , even for conference f*ke; And hence infers a further Conclufion, that for confciencc fake alfo we muft pay them tribute, beeaufe they are Godsfcrvants, employed in bis work for out good : And therefore on thefe grounds Tribute, Ch~ $;m, Fear\Honour muft be given to all to whom they

arc

arc due. Where he fhewetb chat ic was the Govern*

ors in aftnal poffejfion then chat he commanded fubje-fti^n to, when he argueth from their aft Hal Lateur for the Sub jefts good.

[ YiuaoL 4^ ever j foul"] is the Synecbdochc for £ tvtrj ferfon^ [v7m*osi&w % befnb]iU^\ or fubordi-nate , excendeth both o&ftateof fnbjettien^nd CO the exercife of a Subjcds duty- q. d. Let him keef kisfia* tion as a fubjett , and live at fuck : The Apoftle put* ['Z,«ncw>p Qwers ~^ in the abfiratt, though it have cxiftence but in a iubj\ & ^ and (b ic is \niht concrete that he mcanech ; but fub jedion is due to the man for the fake of his Amhoritj^ and rot on any other account ■ and therefore it is in order of nature firft to tbcJtithoriij, and then to the «m*. And is is not JlJyAfu> 9 natural power or ^rengtb, thatbefpeaks of^ but that Civil Power which is fns Regendi. Whether j[ tmpe^v ?4i&[]be tranflated as a comparative or fuper-lative, isnotconfidcrable in point of do&rine, thert beir g no doubt but the Apoftle intendeth our obedience to more then the Soveraign , and yet to none other but thofe that receive their power from bim. Bur yet wby literally [ymt&x***** D ^oa\i be tranflated [tbehigbeft] rather then [Tngh, *rhigber $ er fuperieur ] I know not: Nor have I any mind to tempt men to think that it was only Nv* % that be Apoftle (peaks of, ox inly the Senate % it being more that wait and labour in this very worl^i and to whom tribute^ c*ftome t fear, honour were to be paid.

For the right underftanding both of tbe Text and Subjed f let thefe Qneftions be briefly anfwer-cd.

C^eft 1. what U mam by [ Fewer ? ] Anfw. Any

men

men in the Office of Governours, having Authority.

Qneft. 2. What is meant by £ Higher Powers ? ] Anfw. All that are in Government, and (o above us, bat principally the Soveragin.

Qoeft. 3. What k meant by [ every foul t ] Anfw. Every perfon except thofe to whom we arc commanded to be fubjed. For in that all are put under them, it is mamfreii that they themfelves are excepted to whom all are fub jeded. So far as they are Rulers , they arc excepted, though the fame perfons may be both Rulers and Subjeds in feveral refpeds,

Q^eft. 4 What it meant by being [ fubjett ?].

Anfw. Perturb not the Order of the Commonwealth. Yield your (elves voluntary fubjeds to your Governours, and behave your fclvcs according-

Qaeft. 5. Whn is meant by £ v to <n5 3t* 71 -rjy.dv-i I <w ~] g 0 ds ordaining them ? Is it an Ordaining by Decree , by Law,or by Providential difpofal of Event ? Anfw. The internal ecernal Decrees of God are no Rule of Duty tons, nor the thing here meant: But his Inftitution of the office by the Vniverfal Law, together with thofe Providential diff ofals that make over the Tower to the individual perfons.

Q^elt. 6. But is it mt enough to oblige us tofub\efti-o* y if the Power have but the Ordination of Decree % and 'Difpofwg*Providence de Eventu ? ^a/iv.Tbatsacon-tradidion. It muft have a Law, Grant, Commiffion, or other Moral Donation, or it is no Power , that if f no Right of governing. The Kings that give up their Kingdoms to the Beait, may fulfill Gods Decreeing and Providtncial Wili de Eventu : The death of Cbrift

by

by the Jews, may fall under a certain Decree and Providence : Buc it is a Grant of Right tbac rooft prove the Right. Pcjfr/Jion of firength if feparable from fojfe ifion of true governing Right. If a Plague come upon us, it i* by Decree and Di pjfing Providence : And yet we may do our belt to refiit it. The Devil rules the children of Diobedience, not without Gods permiffive Decree and Providence; but yet he hath no Right to Rule there, nor they any warrant to obey him.

Qneft. 7. what it meant by £ the Pwetsthtt be} ] h it all that be in prefent Pcffeffion ? Anfw* I. It is di-redly all per fens that are in Power. Bat then remem-fcc that Potter is ftij regtnii , and not meer firength. 2. Yet it imp : yetb,thae tojw*^ ;*f,and other fingle private perioni, he that iiitated in the Pofleffion of theefficej and excrcifcth ir, is to be taken to have the Right of Government, unlefs the contrary be notorious. And therefore the Apoftle argueth for obedience and tribute from their exercife of the effice^ £ They attend continually , or labour **bout this vet) thin£. ] O^chs more anon.

C^cit. 8. When did God £ erdaix 3 the Powers? and by what ail * Anfw. By the ad of Law or Inftitution he ordaineth the office ; and by Ads of dift»fin£ Providence he determmeth of the per/on ( ulually by the Inftrumentality or means of men.) 1. In the beginning in the Law of nature, he fubjeded man to hire-feif, and the woman to the man, and ( by appointment ) children to their parents, and in general, at lead after the fall, made Magiftracy and Subjrdion nccefiary to the world. The more men finned, the more he gave them up to humane Government, and

as

as they rebelled and departed from bim,fo he forfook them, as to bis fpecial Government in way of mercy * He kept himfelf the Soveraignty over bis peculiar prople of Ifrael in a more eminent Way of excrctfc then over any other, i .He made their common Laws for Government. .2-rHe-cbofc himfelf their Sovc-raign Magiftrate •, a limited Monarch to be his Deputy or chief Officer. 3.He appointed a courfe for choice of the Sanhedrim. 4. He enabled them for their work. 5. He kept the chief Judicature in his hands, rcfolving their doubn^and deciding their moft difficult cafes by his Oracles. But when they were aweary of this Theocracy, he withdrew from thcra according to their corrupt defircs, and left them to theirdefircd King: Yet did he not wholly forfake them, but only in that weafure as they had forfaken andcaftofFbim.

Qneft. 9. Whs is meant here bj[° aVim^VV^ tw i%*ict 12 Anfw. The Contracrdinate , that beak out of the rank of fubjc&s f and fct themfelvcsagainft Government, as Army is fct cgainft Army in fight: All is here prohibited that is contra*] tefubjection^ but not all Re(iftance y nor is the word properly trar)flitcd by Refifting s There is a Rtft ft ante that is contrary to (abjection , and that is forb dden: and there is *R(-fiftancenotcotttrarj tofubjettion: and that is not forbidden.

Qyeft. 10 What is meant by [ e Damnauon\ which the comraoriinatc ir rebellious do receive ? Anfa. Not only puniihment from man,but a moft beary punifti. ment, even evcrlafting roifery from God, wbofe order and power they oppofe: Unlefs by faith and Re* pehtance ic be prevented.

Qacfc

Qacft. 11 MhJI we obey no Rulers bat fuck as are here defcribed,as are notaterrourtothegtod, but the evil? Anfw. If the very drift and work of their Government were for evif works and againft good, then they afted as the Devils fubftitutes, and could not be Magi ftrates, nor fervants of God,bur nallifie their office aito ihem. But if it be but in fome particular cafes that they are againft Good, and for Evil, andfoch as nullifie not their officc^hen we muft not deny fubje-ftion to them : bat how far we may or may not refift^ (hall be (hewed anon.

Q^iert. 12 Hoft could Nero befaid to be an encourager of Good^ and a urror to evil^andfuch an one as is here defcribed? Anfw. 1. It is directly to Magistracy as Juch char i^a/requireth fubje&ion : And therefore he defcribetb it as it is in Godslnftitution. 2. Yet it is alio Migiftracy as in thofe particular men: But then the Apoftle confidereth them partly as obliged to be fucb a$ be defcribetb, and partly as profeffing to be Foch ■ for To did Nero : and partly as being a&oally fuch in many thing*. In matters of common equity, and againft moral evil, and for that good which the Law of Nature revealeth , the Roman Laws might well id the main be faid to be a terrour to evil works , and not to good ^ though in the matters of fopernatu-ral revelation they were perverfc : And Nero was to Govern by tbefe Laws : And there were multitudes of Officers befides Nero that were to be Judge and execute according to thefe Laws • And the Apoftle had refpeft to thefe. And the Senate bad pari ftill in the Soveraignty it felf. But of this more anon.

Qotft, } 3 r But kov could Ntro bt [aid to be tke

A 9 Mini-

Minifter of God, and a Pofter fit over them by God, ( efpecially as to the Jews) when he h*d no lawful Calif Anfw. i. Tbc ApofUe look! at the whole frame of Government, Laws, Senate, Officers, as well as at Nero. 2. Nero bad the Confcnc of Senate and people before Paul wrote this. 3. Settled poffcffion fig. nifieth a Confeni: For the people are the ftrengrh : and theftrongeft can refill, if they will: and cfaey that can and do not, (hew that they will not. 4. The Apoftlc fuppofcth that tbc private Chriftians to whom he writetb, were not the Judges of tbc Titlci of Princes, Senates or People.

Thcf. 318. A Chriftians fnbjeftion to Magiftrates muft be participativelj Divine ^ that is y to Magiflrates as Officers authorized by God the Vniverfal King.

He that obcyeth upon any other account excluding tbii, dotb not obey a Magiftratc as a Magiftrate, but it an Idol, or as one that is able to do him good or hurt: and fo it is himfelfihut be fcrveth in his obedience ; and there is no Divine obedience in ir. But a Chriftian undcrftandeth that God is tbc Alpha and Omega ,the firft and laft; and that of him, and through bins, and to him are all things, Rom. 11.36. And therefore he intendeth God in all, and dependctb on him in all;and doing all for him and by his command,J all things are fan&ified that be dotb, and from God] 1 he (hall receive bis reward. Our Obedience is principally denominated and cftimatcd from tbc principal Authority. In the laft Refolution all the Obedience * of a Chriftian to whomfoevcr is Whine : and all i ifee Obedience of a wicked man i$ 10 an /£/, or

10

to t*rk*i-ft1fi to which he fubje&eth even God himfclf.

Tbef. 319. -/*// pcr/onsjven Pafiors of the Churchy Ore bound to this fubjeftion to Magiftrates, as 1 have before proved , and it is a double wickednefs and tfeafon for them to exempt tbemfelves^that fhould Preach the doftrine of obedience to others.

Beta on the Text ciceth Chryfofioms expofition before mentioned, viz. [ That this is commanded t* all, even Preiftt and Monks , *nd not only to them thai ate employed in thebafinefs of this life, as the Apofth in the very entrance declareth , when he faith, Let every foal be fubjed to the higher Powers: though m Apoftie, though an Evangelift,though a Prophet, or whoever elfetboube; For this (ubjetlion overthrow-ttbnot Piety,'] Upon which Beta with exclamation faith, [GoodGod, if he bad but lived at this time, bow fbttply would that man inveigh agatnfi him ,r hat not on* ly refufetb fnbyiHion to Kings , but transferred 4lfo Kingdoms and Empires, and yet wouldfeem the Vi-tar of Chriji ij But oi this before.

Thef. 320. RHlert muft be obejed in all lawful 'tringsi

That is, in ill things that God bath not difablcd ithem to oblige as inland hath not obliged m himfclf |fO the contrary.

tbefj2i. kitty4*dMagiftrdtis m*fi ieoiejedj

even about the Worfliip ofGod, in all lawfnil commands.

Somuchofthecircumftances of Worfliip as God hath left to be determined by men, we muft obey a Magiftratc in if he determine them : And much more when he doth but enforce Gods own Commandments : Of this alfo before.

Thef. 3 22. About the circumjlances of Divine Wer^ fhipjnucb more about fecular things, if the Prince command one thing ( not contrary to Gods Law) and the Pafiors ofths Church command the contrary , wemnft obey the Prince before the Paftors.

I bring toot the Pope or any unla wfull Prelates into qneftion j who are not as fuch to be obeyed u all: But ie is the lawful Pallors of the Church , that Ifpeakof : In the fubfiance of their office,which God hinrfelf hath made ncceffary, they are not to be difobeyed, whatever Princes fay, becaafe it were a difobeying God: As if we were forbid to Hear, Pray, Receive the Sacraments, live in Church Communion, &c. But the circumftances of Time, Place, Uten-fils, &c though ordinarily they (hould be left to the Paftors determinations, yet are fucb things as a Magi Urate may determine of, and mail be obeyed in. And in tbefe works common to botb,he is the higher Power.

"thef. 323. We mufi *bey Magiftrates, thought know not that their Commands are lawful^ as long a they arefc indeed\and ftv hsvi nofufficmt Reafon to be lave them unlawful. I . !

i. It is not our erroneous conceits thit a Lawful Command is unlawful, that will excufe any mm from the gujit of difobedierce ; For that very crrour is our fin : If you fay, that we muji go according to our confciences: I anfwer; Not according to an erring Confidence (it being doubcfnlwhejher that be truly Confcience: ) unlefs you will make nun a God to himfelf, asfeccing him above the Laws of God, and that by vertue of his errors. If you fay, that at leafk we muft not go again]} Confcience-^ I anfwer, lnfenfn divifo you mult •' Infenfu compoftto you muft nor. And yec you muft not go acctrding to it. So that crrour intangleth you in anecefficy of finning, if you will not dcpofc it. what then muft be done? Anfw. Gods Law fhnds ftiil the fame , and varyeth not with your erring mind. It binds you firft to lay by your errour, and then to Obey. Objed. But in cafe I cannot lay it by, what am I found to? I anfwer, you are ftill bound to lay it by, and to ufe the means that art neceflary thereto, with arightdifpofed mind, that you may be able or apt to do it. You cannot be inno^ cently impotent to your Duty.

2. We know that Obedience to Magiftrates is a Duty : If therefore we know not, nor have fufficient reaion to belieye,that the thing is finfal to the obeyer, we muft obey.

Thef. 3 24. Many things are finfullj commanded^ that art lawfully, yea necejfarily to be obeyed.

r

I have given many inftances in cafes about Wor-

ip f in my fifth Difput. about Church-government.-

Aa3 It

It may be finful in a Governour to lay an unneceffa-ry Tax upon the people; who yet may be bound in conscience to obey the impofition* If the thing be not evil in it felf, nor by a more weighty accident, then the Magiftrates command is to the doing it, we moft

obey. Of this more ip the Negatives

i

Thef 325. hula^fnl for fnbjtSls to fwear fidelity and obedience to Sover signs*

!♦ If it be needful to perform it, ft is lawful and jaft that wepromifcand fwear it. For why (hould we deny to be engaged to that which we rouft perform? 2. It if juft as to the Prince, wboisfwornto the Common-wealth ^ and obligations here (hould be mutual. Why (hould he hazard his life for a People that will not /wear fidelity to him? Princes, and Parliaments, and all Soveraign Princes go in continual danger by reafon of the plots and malice of the enemies. And (hall we not fwear fidelity to them ? 3. If crery husband expedetb it in marriage from his wife • and if %Abr*ham made his fcrvant fwear to be faithful in one particular duty, much more is it nccef-fary in this cafe.

Yet upon a Hidden change, while times and Confidences are unfetled, it is a more prudent courfe for Princes to forbear exading oathes, left it occafion feruplcs and divifions ( unlcfs forac urgent*neceffi-ty require it) and to flay till Confidences arc fettled.

Thef. 326. It U the fubjetts D*ty udefen&their Trince with their Jtrength, *nd hszAtrd cf their

lives.

lives ^againfl all forr sign ani domefHckjnemies thatfeeK hi* life ermine*

Tbe way of defence they may be limited in by the Law: Every man is to do it in bis place and calling. Fidelity rcquireth it. The common good rcqoirctb it. Elfe no man that is wife would be a King or Governor. For if the people be not bound to defend bim, be is but fee up to be the objed of envy and a bait to the ambitious to entice men to invade bim, and execute their fury on bim.

Thef. 327. It is a mfl impious thing for Pipes t$ pretend r> difoblige Chrijlians from their Oaths and fidelity to thfir Soveraigns, and to encourage their fubjetts to rebel and murder them.

That this is their Religion, I have already (hewed in the exprefs words of the Council at the Laterane under Innocent the 3. And that it hath been their pra&ice, Germany, France, England and many Nations know. Many Popes have done fo againft the German Emperors. Math. Paris calls it the [Papal Rebellion*} againft Frederick, -, which Chriftian people then lamented and dctefted. Roger Hoveden (that flatters tbe Pope more then M. Paris) tells us (H. 2. pag. 284.) i hat the Pope undertook to damn tbe Lavs and Cujtoms of England, in perpctuum ^and anathema-tiKed all that held them, or any way favoured them} not excepting the King himfclf. Thcfc Laws and cu-ftoms were no Novelties • but fucb as tbe King and Nobles called avisos confuetudines & Leges y the en* fioms and Laws of their Ancsftors, ("And yet the Pj^ pills pretend thai Papacy if no Novelty, nor the Fa-

Aa4 tber

*her of Novelties. ) Matb.Paru fin Hen.2.) tells you whit thefeXawswere. And Becket himfdf (that was^ Sainted for fuch fluff) cclkth the King, £Quia certain eft, RcgesporefSaceiB foam ab Ecdefia acopere, & nonipfam abillis —— ergo vo) hab^retis Epi-fcopis praecipere abfolvere a!iquera , vel excommuni-care, trahere Clericos ad Seculai ia exacnina, judicare dedecimis,deEcclefiis—&multaalia quse in hunc modum fcripca funt inrer confuetudines veftras, qua$ dtckis avitas.] Here's holy Dodrine ! chat Kings re ceive their power from the Church and may not-judge of Tythes, or Churches, nor bring Clergymen to examination at their Barr ! Rog H&veden H. 2. p. 2S5. And the fame Prelate of Canterbury Epift. ad fuffragdn.Molyeihall Bifhops from their obedience, fmd condemned and excommunicated) all the Exsft-eri, Counfcllors andObferversof theEnglifh Laws, £Omnefq-,vos Epifcopos a promiffiore qua contra in* ititocioneoa Ecclefiafticam,& ad carum obfervationem tenebamini,au(ftoritate Dei & noftra abfolvirau^Quis cnim dubitac facerdotcs Chfifti Regnum & Pnnci-pum, omniumque fidelium patres & Magiftros cenfe-ri? Nonne raiferabilis infania? efTr cognofcitur, fi fili-ns Patrem,difcipulus Magiftrum fibi conetur fubjuga-re, & iniquis obligationibus Poteftati fuac fubjicere ? a quo credit, nonfolumfe in terra,fed ctiam in coelisli-gare poffs, & folvi ? ] O how would Paul and all the antient Church have detefted thisdodrinc of the Papal Saint, that makes it madnefs for Priefts to be fub-jefted to Kings, forfooth becaufe (in another kind ) they are their Matters, andean bind or loofe them ? And fo their Tutors in Mufick , Phyfick or any Sci-♦;ccfhou!d b:no fubje&s? Yea a Prelate we (tt as

well

well as a Pope can abfolve the Subjc&s from their pro-mifcs and fidelity. The King hirafelf he had yet mercy on, and forbore to excommunicate ( which was then to depofe himj bat [jn proximo earn Uturf\ he was ready next to do > if he did not the ioonerrepent^ of whac ? Of the Laws ^/England againft the Pope, and his Clergies pretended liberties. And thefe great enemies of Novelty and Friends to Antiquity, made Richard the frfi fwcar at his Coronation, \jo blot out thefe ill Laws andperverfe cuftoms~] R. Hoved. p. 3 74. yea when the good Bifhop Rob. Groftheft had written a faithful Letter to the Pope, the Pope fwearcth by Peter and Paul £ Ni(i moveret nos innata in-genuita?,ipfam in ta-ntacn confufionempraecipitarem, ui toti mundo fabula foret, ftapor, cxemplam, 9c prodigiuro. NonneRex Anglorumnoftcr eftVaffal-lus, & ut plus dicam mancipium, qui poteft eum nuto noftro incarcerare&ignominia^mancipare? that is, [Is not the King of England our Vaffal , and to fay more, ottrflave? who can with our md imprifon him, and enflave hm to ignominy (or (hame) ] Math. Paris in H. g. *n. 1253. fag. 872. Here was p'ain dealing wiih Kings: And the Papal pradifes have bscn as plain, thatis,plain Hiftiliiy againft all(fhr\fti-an Kings and States.

He that hath read but 'Math. Paris' and the Hifto-nes of Germany colleded by Pifiorius y and thofc by Freberus, and thofc by Reuberus ; and Goldafttti de Monarch, and his Imferial Cenftitutions (to name no morej bath feen foeh trains and fuceeffions of Papal TrcafonsandHoftilities againft Chriftian Princet, ai may make him wonder that Princes fuflfer Arch a thing as a Pope upon the earth.

Saida

Smith the Apolog. Henr. 4. Imperstoru (in M*rq. frekeri Tom. 1. fag. 172.) Scripfic Hildebrand

Papa, ^quodipfe exemplo alicujus Roraani

Pontificis Poteftatcm babqeric folvcrc i Sacramento Principcf Regni, ienmo folvere in eis Sacramcntum, quofidcravel padura promifcrant Regifuo. Mifere-mini O Principes regni coeteftis, populas Dei, fi camen eftispacifici t &(ieitis in Unitatc Ecdcfiar Dei: vos inq jam raiferemini & indignemini, quod aeftimavit vos talis roomenei,ut putaret vos poffe in banc fenten-tiam adduci,ui id quod non poteft fieri, eredacis poffe fieri. Nam Sacra tnen tuna dicitur quoquc j as jura n-

dum f Jarabis inquicDominus, in vericate, in

judicio & in jaftitia : Quis poteft hacc folvere , qua: fane opera roanumtuarum Domine? Opera quippe

virtatis Dei fane Veritas, judicium & juftitia- ]

%*?*&- I 74* Sed Hildcbrand Papa fie fcripfit, & fie praedicavic [Quidam ( inquiens) Romanus Pontifcs Regem Francorum non cam pro fuit iniquitatibus, quam pro co quod tanrg poceftati non erac ntilis f a Regno depofuit, & Pipinum Caroli Magni patrcra in ejus loco fubftttuit, omnes Francigenas i juramenco fidelitatis quam illi fecerunt abfolvic. J Mira qui-dem videmur nobis quae aftruit! at fcilicct Rdigio-fus aliquis Romanus Pontifcx Sacramenrum fidci in aliquo abfolvcre rencaverit: quia fides Dei ma-gis quam alicujus xftimacur, quae alicui in ejus nomine datur, arque promittitur ■ Quandoau*

tern a fide aliquis folotas fuerit, & fidem non ba-bucrir, proculdabio mend ax eft, infapcr & per) urns,

qualis regnum Dd non poifidebit. J Read the

reft ibid. But of ibis I have faid more in othec writings.

Thcf*

Tbcf. 328. It is a great Contreverfie 3 whither* fnbjtB may fight at a Princes command when he kjtow~ eth net the caufe to be jnft , *r when he knowetb it to be unjufi ? Anfw I. If he know it to be unjnfljee may not; (except Accidentally ahorse fame further prevalent Reafon warrant it.) 2. If he Itnow it not tobeurjuft, when it is fa btcaufe he doth not his duty to know, he is bound to do that duty, and knowing to forbear. 3 If he know it not to be unjuft, becaufe he hath no capacity to difcover the unjufiice % nor to judge of it,then he may bear firms*

1. The guile of blood iifo heavy a thing that no roan {hould draw it upon bimtclf or his Prince 1 on* juft war U murdering: And no roan (hould murder in obedience to a Prince t when God condemneth it. Z. The Accidental exceptions it fine } icc. 1 fhall fpeak of among th4 Affirmative Propofuions. 3. Wilful ignorance will not excufc a man from the guilt of murder, though a King command it. Bat the pcrfon is at once obliged to ufe means for bis berter informs* tion, to lay by bis erronr, and to forbear the fin. 4. But when the (in or unjuftneis of the war is not notorious, nor within our reach ro know it, then wc mud obey our Rulers that are the Judges or difcern-ers of the cafe: For, 1. Rulers may not open all caufea of a war to all the Souldicrs : Sometime the cafe rcquircth fucb fccrccie and expedition, ai will not confift with that. 2. Subjc&s by reafon of di-ftance and difacquainrancc arc ufually incompetent Judgeaof fucb cafes. 3. And if they (hould never fight till they know the Joftncfs of the caufe, they

would

would negleft the NecefTary Defence of their Sove-raign and Count rey.

Yer, if there be not competent knowledge that it is a good caufe, men fhoold not thruft on them-felves, nor go to war without fome kind of Ne-ceffity.

Thef. 329. The fame anfwer ftrveth to that ether Controverfie, whether a fubjeEl may execute an unjufi Sentence of 4 "Prime or ^udge ?

If it concern the Common-wealth direftly (or nearly) be mnft fufpend his execution till he have competent fatisfaSion : As if he were commanded to put to death fome perfons of great Eminency and Intereft in the Common-wealth. But if it be but againft a private perfon (as the hanging a man condemned for felony, the {hooting to death a Souldier condemned for mutiny ) here if the un juftice be /iot notorious, and you fee no great caufe to fufped: it, and be not negligent in doing what concerneth you in your place, for due information, you may do execution, if you are commanded. But not, if the un-juftice be notorious,or fucb as you may well difeover, without tranfgreffing yotis; bounds in the enquiry. In fuch cafes, Princes (hould find no Executioners : And the Executioners are guilty of the crime: For God is to be obeyed more theii man. Doeg was curfed for flaying the Priefti at Kiog'&w/'i coramand.lt coft the CaptaifK and Souldier* their livei that would have fur prized Eliot a: ;he Kings command. Obadiah is blcffed that faved the Prophets; and fo are the Egyptian Mid wives that faved the Ifrnclifes children*

dreR, whom the King commanded to deftroy. Many thai have been Executiones in the Martyrs death, have hid exemplary plague?. Its the Legal way of retraining Kings from unjuftice,to puntfh their Executioners that are fubjefts, that others may fear obeying tbem in wickednefs.

Thef. 330. A Sever aign that u an Heretic^ er wicktd man, ye a Infidel of Heathen, muft be obeyed in all lawful things : but with an Obedience anfwerable to hU Authority.

I fhall open this together with the next Thefis.

Thef. 331. He that hath no fuch Right to Govern, 04 willjuftifie himfelf for it before God, majjet be fuck \tohom we are obliged to obey.

We have here one of the weigbtyeft and difficukeft cafes about Obedience, before u*. It is very hard to conceive how an Intidel or Heathen can have any Right of Government bscaufe they deny the Uai-verfal Soveraign from whom they muft derive theie Right, or they can have non« : And how can a Rebel receive Authority? And whyfhou!d we obey him that hatb no Authority ? Nay is it not impofliblc, when Author it as Imferantis is the formal cbjett rf Obedience ? Alfo will it not follow that the Pope ihould be obeyed thai is no Infidel or Heathen ?

And yet Cbrift,and Paul, and Tetir have (6 plainly decided the cafe, that the Heathen Magiftrates-tbac were in their daies were to be obeyed, that we muft needs take that fQr a certain truth. And therefore we

have

$66 Ofiut Obtdknce to Rulers,

have only to confider upon what ground,andhow far they are co be obeyed , and to anfwer cbc obje-Aions.

Aquino* 22** ^.10.4.1 o.doth firft well diftinguifb between a Governor to fa chofen, and a fre-ex flent Governour : And then well concludech that an Infidel is not co be made a Governour, (that is, if be be eledive >) but if be be already a Governour —• what then ? Why then he ill concladetb that the Church havinyGods authority % can take away from them their Jus Dominit & prxlationis • but till the Church dodepefcihcm, (which it for beareth fometime to avoid fcandtl) wemufiobej them,and pay them tribute to avoid fcandal too~\ And to he interpreted the Texts of Scripture that command fubje&ion to Infidel Princes, as being only to keep as from offence. But this agrectb not with the word* of Paul, chat faith, Every foul muft befubjott even for conference fake^ and as to the Miniftcrs of God. To obey only to avoid offence, is not to obey at all: It it but the matter of that which is Obedience in another : For the Form and Being is wanting, if it be not done for the Authority of the Commander*. Even as that n no 3< lief which is not for the Authority or credit of the a firmer. Bat Aire it it true f*bjcflion that is commanded us.

The Tratb, as I conceive, lieththos. I. If the n-fidelitj of a Prince be not notorious, he is no Infidel to vou and me, and then there is no doubt. As in the Miniftry, foin the Magiflraey, if he be in the place, and not a mtoriom Vfurper , be is an Officer to me : The Benefit of thefubjeR from Mafifiracy (and Mr uiftry) i* firft confidcrable:They are means to our good. The Duty is iq order to the Benefit. We have Title

to

J

And cf ReftjUnce. $6y

to the Benefits of tbe office, though an U fur per be in the place. And having right Co the Benefit , muft do the £>**;.

2. If the Ruler be notorioufij an Infidel or Hedtbtn, yet be is fa ppofed to own a God, even one higheft God $ that is naoft pcrfed in Power, Wifdora and L>oodne(s, and to pratefs bimfclf a fub jc& of God, and an Officer under him to punifti evil doers, and encourage well-doers : This the Heithens did profefs. Bue witball they knew not the Redeemer, nor the True God aright , with a faving knowledge, but difhonoured him by wor(hipping many Idols in conjunction with him. And in the execution of their offices, they per-fecnted Chriftianity, though they encouraged Moral Vertuc. What then muft we think offuch ? I. It is better for the world to have fuch Governors then none. And therefore they did more good then hurt* There never was among thofe Heathens fo bloody I periecuror, that did not favc tbe lives of many from pcrfecution, for one that they deftroyed. For it is the rabble rout of the Vulgar that arc the bloody eft per* fecutors: Where the Etnperours killed an hundred Chriftians, bad they but turned loofe the vulgar rabble, they would have killed a tboufand,or made an end of them. We (hould have ten tboufand Perfecu-tors for one, if there were no Rulers to retrain tbe Serpentine Malignant enmity that is in tbe multitude of the ungodly. 2* Seeing therefore that wt have prefcrvation and benefit by them as Governours, we owe them doty as Governours. 3. They are Analogically R#lers 9 having an Analogical Authority im-ferfelii gentry. As they own a God, and pro-I fed to worlhip God, and to preferve peace

and

and order in the world, and puniflh vice \ and promote vertue , according to tjic Law of Nature,fo thejr are in tantttm trnly Magistrates. But as they deny the Redecmer^nd corrupt the doSrine of the God-head, fo they fall (hort of that depend-ance on the fountain of Authority, that fbouldmake them folly men of power. 4. They are accordingly to be obeyed with obedience proportioned to their Authority, and no more. 5 How far an x\theift or Infidel is to be rejeded, I fhall mention anon under the Affirmative*. 6 Even thofe that by Atheifm , or doing more hart thengood^ do nullifie their Magiftracy, may yet be materially, though not formally obeyed to avoidevilsthatelfe would fall upon our felves,or upon the Church or Common-»raltb. 7. And private men may hoi lay hands on them, as long as God and the Common-wealth ( or body of the Nation ) forbear them. If a Jufticeof Peace renounce the King,and yet go on to execute the Laws, and if the Kiag be one that can feize on him at his plcafure, and willingly forbeareth him, the fubjed mutt let him alone, and obey all that he coraimndeth according to Law, till the King lay bands on him, or forbid obedience to him. 8. Such perfons therefore have no nght Coram BeQ to govern, which will juftifiethem agamft the accufatiofi of Usurpation or Treafon againft God : But yet the people may be bound to obey them ( though they know this) not as fo Authorized, bur as being inthefeator place of Government, and commanding in Gods name by his voluntary pcrraiffion, If a Tray tor come and charge me to obey the KingsLaws J will obey them *t the Kings % though formally I obey not him; But if he be one

that

that the King permitteth in a place of power, I will obey ixwalio, foitbe not againft the King. So is ic in this cafe, about Infidel and Heathen Governor?.

And now rhe objeSions need no further anfwer. The grand Obje&ion (that they are Tray tors againft God, and have no Power from him , becaufe they deny him J is anfwered in th s that hath been faid. The other ObjediQn (that this would infer obedience to the Pope) is eafily anfwered: The Office it felf of the Papacy is erefted by man againft the JVM ofChrift. An Infidel King is in an Office of Gods in-Ititutton, though the prfon be half unfit : Bat the Pope is in an Office that God condemneth , whatever the perfon be. And therefore a (inful office may not be obeyed by us at all.

Thef. 332. Toebeyamanthatiiknovpn to have no PoWer^ isnotofitfelfnnlartfnl, fo the office or thing commanded be not forbidden.

for we are commanded to fubjeft our fclves one to another, 1 Per, 5. 5. and in honour to prefer each other. I may obey any man that commanded! me, even if it be to give him my Cloak, or Coat, or go with him fo many miles: So be it there be not fome accident that makes it finful: As if it fees) to own an unjuft Authority to the publick fcandal ^ er if ic will encourage the Ufurper in his fin, &c.

But this alfo is no plea for the lawfuloefs of obeying the Pope, whole Office is unlawful, and who is the enemy of Common-wealths, while he proclaimed) bimfdf the Lord of Princes. Saith an old Poet

Bb and

and Htftorian, Guntber. Ligurin. Lib. 6. pag. 376.

Cogitet anttynos primtvitemporis annos,

Fr&teritofa d^es^ &feculaprifcarevplvat 9

Num Vetrut^ am Clemensv>um cater a turba prior nm

Sceptra Latina dab At ? Romanes tempore prifco

Pauper erat ptaful % regali munere crevit : '

Nee tamen ntfafces & regni jar* Latini

Vel dare prafamat, velcuicjuam tollere poffit :

JExceJfere mo A urn magnornm munera regum,

Si tantum cuiquawjus infua regna dederunt : ■ »

Hoc tamen ar barium Roman us tempore no fir 0 Vendicat Antifles^ doeumenta^ vana §,gurU Bxprimit\ & cbartis datgrandia verba faperbis* Rtad the reft.

When Princes ruled Popss,and placed and dictated them as they faw meet, there was fome Peace to be had • but fince Popes have placed and difplaced Princes, Peace and Honefty are facriBced to odious pride and arrogancy : and if Princes will not re-af-fame their right, they ftiallanfwcr for betraying the people committed to them. Its a part of the Praife of the Emperour Otho , given bira by an antient female Poet, tbat he in a right zeal depofed.a faulty Pope , and put abetter in his place. Hrofwilhae Hiftor. fin, p. 101. ex colled, Rcuberi.

Qualittr tfrrt&i compmBnt acxmnezeli Summnm Pentifcem quadam per verfa pair antew 7 Ejtu nee wrhh fcgnanum ctdere crtbris,

StdU

SedU Ap§ftolic& fraudari fecit honore, ' Con/lit uenj alium Rettorunomive digntim*

Thcf. 333. Private men disjunttly are not

made Judges of the Title of their Princes 9 and therefore

muft obey them that are in Poffeffion and Admiqjjtrati-

. crt, unlefs their Vfurpatidn befo notorious at to he pajl

controverfie.

Private men conjunctly art the Body of the Common-wealth, who being kisfirength, muft defend their Princes right : and therefore muft Judge of it y \n order to fucb defence. Bat while the Body (real and re-prefentative) fubmit, it belongeth not to private members to cry or judge of controverted Titles of their Princes. For their diftance and unacquainted-nefs wicb State-affairs, doth ufually leave them un-capable of Judging, e.g. In the time of the Roman Eraperours, there were few private perfons fit to judge of their Titles % and therefore the Apoftlc fup-pofing this, commandeth them to obey the power* that then were. If a private man muft firft know his Princes Gencalogie, orhavefatisfadory evidence of his Title to the Crown 5 before he be obliged to obey, -then obedience would be rare, and Princes muft take another courfe to acquaint their fubjeds with their Title?, then hitherto they have thought meet toufe, How tew in England of the common people were acquainted with King James his Title? or with Henry the fevenths, or many of their PredeCcfibrs 9 from whom they pretended that theirs was derived. The vulgar muft fee reach by the eyes of the Nobles and' .Senate in thefe things.

Bbi

Tbef. 334. // V'urpition be notorious t yet if it be mt to the injury ofamther , the body of the Nation may lawfully afterward Confent, and having conferited, are obliged to obey, though JliS the Vfurper is accountable to Cjod for unjufi procurement of their confent.

Of the cafe of injuring another, and of the change of Government from perfon to perfon, I have fpoken before. Bat out of that cafe, there is no prohibition of God to fubjed our felves to an Ufurpcr*

Thcf. 335. ItisthefubjeElsT^utytofubmittofuf-fering y and not rejifi the Power of their Rulers, in cafes where they may not lawfully obey.

Yet thofe raifunderftand the Apoftle Paul, that think by the © aV^iac^'^©-, Rom, 13. 2. is meant enly violent Refiflers: meer disobedience may make a man a Rcfifter in the Apoftles fenfe. It is Antifubjefti-on, or breaking out of the rank of fub jeds, which the Text forbids. And he that unwarrantably difobeyeth, may do that, though he forcibly refift nor. But when obedience in the thing commanded is unlawful, yel fubraifiion to Suffering may be a duty; The excepted cafes are after to be mentioned.

Thef.

Thef. 336. In many cafes where Officers may be re-fijttd, it may be unlawful to rejifi the Sovereign kirn" (elf.

I ftnll onlyinftancenowin this general; In cafe the Law or will of the Soveraign allow us to Refift bit Officers upon fuppofition of fuch or fuch mif-carriages - but not to refift himtelf.

Tfoef. 3 3 7. In many cafes when it is Lawful forcibly to refift a Prince, in fame one particular cauje or a&, we may jet remain obliged to honour and obey him in all things elfe y and not to dtpdfe him, or hurt hu perfon.

As there is great difference between bis in jufticc in a particular aEl , and tbt Nullity of bis Power; fo is there great difference between Keftfting anunjuft ail, and Refifling his offia in the main, and denying him our fub je&ion. When the former may be a Duty ,the later may be a damnable fin. A man that holds the bands of an angry Prince from killing bimfelf^or another in his paflion, may ycc honour him and obey hiai as faithfully as another man • and do him neither wrong nor hurt.

Thef. 338. Every breach of Oath or Covenant by the Prince, will not warrant the peopk to dtpofe him, or difobey him.

In two cafes this is evident, ("which contain the particular cafes.) 1. The Covenants between Prince and people contain fome particulars oft times that arc

Bb3 not

not of Necefiuy to the Being of the common gooi f but only to the melius (Jfe, or to the good of fome particular p^rfons. If the Prince or Senate, or whoever is Soveraign, break fuch Covenants, they offend, but do not thereby forfeit tfeeir Soveraignty •, unlefs ( which is not to be fuppofed) it were agreed between them, that this (hould be a forfeiture : Nor may men lefift, in fuch a cafe of breach, in fmallcr things, on-lefs the Covenants, or Law allow it them: 2 If the Soveraign (hould violate his Covenants, or the Con-ftitution it felf in matters Fundamental, which the common good doth lie upon, and yet do this but in fome one Aft, which he pcrfifleth not in, but recurn-eth into his way, and is not a flared habi uated offender in this kind; it cannot be taken for a forfeiture of his Power ^ nor fufficient to warrant men to withdraw fubje&ion , unlefs it were fo expreffed in the Covenants or Laws. Such a deftru&ive Aft of bis may be £»Wrai,that is, Refifted, and yet the Regal ejlate not fubverted, while the crime is not ftaced.

So much for the Negative, How far Refinance is unlawful/Now of the Affirmative,how far it is lawful. A tender paint: but fo weighty, that confciecce (hcu'd not be unetled in it.

Thef.

Thcf. 339. ivhtn it is notorious that a man loath nd right to Govern, the people are not bouni to obey him, m-left bj accident.

Elfc wc fhosld be bound to take every man for our Soveraign thatcaileth himfelffo: And fo the people (hould be bound to Treafon, and to have many Soveraigns, when many pretend to ir. Materially men may be obliged to obey (that is, to do the thing commanded ) in prudence to avoid an evil to the Nation or therafclves. Bat formal obedience is dpe to none bat fuch as are in Authority, or feem to have Authority, and fo quoad nos are truly Govcrnours, though perhaps their Tide csram Deo may not be good. Even as I am not to take any man for a Paftor of the Church that is not lawfully called to it, or being in PofTeffionand Adrainiftrarion doth feem fo fo the Church.

Thef. 340. If a Lawful King be limited, if he Command the fubjefls beyond his Limits, in matters exempted from hu power, orelfein matters that the nature of his office extendeth not unto, that command is not an aft of power-, and therefore it is not a refinance of Power to di/ebej it.

The Refiftance of a perfon in power , in a point wherein he hath no Power, is not to refift Power, (that is, Jns regendi) but the will of a private man; For he is a private man in all things exempted from his Power. 1. A School-matter hath nothing to do to command bis Scholars in matters about their trades

B b 4 and

and callings in the world, but only in matters of learning and manner*, becaufe it belongs h riot to his Office. A Captain hath no Power ( as fuch) about mensefhtes, but only about the manners and military aftions of his Souldiers, in order to his military ends. If a Judge of one Court ftep into another without Coramiffion, in alienoforo, his Sentence is null, and no man bound to obey it. So if the Mini-fter prcfume to commsnd in things belonging to the Magiftrate, and not to him, his aft is private, vain and noil. So if a Soveraign will turn Phyfitian , and command all men to take this or that Phyfick only, not in order to publike good, but private health» or if he will turn Paftor and do things proper to a Paftor of the Church, bis acts are private and null, as being without the verge of his vocation.

2. And where his Covenants with his people limit him, be hath no power in the excepted points • e.g. if he be reftraioed from raifing Taxes without the peoples confent, if he yet command the payment of luchtaxes, he doth it not by Authority : For neither God nor man did ever give him Authority thereto. If the Confticution reftrain him from raifing war without the confent of the Senate, and yet he undertake to do it, it is not an aft of Authority , for he never had Authority thereto.

Objeft. Who hath Power te limit* Prince, when hi h the Officer ef God ?<

Anfy*. i. God bath limited him. 2.God hath not determined in Nature or Scripture of the (pedes of Government, nor of the perfon or family that (hall Govern: The People therefore being his Inftraments or means, may Imit their Soveraigns in things that

God

God hitb not determined of. 3. His own Covenants may limit him. And the people having (Irength and liberty % may force him to luch Covenants as are nc-cefliry to their fecurity , before they choofe him to be their Kmg.No man or family hath Originally more right to Govern a Nation then the reft, till Provi-aencctn&Confent allow it them. Few Princes will plead a fucceffi ve Right of Primogeniture from Noah. If the pcop'e then fay, \_Wt choofe you , ( and jour family fuccejfively) to Rule m on thefe and no ether terms ^ Accept the-e terms,or we accept not you. 3 If he thus accept them, he obligcth himfelf, and all his fucceffors 9 that will Rule on that foundation. And therefore he hath no more Authority then another man,in the ex* cepted points.

. Thef.341. He thit thus commandeth beytnd hU bounds and wthout Authority, may be lawfully Reftfled in thofe Commands, unlefs the Law or C on flit ut ion forbid fucb Refiftance : Provided that the Honour and Authority of the Ruler be preserved, and he be obeyed in all lawful things.

Not obeying , is the firft and chief Refifting ^ Ani that« proved lawful before, which proveth this alfo. He Refifteth not Power or Authority, that Reffieth only the will of a man, that (in that) hath no Aa-, thority: Indeed if the Conftitution (hoald be (which is not to be imagined ) that the Prince (hall have no Power in this or that, and yet if he aflame it, none (hill refift him, then men are retrained from refiftance. Ocberwifcjn thofe points he is a private man. YeUfo^*;*//j'Refiftancc may become a fin

or

or a Duty. If it cannot be done without the common lofsand hart, by dishonouring and dcpoling the Goyernoar, it is a fin by accident. If it be nctrfhry to reftrain bis ufurpation., and to fecure the pubiick goad, it will be a duty, and no indifferent thing.

If I be bound to obey or not refill, where there is m Authority to require my obedience,then it muft be fomewhat diftind and feparated from Authority that I am bound to: Aod what that is, muft be dif-covered. It can be but Accidental: and thai's no-tfaiag to the point.

Thef. 342. No Law cm oblige m to Punijhment buffer difobedience ^ And therefore where the Obedience . Was not due , the difobedience is inculpable , and the pn-nijbment not due: And where it U not due, I am not obli-gtdtoit by that Law % though pojfiblj fome other L*w may bind me to/ubmit to undnefujferings.

If there be a Law forbidding Refiftance, how undue foevcj: the penalty be, that Law mutt reftrain us. But that Law it felf that obligeth ant adobeduntiam, autpanam, obligeth not to punilhment, but in cafe of difobedience. The a&ion therefore of fuch an unjuft aufli&cr, ii without Authority ; And therefore ie csn-QOt be formally in obedience unto him that I muft fubmit ( unlefs to forac cither Law. ) But it may be an ad of formal obedience to God, that requireth me to fubmit to the unjuft affii&ions of men, when they cannot be refilled without deturbing or difhonouring the Governours, to the injury of the Commonwealth. Rulers are not authorized to hurt the innocent at pleafure*

Thcf.

Thef 343 lnferiour Rulers have no Authority but what it give* them from the Sovereign Porter 5 and therefore in all other things the fubjetti are not bound to obey them ^ but may forcibly njift them, bj the Confent of the Sovereign.

They are Private men in matters without the verge of their Commifiions. If a Conftablc ufurpc the Office of a Juflice, or a Juftice of a Judge, or one Judge of another, (heir commands are null and may be refilled by difobedience, and by force too, unlefs where the Law for Peace and order doth forbid it. No man doubts but the Soveraign may authorize us to rcfift his Officers, when they tranfgrefs their bounds,

Thef 344. No humane Soveraign hath Authority toforbd ft hat God commands>%or to command what God forbids 5 but their Laws that are notoricujly contrary to the Laws of G*d, are nullities, and cannot oblige to obedience or punijhment.

A Conftable or Juftice may a thoufand-fold more excufably pretend Authority againft the King, or independent on him, then a King can claim Authority againft God, or independent on him. There is no Power but from God; God giveth none againft hira-felf. All Laws or commands of men are null, or void of true obliging Authority, which are againft his Laws. They are not words of Authority, bnt of Rebellion or VfitrpaiionjLhit command us to difobcy the God of heaven. To refill fuch a command, is not to

Refill

Refill an aft of Power, bat of Vfurpation. For there can be no Power without , much iefs againft the fountain of all power , the univerfal Soveraign. It may be this is the meaning of the School-men and Politicians, that fay it is no Law -which is ur.juft ^ and of Auguftine that make* JufticeefTential to the Common-wealth, de Civic. Dei \\ig. [ Vhi ergo fufiitia vera non eft, necjtupoteft ejfe : ^uoi enim jure fit,pro -feclojufte fit : quod antem fit injufte , nee jure fieri po-teft. Non enim jura dicenda funt velputanda qu&libet iniqua keminum conftituta : Qu0ci*ca ubi non eft vera jttftitiajuris conf$nfuf$ciatus coetm h minum nonpoteft e JF*i & iieo nee popnlus : Etfi nonpopulm.nec respopu-li , fed qualifcm^ multituiinis qua populi nomine dignamn eft. Ac per hoc ft Refpubl ca Res eft Popvli,& Populus mn eft qui eon fin fu juris foeiatus non eft -, non eft antemjnsnbi nulla eft JufHtiajroculdubio colligitur^ ubi fuftitia non eft,non ejje Re mpublicam.] Of this mt)re anon.

Yet as God rcqaireth as to yield for peace f ike to men that have no Authority, and rather then be revenged or break Charity and Peace, to go two miles with him that would compell us to go one, 8nd to give our coat to him that takes away our clo^k •, fo much more finis grath for the fake of Charity,P<race and Order, he requireth ni to fuflfer wrongs from Kings and M*giftrates> and not difturb the publick peace for our private inceretl. But yet for all this, their ads againft God and his Laws,are not atts *f Authority % nor oblige to formal Obedience y nor are wc tyed from Reftftance when the publick good requireth ir, and fo the end is fuch as we cannot difpence with.

B jc yet if upon this pretence any private fubjeda

or

or others take on tbem to jadge the Soveraigns afli-ons, rhat are uncspable, or not called to it, or (hall conclude that to be contrary to Godi Law chat is not, and (hall relift Authority under pretence of refitting a private Will, their temerity and errcur will notex-cufe them from the guile.

Tbef. 345. Tofpe*k.pr*perly^m Law cbligetbany man to [afferent only tofttbmit y andmt refft:Andthere-fore we are allowed to fly to ejeape undeferved offering.

Chrifthimfelf allowethhis Difciples to fly in cafe of perfection , ur.iefs when accidentally the confef-fing of his name requiretb ihem to ftay. He that fly-eth dorb nor< bey,or fuffer : and yetoffendeth nor, becaufehedotn not diiobey a Command of Authority, but of u'.'urpiiigtirt//, nor doth refift tothedi-fiurbancenf the common peace, nor to the difcou-r*gemenc or di paragement of Governours. And if flight, then any other lawful means may be ufed ro avoid unrighteous iuffering*, as by intreaiy ,and by mediation of friends, or as Paul by an Appeal; and why not by forcible efcape out of prifon , or the infe-riour officers bands ? The A potties went out of Prifon when the Angel let them loofe*, and the fear of the People often refcucd Cbrift and them. Bafil was violently refcued from the Tribunal by the multitude, and many antientBifhops have fo efcaped : This is Reft/ling, and violent Refining : but when it is bot an efcapefrom the hands of perfecution and injuftice,and is no injury totheGovernour , ncr a difturbing of publick order or peace, it is not the refitting that God forbid^ nor any refitting gf Authority,

Thef.

Thef.- 346. In many cafes it u lawful to Refiji the Officers and Inftruments of a King^ though againfi hii -will

1. A? to their perfens ; chcy KXtfabjetis % and have notthemfclvcs the Sovcraign Power. 2. Every man that faith be comes in the Kings name, is not ro be believed. 3< Unlawful commands fhould have no Executioners, if they may be known to be unlawful : And therefore the Executioners deferve punifhment, and not obedience. 4. A King may be limited him-fclf, and then cannot give the Power to his Officers that he hath nor. And when they arc fentby mecr Will without Authority fhty may be dealt with as private invaders of our rights. Eliot deftroyed two Captains and their Companies with fire from Heaven, that came to command him to come to the King > 2 King. 1.9,10. Though the manner was excraor* dinary by Miracle, yet the matter (deftroying the Kings Souldiers) was the fame as if it bad been done by war ^ and was done by his voluntary Refinance. Every fouldier is not the King: and the command of obeying the higher Powers; obligeth us not to obey them that have 00 Power high or low h but are the mcerlnftrumeotsof will and Arbitrary invafion, and not of Power. A Kings will cannot ju&ifie his own ads that proceed not from Power but ufurpation : Muchlefs his Officers or Souldiers ads.

Thef. 347.-4 King muft not he obeyed that command-ttb dfubjftl f hill him, or unjuftly to kill anotlnr, or to do any evil that U $r may be known to befuch.

David

David hewed in pieces him that killed Saul in obedience to him. He was a Tray tor that obeyed the King to his deftru&ion. Doeg was a branded wicked wretch that obeyed the King 10 killing the Priefts. It was foabs fin to fct Vriab in the place of danger, and be Davids infirument to murder bim, though by the enemies fword. Daniei would not forbear open praying in his houfe for a few daies time at the will of the Kmg: The three witneffcs, D**. 3. boldly told the King to his face , that they would no! worfliip tbc Image that he commanded them to worfhip.Man may {no: be obeyed againft God.

Thef. 348. Itu lawful and a Duty to Reftfi a King even bj viohnce Hp:n his per fen , to prevent the dtftru-Bion cf him/elf, jea or of the innocent y in cmfe it be dent -ypith the due regard ofh:s honour and dignity y and the end of Government.

1. If a King (tsSsuI) would make away him-felf,tbe Subjeft is a Tray tor that doth not Refift him, and prefirrve him, though again ft hrs will. Nature and the common good require it. We muft do fo for 1 fellow-fubjift ; much mt>re for a Prince. If in his ficknefs he would eat or drink that which would kill him, he may be birdrcd even by fcrce. 2. If in his Pafiion he would kill his wife or fervants, or faithful fubjeds, he is to be refitted even by force : and be that holds bis hands, and takeib the fword cut cf bis hands, may expect that he wiil praife him when the Paifion is over : But if he do ror,God and'goed men \vill praife him-, and the wickednefs of an obftinate

Xing,

King, cannot make the good a&ion to be evil. He Is not £0 ttV77n*^V*p©-] that only hindreth a King from murder.

Thef. 349. As it is lawful thus tofave anothers life from a murderous King,fo alfo to fave our own ^ with the aforefaid caution, and if no other accident for kid it.

No man is bound to love his neighbour , b6t as himfeif. We arc bound to preferve our own lives as well as anothers: It is as great a fin in a King to murder you as another: And therefore you fhouid equally endeavour to prevent that (in. You may hold h'sfj hands, or take away his fword, in cafe you cannot flic orotberwifeefcape. For, v i. It is not Authority but Paffion that you refift. 2. You hurt him nor, nor derogate from his authority, nor difturb the Order and Government of the Common-wealth. 3. You arc bound to preferveyour life by lawful means, 4. And ~a!fo to preferve him from fuch deadly fin. David fl d from Saul with an A r my to defend him : And his queftion, £ Will the men of Ke»lah deliver me into the hands */Saul ? _] doch inriraace tha^he would have defended that town againft him,if the To wnftpen would but have ftuck to him. The peop'e refcued fonathsn refolutely from the fword of a King and Father, engaged by Oath to have put him to death , 1 Sam. 14.45. £ And the people faid unto Saul,«JW/ Jonathan die who huh wrought this great falvatian in Uracil God forbid* As the Lord liveth % there fhall not one hair of

hii head fall to the ground So the people refcued Jo*

nzthzhihathedjed not.] The other is,i Sam. 23* I2 #

Thcf. 5$o.

Tfaef.348. It is the Butj of a Woman to Refift a King that would raviflj her^ and the duty of 9* thers to ajfift her.

For 1. To ravifti her is no aft of Authority, and therefore to Refill: is no Refilling of Authority ,but of luft. 2, Elfe the Woman fhould be guilty of Adultery, being bound by God, to preferve her chaflity, and fo fhouid thofe that being bound to affift her,do negleft it.

Thef.349. Much more Jhould a Nation preferve themfelves, or their Reprefentative Body, from the nnjufl endeavours of a King, that woxld deftroy them.

The Reafon is mod evident ^ 1. Afortiore : if the life and chaftity of a fmgle perfon may be refcued by force from the Will and Inftruments of a deftroying and urichaft King, much more may a Nation or "parliament be io refcued.

2. We have a concurrence of many greateft obligations to fuch a refcue. 1. Parliaments we call out about our work,and truft them to fecure our IntereiT:, and therefore to forfake them to the will of the unjuft is to betray them. 2.There is the higheft Reafon for Natural felf-prefervation, to preferve a whole Nati-on.3 .The honour and intereil of Godas moft concerned in publike intereft.He that thinks a Parliament or Nation fhouid lay their necks upon the block,or quietly perifh whenever a King would have it fo, hath loft fo much of humanity, that he is unfit to be Civ fa tX member of a Commonwealth, fonaihah was not

V c more

420 of due Obedience to Rubers,

3. if warre be juft, either as a meane j-,or as an end : The later no man is fo void of reafon as to pretend (that is fit for us to difpute with.) If as a meanes, it is either as a meanes to the common good,ox to fomething better, or to fomething Worfe : if warre be a meanes to the common good, or elfe unlawtull, then have we that granted which we feek: then the warre is finfull that is againfi [ the commongoodli "it be undertaken for a lejfergoodjt muft needs befwfufl: for a greater good is not to be caft away in order to a lefs. Reafon will cry fhame on this. Though it were the Right and Prerogative of the King, it cannot be juftly preferred before the common good : For even his Prerogative, as his Office and Government it felf, are the meanes to this.

Two things v indeed are above the common good of a Nation : One is the Intereft, Pleafure and Honour of God himfelf. The other is the good of the world ^ or of many and greater Nations rouml about. And the welfare of thefe ( and of the Church univerfal)

, he a higher end then a Nations good, but nothing elfe ; '

Thef.352. Though a Nation wrong their King, and fo meritum caufae, they are on the

worfer Gde, jet may he not law fully Warre againft thefu! like good on that account, nor any help him in fuck a Warre ^ but propter finem he hath the Worfer caufe.

The Reafon it is plain in what is faid: 1 .If not only his Rights, but his very Office and Adminifiration be propter bonum publicum, then may he not plead or defend thofe Rights contra bonum publicum • But the

Antecedent

Antecedent is paftcontroverfie : therefore fo muft be the confequent.

2. An exceflive penalty beyond the proportion of the offence,may make that cauf e bad,that elfe would have been good-The danger or ruin of the Commonwealth^ its felicity is fuch a punilhment. If a King be wronged,he mull: be righted according to the proportion of his wrong : whatever is againft the Commonwealth, efpecially in the great matters of its fafe-ty and felicity ,1s incomparably above the proportion of his wrong : It is more in juftice to feek the deftru-ftion of the common good, for a real injury to a fin-gle perfon, then it was in them to do that injury.

Thef.353, A tyarrc raifed againfi the Body of a Nation, is by them to be confirmed to be againfi the common good; No Vtarre therefore again fi the Body of a Nation, by any of its members-, Prince or peo-fie,can be law full : At It aft except in the two fore-excepted Cafes, viz. the Command of God, and the Interefi of the many Nations near them.

Reafons of the Antecedent: 1. The very miferies of a warre do hazzard all the faftety and felicity,yea the being of the Commonwealth.

2. He that raifeth Vvarre proclaimeth hofiilky with them-he warreth againft.He that proclaimeth hefiili-r/againft the iV^n^depofeth all friendly Relations, -and is fuppofed to be one that will deal as an enemy. An enemy is to be fuppofed to be one that intendeth not the good or felicity of the Commonwealth.

Thef.3 54. It is net prof effing in Wa r as,that the ftarrz

E e 3 ii

is raifed againfi a rebellion* Party only, or that the King intendeth by it the common good, that fhovdd wtke the Nation take it as warrantable, and for their good, if they be the Party that it is aBually raifed again ft.

i. Oherwife they fhould never ufe' meanes for their fecurity: For it's eafie to fay, / intend not the common hurt: And who will not fay it, how hoftile foe ver his aftions be.

2. Quidverba audiam, cumfaEia vide am ? War is not an ad: of Government, but Hofillitj. Men are not in reafon to be fuppofed to intend their enemies good. If they fight, we are to believe they would kill: and nature believeth not killing to be an aft of friendfhif.

3. He that raifeth War but againft afattion of Rebels, that hinder or difturb the common Peace, doth not make the Nation or Commonwealth it felf, but thofe Rebels to be a Party : He that makes the Nation the adverfe Party, cannot be fuppofed to intend only^r Party of Rebels.

4. A Nation conquered by the fword, hath no fecurity for their fafety ,Uberty or felicity: If they ever haveit,it nmft be from the mercy of theConquerour. He that puts hirnfelf into a garb and ftate ofHofiilay, is not to be trufted to for mercy,but when there is no other remedy. When a Nation hath loft their juft fecurity for fafety, liberty and felicity, they have in# terpretarively loft their fafety, liberty and felicity it felf. In theConfitution it is now fuppofed, that they provided for the fecurity of the Common good, and put not the lives and ftates of all men,into the arbitrary

kitrary power of one man,that all (hould live or die a c his beck,and the Nation periflyf he fell into a phren-fie. Now Conqueft depriveth them of their fecuritj. They are then at the mercy of the Conquerour: therefore the Conftitution is aloered ^ and interpret a-tivelj all is gone. The King may mean better: But Kingdoms and common Felicity are not all to be ventured, upon the fecret unknown good meanings and good wills of Kings.

5. A Prince is not his own ftrength. Ifhegoyern by his own W if dome and Vtrtnc, yet muft he execute byothersftrength. ifitbeb^y theP^p/?, it cannot be againft them ^ for they will not be againft them-felves. Ifby Strangers, or a Fattion at home, (ef-pecially Delinquents, or irritated impious men) the Nation is not to trull them with its felicity. Thofe that the King conquereth by, maymafterhim when they pleafe : They are ftronger then he. His good meanings therefore are no fecurity to the Nation, if he conquer them by fuch as mean them hurt,or as the Nation hath no caufe to truft. Efpecially when it is fo commonly, that the Conquerours have a felf-inte-reft oppofite to that of the conquered h and that felf-intereft fo much ruleth the world. It is a plain cafe then,that whatfoever is fecretly intended,the Nation is to fuppofe it to be againft their felicity, when they are the party that War is raifed againft. And con-fequently that no War can be lawfully raifed by a King againft his people (that is, the Body of the Nation) becaufe none can be lawfully raifed againft the common Good.

Obje&. But then Princes are left without remedy, if thej are injured by the people.

Ee4 Anfw. i.

4*4 Of due obedienet to Rulers,

Anfw. i. They think it meet that the People be left without remedy, if injured by them : and therefore they fay, they are refponfible to God alone.

2. A remedy is to be fought by Government or by War: By Government they may have remedy againft particular perfons, or the whole by fuch light and legal penalties, as are not againft the Commonwealth. But if this will not do, if their injury be too great to be born,they may lay down their Crowns at pleafure, Crowns are not like Lands, that men hold primarily, Jure Domimj : They are not primarily the matter of Propriety. Government ^that's Lawfull,and not Tyranny) is a meanes to publikegood. When any mans pofleifion of his Crown doth ceafe to be a meanes to the publike Good find this without the peoples injury, it is then his duty to refign it, and no injury to be deprived of it. For the meanes is no meanes when it is againft the end. If the Nation injurioufty deprive themfelves of a Worthy Prince, the hurt will-be their own, and they punifh themfelves: But if it be neceffarily to "their welfare, it is no injury to him.

But the King that by War will feek reparations from the body of the People,doth put himfelf into a hofti/efiate,and tell them adually thatlie looks to his own good more then theirs, and bids them take him for their enemy, and fo defend themfelves if they can.

Thef.355. Thoughfome injury to the King be the occofion of the War, it is the duty of all the people ,to defend the Commonwealth againft him^ jet fo as that thej proteft againft that injury.

This

This is a plain confequent of the former.

1. They reiift no true Authority, in refilling him hatwarreth againft the Commonwealth, which is he end of Government.

2. All are engaged to defend it.

3. It being the end, no meanes can be pleaded a-jainftit.

4. Afimili. If my own Father or Mother w r rong mother by a foul word, and the injured perfon feek their ruine for it: I muft not forbear detendingmy parents, becaufe they were offenders ^ fo be it I pro-teft againft their Vorong doing.

2. A Lawyer at the Bar may plead againft an ex-ceftive mul& or penalty, that wculd be impofed on a culpable Client. If his Client have done a trivial wrong, and another would therefore take away his eftate or life, the party that had the worfe caufe quo-adculpam, hath the beft quoad p&nam, and the Lawyer may defend him;And fo muft a Subjeft the Commonwealth from hurt and danger.

3. If our own King had wronged the Pope or King of Spain, orafavage/#^#King/ 5 and a War begin upon it 7 If it be juftly fuppofed that the enemy if he (hould prevail, would deftroy the happinefs of the Commonwealth, we may and muft all fight againft them, for the defence of: the Commonwealth ^ but not for the juftifying of the Princes caufe, which we may poffibly be called to proteft againft. Every wrong that's done by a King, doth not forfeit the peoples happinefs, nor warrant the enemies to invade it, nor exempt them from defending it.

Thcf.356. If a Nation regularly cbcofea reprefex-

tativt

taiive Body, of the mofi noble , prudent, interejfed members, to difcem their dangers and the remedies, And preferve their liberties and fafety, the people themselves are to difcem thofe dangers and remedies, by their eyes, and to judge that to be againft the common good, -which their Trufiees do rationally and regularly acquaint them to befo.

Proved. If they muft difcern their danger«either with their own eyes immediately, or with ethers ^ it is not neceflary that it be by their own immediately. For Countrymen are unacquainted withState-affairs, and with enemies contrivances at home and abroad : And nothing more eafie then to bring them paft all remedy, before they can fee the evil themfelves. And what need thcyTruftets, if themfelves immediately were capable. Ifitmuiibe/jr others, either by the King, or their Trufiees. If they do trufi the King abfolutely and entirely ,they muft ftand to it: But then what need they choofe Trufiees. Kings being much trufted againft ftrangers, our cafe fuppofeth, that the people do not abfolutely trufi him, but that in the Conftitution, they have provided, that the publike peace and felicity fliall be held by reasonable feeuriry, and not meer trufi in the Princes will: And that Parliaments are appointed to that end. And if fo f they are to be trufted accordingly.

And as thcConfiitution and our Choice requireth it, fo their Interefts require it-, they being many, and their Interefigreat ,and not lying fo much within the temptation of an oppofition to the peoples intereft, as the Princes doth: And it is fuppofed that the Con-{Htutionofthe Government, appointeth them for

thvs

lis very end,to fecure the people from the ufurpati-n and tyranny of Kings: and therefore in that cafe ingsarcnot by the people to be credited before hem ^ for then they (hould not appoint or choofe hem.

hef.357. Jf the faid Parliament or Trufiees he alfo legally the Kings chief Councily and Jo have a double capacity of difcerning the dangers of the Commonwealth, the people are the more to fee their dangers by their eyes.

For 1. This fuppofeth them infulleft capacity to iifcern them. They that are legally the Kings chief Council, are to be fuppofed acquainted with State-iflfairs, and how things ftand between him and the people. 2. And the King himfelf having not his office for himfelf, but for the people, is to fee their danger tad remedies by the Council,which the Conftitution doth appoint him.The Law therefore fuppofeth them to be the moft credible Judges.

Thef.358. Jf the King raife War againft fuch A Parliament y upon their Declaration of the dangers of the Commonwealth, the people are to take it at rzifed agaitift the Commonwealth , till it be notorious that the Parliament have deceived them and betrayed them.

The Reafons are plain ? 1 /Becaufe the dangers of the Commonwealth were firft declared by competent Judges,and credible WitnefTes. 2. Becaufe all their own dangers and oppofitions is juftly fuppofed to be

for

for the fake of the Commonwealth. 3. Becaufe they are the Commonwealth, or people Representative! 4. Becaufe being the only legal Truftecs appointed for the Nations fecurity from tyranny, when they are conquered, our fecurity is conquere4,and the very Confticution overthrown.

Thef.359. If a Parliament be moreover the fu-preme Judicature, by the Constitution enabled to cenfure andpunifh Delinquents and enemies of the Commonwealth, and to raife the power of the Na~ tion again ft them, if they reft ft, the King himfelf having no Authority in that cafe to far don orproteEi them^ then isitjuftforfuch a Parliament to raife Arms againft fuch Delinquents, to bring them to due punijhmcnt, andtofrofecutethem, though they have the Word or Will of the King on their fide.

This cafe is plain: For 1. It is SubjeEls here that the War is raifed againft. 2. It is in a legal execu-' tion of Juftice. 3. It is againft no Authority : For it is in a cafe, where it is fuppofed that the King hath no power to pardon or proteft,it*s fuppofed that his protecting power is reftrained unto certain cafes, of which this is none. 4. If all Delinquents or enemies fhal! fcape, that will but rife in Arms for their fecurity, Commonwealths are deftroyed, and Juftice and Judgement are idle names, when a few Thieves may eafily kill the Judge. And if Kings (hall have power to pardon all Delinquents without limitation, the' common good is wholly intruded to their wils,where the King is absolute and above all Laws, he may pro-ted: all offendors. But where the Laws are above the

King

King, they muft be obeyed though his will be againft it, and he forbid it: For his will is not his Authority.

Thef.360. If in the fundamental Conftitutions, any rights by contratl be referved to the people, and the King obliged to maintain them, the people may lawfully defend thofe Rights, ( ky means proporti-enable to their tyorth ) againft the King that violate th them, unlefs they have alfo conferred to be reftrained from fuch defence.

1. If the Rights be but fuch as are needfull ad melius efie,or thelofsof them be tolerable, the defence of them mufl: not be by depofing the Prince, but by gentler meanes: Though as Thiews are hanged for robbing one man, fo divers Sub jeds may be deftroy-ed for robbing the Commonwealth at tht Kings com^ mand, of its Rights and Liberties. 2. But if people to avoid a civil War, have exprefly tyed themfelves not to re ft ft a King or Sub jefts, that by his command do deprive them of their Liberties, then they are wholly at his will. 3 .But fuch a Confent or Obligation is not to be fuppofed,unlefs it be expreflfed. For 1. The very Covenanting for our Rights irnporteth, that we fecure them, and leave them not meerly to the Princes will. 2. And in Covenanting for them, we exempt them from his power •, fo that in invading them he is but a. private man •, and in refitting him we refift not Authority ,but Will. For if he have power of our excepted Rights, it is either immediately from God, or mediately by Confent of men. Not the former : For we fuppofe it to be in cafes that God hath

left

43^ of due Obedience to Rulers,

left undetermined. The people can have no Right to that which God bimfelf takes from thefri :Not by man\ Fer it is fuppofed that the people have excepted thefe things from the Princes power, andheconfented.

Tfcef . 3 61. The Oaths of Kings, and the Charters or Laws in Which they have expreffed their Confent td Govern on fuch and fuch termes, together Vvitb the ancient Cuftomes of the Nation, are the difcoverers rf the Princes limits, and the Peoples Rights.

Though every breach of Covenant forfeiceth not the Crown, yet every Covenant or Confent of the Prince doth (hew the limits of his Power. If he (that naturally had no more right than other men) do accept the Government on fuch and fuch termes, or afterward Confent to them^ he hath no power beyond or againft thofe termes: and therefore he may not break his Oaths.

I Thef. 362. It is I aw full to refifi either King or Sub-jefts that are his Infiruments, by Law-fmts, or by force, where the Laws allow it, if he he not above Law, and do not Repeal them.

I fpake before of the peoples Rights referved from the Kings power: I fpeak now of the allowance of tbd Law. If the Law be above the King^then may be do what the Law alloweth, though againft his will. If it allow us to fue the King in his Courts of Juftice, we inay do it: If it allow us to fue his Agents,as fub jefts that have broke the Law,though by his command,we ipay do it. If the King bid a man murder another, I

may

mayfuebim, and hang him againft the Kings will, if the Law allow it. If the Kings Tenant keep anun-juft pofleflion againft me, it is lawtull for me to lue him at Law, and at laft,if he forcibly refift, the Sheriff may raife the Power of the County toeje&him, though againft the Kings will, when the Lawallow-eth it. And if the Law allow us to refill his Armies, we may do it: and fo doing,we Refift no Power,but ftrength and will. But where the King is Absolute above the Laws, as being meerly his own Afts,therc we may Refift,till he repeal the Law,or forbid us, and no longer (on that account.)

Thef. 363. Where the Sovereignty is diftribxted into feveral hands, ( as Kings and Parliaments,) and the King invade the others part, thtj may lawfully defend their own by warre, andthefttbjeti lawfntl] ajfift them, yea though the power of the Militia be exprejly given to the King; unlefsitbe alfoexprefi that it /ball not be in the other.

The Conclufion needs no proof ^ becairfe Sove-raignty as fuch hath the Power of &rms, and of Laws themfelves. The Law that faith the King (hall have the Militia, fuppofeth it to be againft enemies, and not againft the Commonwealth, nor them that have part of the Soveraignty with him. To Refift him here, is not to refift Power,but Ufurpation, and private will. In fuch a cafe, the Parliament is no more to be Refilled than he^becaufe they alfo are the higher Power.

Thef 3 64. Names are not the only nctes cf Sovereignty :

raignty : If a King have the Title oftheSttpream bead, or only Sovereign of his Dominions, and yet a Senate have an eftentirallpart Without the Names, they lofe not their fart, 'nor is it to be judged of by the Name.

A people may give an honorary Title to the Prince,and not give the fame to others that have part in the Soveraigncy; and this is ordinary : fometimes for the Nations honour,which they would have to be abroad confpicuous in their Princeiand fometimes to pleafe him inftead of fuller power. Thofe therefore that will judge of the power of Princes by their Titles or Names, and thence fetch Arguments to re-folve mens confidences, know not what a narrow foundation they build on: Of which fee Mr. Lawfon againft Hobbs his Politicks.

Thef.364. Where the Sovereignty is in fev:ral hands, and fo the Conflitution fuppjfeth their a-greement, the dividers are the dijfulvers, and upon a Divijion barely among themfelves, in -which thz Commonwealth is not concerned, the Subjeftsfliould obey neither of them againft the other, as having no fewer againft each other: but fhould be againft them,

[ that In obedience to either part do raife the War.

The Reafon is plain: Becaufe though they are many natural perfons, they are all but one civil perfon^ and becaufe that all the power of Arms here is either defenjive againft Enemies, or vindictive and punitive againft offending SubjeEls. But none in foveraignty while fuch, are to be taken a$ enemies: And neither

part

part that have the Soveraignty, as fuch,can be offending Subjects ^ for they are no Subjects. Indeed in fuch a Senate, the perfons confidered dlsjunBly may be Sub jeds: but it is conjunctly as a houf&br body, that they have the Soveraignty. Moreover, ail lawiull War is for the commongo'od&riz the diffolution of the fundamental Conftitution, is not to be taken for the common good, but grievous hurt and ruine,though when neceflity diffolvethir, the beft parts mud be fitft fecured from perdition:

Thef.365. Vpon [itch a dhificn among them that have thehighefi fower, if feme Subjects will unlawfully begin as infiruments of the divifions, the eftzrc then obliged to fiend up, and that for the fafetyefthe Comwcr^vealth, more then for either bf the forties; and fof thatparty ] that is for it ^ and again]} them buik, if thy be both again flit.

1. Ii is notorious to the Nation; when the King and Senate (that are now fuppofed to be fharers in the Soveraignty) dodiiagree,- and fall into hoftility and open War, that the frame of the fundamental ConfHtution is diffolved. And when the fhip is fplit or finking, it's time for the pafTengers to faye them-felves and their goods as well as they can : When the houfe is on fire, we muft fnift for our felves and that we have: When the Government diflblveth itfelf, they that poffefTed it turn us loofetorule our felves, and defend our felves. If a man fight againft himfelf, he is to be held as a diftra&ed man: And fo fhould King and Senate be in fuch a cafe, being but one civil perfon: But if any will rufh in a and help one hand a-

Ff gainft

434 °f due Obedience to Rulers, gainft the other, the people muft either fall on them> or otherwiie fecure themfelves.In this cafe the Prince hath no offenfive power againft the Senate, nor the Senate againft the prince:and therefore we (hould fo obey neither, nor help neither, as fuck : But if we fee that all Vti/lnot be lb wife or honeft,but fome Delinquents W///adhere to one of the parties, and fome foolifh people to the other, we mult then look to the Commonwealth.

And here if one party have the jufler caufe ceteris -paribus ,we muft adhere to that part • not as authorized primarily againft the other, but as juftly defending themfelves againft them. "Rut Ji cat era nonfwtpa* rja, that is, if the welfare of the Commonwealth lie on one fide more then the other,yea though that fide had at firft begun the wrong,(much more if that party were juft and innocent) we muft joyn with that part: yea or againft both, ifthefafety of the Commonwealth require it. lor then - we go not againft Authority ^ neither King nor Senate having Authori-ry (unlefs to defend themfelves and the Nation) a-gainft the other. And furely whether we may fave the Commonwealth againft Authority or not, there is no doubt but we may fave it without any governing Authority /when it is not againft it. Nature that al-loweth felf-prefervation to all, that forfeit not their lives, doth eminently requires Nation to preferve themfelves •, their common welfare being a thing that can be forfeited to none but God,and neighbour Nations ; not to any within themfelves. It is not the falling out of King and parliament that forfeiteth the Nations happinefs, or can make it unlawfull to preferve it. If you fuppofe them both to be guilty of an

unjuft

unjuftWar, as having no power againft each other, then may the people defend themielves againft the Souldiers of both, as being but pr<edones & grajfato-res: Or make ufe of either to further their detence. But if one of them as a defender, or on other accounts have the more righteous caufe,the people may joyn with them fo farre as it is righteous, fecuring ftillthe Commonwealth. A King may have caufe ^ blame a Parliament, when he hath no caufe that will juftine raifing a War againft them ^ and a Parliament may have caufe to blame a King,and yet none to raife-] Var againfi him. In this cafe, when one is originally in the fault, or it's ten to one, both of them infome fault before a War, but neither of them in fitch faplt as will warrant a War againft the other, ( which is a diffolvingofthe Government itfelf, and is an injury to the Commonwealth,more then to themfelves) the people may joyn with neither of them as offenders a-gainft the other, but muft firft look to themielves and the common fafety which the contenders do forfake, and next confider what ufe may be made of either to that end-, andinfubferviency to it, rather to defend "the innocent then the guilty : The Law knowes not a Divifton, but fnppofeth an Vnity ^ and therefore it hath nothing to do in dire&ing any of the Sub jefts to fight againft either King or Parliament: When it comes to this, the bufinefs is refolved into the fundamental Lawes of God and nature, antecedent to all humane Lawes. The Defender may have a juft War againft the Invader, by the grounds of nature: But neither of their caufes is to be preferred to the Commonwealth .And if finis gratia for the common fatety, the people (hould take part with the more culpable

P fz fide,

436 of due Obedience to Rulers,

fide,not as owning their original caufes, but as joyn-ing with them for the common fafety •, this maketh not the people guilty of the ill begumingot caufe of thofe they joyn with. e. g. Asl laid before, ifrfie King abufe the Pope or Turk, and they mfe War a-gainft him for it,the people taking hk part to prevent theNationsoverthrow,do not thereby engage them- [ lelves in theoriginaLof the quarrel,nor become guil- | ty of his fault, nor of any unlawfull War • for they j mana^fe it but as defenfive, againft fuch as would take [ unjuft revenge of the innocent. And fo if a Ptrlia- { wentihould fomewhat diftionouror abufe a King, j (whenyetneidierofthemfhouJdgo to War for k) j the people joyning with the Parliament, are not | guilty of that abufe- nbr of an unlawfull War, while they interefle themfelves only in the bufinefs of their I own preservation, and not in the original of the dif- | Terence. The Law of nature ftands, when men do fin- J fully diffolve (the Commonwealth.

Thef.366. If in cafe of fuch divificn, the Ccnfti-tution (forefeeing it) have determined Vvhich fide V?e muft adhere t 0 o> then that part becomes the So-\ veraign, which we muft obey againft the other.

If it be faid in the fundamental Contracts, that in I cafe the King and Parliament differ, the Sub jeft fhall j adhere to King againft Parliament, or to Parliament againft King ^ then in that cafe the other lofeth I l;is Authority, or rather had but a diminutive part, I which might be refilled. But this is a cafe that fel- j dcm happens : For were there fuch a determination, 1 that one muft not be obeyed, they would not enter!

into the contenfion, unleis by force to make a charge.

Thcf.367. If the Senate be fides their fart in the Sovereignty, hc.ve a ju(i off en five War agtinft delinquent Subjects, and profefs no \Vs/r againft the Kingunlefs defenfive, and alfo be the Trufteesof the people for the fecunty oftheir liberties and haf-pinefs, and fxjfer danger, and enter into War upon no account of their own, but the peoples :, then are the people bound to adhere unto them by many oblige ttens.

Thisismoft evident from all that isfaid before, and needeth no more proof But I fuppofe fome will fay here, that then the cafe is hard "frith Kings that have Parliaments to joyn \X?ith them in the Soveraign power: for the people mitft ahvayes take part with the Parliament, though they do the wrong, becaufe it is they that are their Trustees andReprefentatives, andfo Kings ?nufl evvr be at their mere y.

Ianfwer, 1. Where this is the Conftitution y it is fuppofed that a King mull never tight againft his people, or parliament: and if he receive the Crown on thefetermes, he meeteth with nothing but what he confented to ^ he might have refufed it, and may leave it when he will. He muft never e^peft upon any pretence of felf-prefervation, to have the peoples confent, that he (hall have power to deftroy them,or make War againft them or their Truftees.

2. But yet there are cafes in which we all muft take part with a King againft'a Parliament: As 1. if they would wrong a King, and depofe lum i;a juftly, aa4

Ff 3 "cha

45° vj am vbeatzme to snier$ y

change the Government, for which they have no power,thebodyof the Nation may refufe to ferve them in it, yea may forcibly reftrain them. 2. If they notorioujly betray their truft, not in fome tolerable matters, but in the fundamentals, or points that the common good dependeth on, and engage in a caufe that would deftroy the happinefs of the Commonwealth • it is then the peoples duty to forfake them, and cleave to the King againft them, if they be enemies to the Commonwealth: But this is not to be fuf-pe&ed till it be notorious. But Parliaments are inde-fedible:Should they ever be fo corrupt as to feek our ruine,we fhould not think our felv'es obliged to obey them or defend them. They may forfeit their power as well as Kings: But no fuch thought muft be entertained of either, till neceffity force it.

Thcf.368. If a King deliberately and obftinate-iy engage himfelfin the change of the Conftitution inthe fab ft annals, to the dcftruStlon of the fafety and happinefs of the Nation, he may not only he re-ftfted, but ceafeth to he a King, and entreth into a ft ate of War Vvith the people.

1. *Tis not a change in fmaller matters, but the fubftantials of the Government that we fpeak of. 2. It is not a fudden paffionate ad, but a fetled endeavour that we fpeak of. 3. And fo the cafe is plain. For 1. In Contracts each party is conditionally obliged: And we are bound to him, on condition he be true to us.lf one party (hall remain bound, though the other violate their fidelity, the Covenants are vain. In other Relations it is fo,and therefore

And of Refijlanct. qjp

*ore in this. 2. He diffolvech the Government: and then he can be no Governour. 3. He becometh an enemy, and therefore can be no King. A deftroyer cannot be a Ruler and Defender. He proclaimeth hoftilicy, and is not to be trufted.

Thef.369. It belongethto the people to difcern a-mong competitors and contenders for the Government, Vvhofe caufe is be ft, and to re ft ft ufurpers and enemies to their Peace.

That the Nation is thus to have a Judicium difcre-tionisis evident: 1. Becaufeitistheirintereft that is principal in the bufinefs: the good or hurt will be principally theirs. 2. If they do not j udge (difcern-* n gty) they cannot execute ' And then the people muit not help their Soveraign againft ufurpers. But iftheymuft, (and who elfe ftiall) then muft they difcern whofe caufe is right, that they may know whom to help, and whom to refill.'

Thef. 370. Though an Infidel or Heathen King have a Power fecundum quid, end maybe the Head of an Infidel or Heathen Commonwealth, yet may he not be voluntarily chofen the Head of a Chriftian Commonwealth.

Not only becaufe the Commonwealth cannot be called Chriftian when the Head is a Heathen 5 but becaufe it is treachery againft God and the Redeemer, for a People that have their free choife of their Governours to choife fuch as are enemies to the U-niverfal Soveraign: They fhould hereby be guilty of

F f 4 feme

44° Of due Obtdunu to Rulers,

fome degree of a National Apoftacy: The Kingdoms of the world {hould be the Kingdoms of the Lord and of his Chrift \ therefore they muft not be given up to Infidelity. But if a Nation be not free to choofe their Go vernours, but are by che Sword or otherwife forced to fubrmt,then whether they (hould fubmit to an Infidel to a\cid deftrudion,is a cafe that I am not now to determine;But it is uo be deeided,not by g the perform! prefent fuffering which the Nation byfuchfub-miffion may avoid ^ but by the intereft of their ,po-fterityand the Nations round about them. If the prefent fpoil andruine of a Nation might prevent the captivating ofpoilerity or neighbour Nations more considerable to perpetual Infidelity, or tyranny of Infidels, it {hould be born: But if they can make better terms for themfelves and pofterity (without greaier hurt to the Chriftian caufe and Nations) by fuch fubmiffion,thenJwithout, I fee not but they may fubmit co the Government of Infidels; And if they fubmkand promife obedience, they muft obey in lawfull things,and be faithfull to them : But if Chri-flians live (as the primitive Chrifiians did) ina Commonwealth where Prince and people are Infidels, there they owe obedience whether they promife it or not: For rheir being fubjefts, and members of the Commonwealth containeth their obligation. While they have the protedion, they owe obedience.

Thef.371. The chief part of the common goad, or hrfpinefs, is the enjoyment of the meants which God hath made neceffarj to (alvation: tt is therefore as lawfull for a Nation to fight for the prefer* vation oftheje meanes to themfelves andpoflerity, as

for

for their worldlygoods and liberties, at letfi ; though for neither, -without jufi Authority and Licenfe.

TheLiberties 3 Goods, and other accommodations of the fle(b,which worldlings fo much value and contend for, are dung and drofs in comparison of the things of everlafiing life. If therefore we may not fight for Religkn, much !efs for Liberties or Lives that are contemptible in cemparifon thereof. It is therefore either confufion and ignorance of the Rate of the QuefUon, or palpable errour, in them that maintain, that it is unUypfr.ll to figh for Religion. It is one thing to fight to make others Rtligk its, and a-nother C hing to fight to preferve our ,ar d

to preferve the meanes of Religion to us an tk n

and ourpofieritj. They graxit themfeh es what they deny, when they fay that we may fight for our L and Liberties ; for though all that fight Li-

berties, fight not for their Religion , \ et all thac thus fight to preferve Religion, do fight for their La alfo. perfecutors will take away our Lives or Liberties, if we worlhip God according to his vs ,,and ufe the neceflary meanesof falvatitm. In rig againft

this perfecution, w r e fight prirc rd ultimately

for our own and pofteritiesfaRaaon, ar.d next for the neceffary means thereto,and proximately for our lives and liberties.

And it is but a delufory courfe of fome in thefe times,that write many volumes to provejh&tfvbjeftt may -not bear Arms againft their Princes for Religion, Asifthofethatare againft them did think that Religion only as the end, yea or life or liberty, would

juftifie

juftifie Rebellion ? or that the efficient authorizing Caufe were not necefTary as well as the final? It's as true that fubje&s may not fight againft their Princes for their Lives or Liberties, as that they may not for Religion.

There are other things necefTary to warrant an a-<5Hon befides tht final Caufe. All things are not a means to a good end : nothing can be a means that's againfl the end : but many things may be unwarran-table,and no juft meane$,whicli by man are intended to the beft end. No man may do any thing againft his falvation, nor againft the publll^egood^ efpecially in matters of f/v/r falvation: Butyecall is not iaw-full that men do with an intent to further their own or other mens falvation. Where bearing Arms a-gainft Princes is warrantable quoad fundamentum, this will warrant it quoadfinem. No better end, but there muft be a good ground alfo.

And yet as to the end, it is not every matter of Religion, much lefs every erroneous conceit of men,that is fufficient. If men that are Equals, yea or Superi-ours, fhould think indifferent things to be necefTary, or thofe that are necefTary only ad melius ejfe, to be limply necefTary • or thofe that are evil to be good, and hereupon (hall force them by fire and fword-on other men, they fhall anfwer for their errour, arrogance and cruelty together .If Papifts will firft believe their fond opinions to be articles of faith,and necefTary to falvation,and then will think that the falvation of men, and the publike good dependeth on them, and therefore will propagate them by the fword, or ' rebell againft princes to maintain them, their errour will not juftifie their wickednefs. It muft be truly the

caufe

caufe of God, and the truly neceffary meanes of life, and of the_coinmon good,and not miftakes or fmaller matters, that mud be the fufficient end of Warre, even ia Princes themfelves, that fight for Religion:

Much more in people 5 of which in ihe next.

1

Thef.372. In a Chriftian Commonwealth , where Rulers in their Oaths or Covenants have obliged themfelves to maintain the Chrifiian faith, and necejfary meanes of the falvation of their people, and have taken the:Government en thefetermes^ if after this they breal^thefe Covenants, and cafi off Chrifiianity, or cafi cut the meanes of falvation, which they bound themfelves to defend, it is law-full for the body of that Nation to refifl them, and defend their welfare: Much more if thofe that have but part in the Soveraignty, do this.

Note here 1 .That I fpeak not of an Infidel Nation, where the people never make fuch Covenants with their Princes, but would doubly perfecute, were they not reftrained: There an Infidel Prince may be a protection and blefling to thofe few among them that believe. Whereas in a truly Chriftian Nation,either no Governour would be better then a perfecuting Infidel, (the people affociating in Communities) or at leaft,they may eafily choofe a better. 2. I fpeak not of thofe Chriftian States and Nations, that have already promifed obedience to kno wn Infidels. But of thofe that have limited the power of their Princes, in thefe things: And if the Conftitution limit them,their Acceptance of the Government is an impliciteCon-fent and Covenant though there were no more.

3. I

<<H% Of atie oveaienct to Knurs,

3. I fay not yet that every private man may refift, but that the body of the Nation in this cafe may. And the Reafon is evident: becaufe 1. They are naturally bound to preferve the common good, cfpecially in the greateft points. 2. And info doing,ic is no power, but arbitrary ufurpation which they refift For God giveth j£mgs no power againft himfelf ^ and it is here fuppofed that the People have excepted this power from their Princes: And therefore in this chey have no power,and to refift them is to refift no power.-

And to break the Covenants, and rejeEt the termes on which they did receive their Crowns,\s to difoblige the people to whom L "hey Covenanted, and && away theirCrownSj and turn into a ftate of enmity, if it be habituate, and if it be in the Effentials of the Covenant ^ and efpecially if they profecute it by a Warre. What man can pretend to be fo independant, and a-bove the God of Heaven, as to have an Authority a-gainfthim, and confequently not from him, which no men may refift. But if the Caufe be Gods, and the Prince difabled to oppofe it by the Constitution, the cafe is then moft clear.

Here I (hall again annex a Caurion, and thenan-Twerfome Obje&ions.

If private men in doubtfull cafes will take on them to be judges of their Governors, and conclude them to violate their Covenants, or their Conftitution, or the Common fafety when it is no fuch matter, they grievoufly fin againft the Ordinance of God, and the publike Peace. And in cafe of a private or lefs publike injury, it is rebellion to make a publike refiftance, by raifing a warre. A woman may by perfonall private

refiftance

refiftance defend her Chaftity againft a King • but {he may not raife a warre to defend it. The Priefts did lawfully ( AzAriah withfonrfcore more valiant men) with ft and Vz,^iah the King "when he went into the Temfle to burn incenfe ^ and told hint it beknged not to him, and bid him go out of the SanRnary : yea when the Leproiie rofe upon him, they thruft him out, 2 CAr0».26.16,17,18,i9,20.Butit they had raifeda warre againft him for this, they had do'neili.

And when a people are neceffitaced to a defenfve warre • if thy will proceed beyond a jiift defence, and depofe their Kings or Governours that have notde-. pofed themfelves, nor notorioufly made thcmfelves uncagabje, they vCill be Rebels in depoiing them, tflough their defence was juft.

A Civil warre doth hazzard the happinefs of a Nation, and therefore is not to be enrerprized for any fmaller crimes, or for the avoiding of any tolerable evil, but for that which is nororioufly more dangerous to the Nation than the warre it felf.

Indeed where all the Na.ion agree (as in the defence of Jonathan againft Saul) or fo many that there is no party to make warre againft them, then if the King reak his Covenants, or violate their

Libertiesina lower cafe (as f :s death-was)

they may as one man fay, This fbaRnot be : and hinder the execution of the evil, without a warre • yet fo, that they neverthelefs obey and honour the King in all things elfe.

And now concerning a Peoples defence of their happinefs and fafety againft a King,that was reftrain-ed by the Conflitution or his Content; I muft anfwer fome of the Learned Hadrians Stravias Objections,

it

de Imperan. author. & Obed. li. 4. cap. 4. He arguech from the ft ate of Marriage , 1. That many Covenants about Dowry, foyntures,ik£. may beviolated,withoi:t\ diffolving the marriage. 2. That the effential condi- \ tions may be violated without fuch diffolution. 3 .That no stimulation can be made that wUl warrant the offend-edparty tofeparate.

To thefe I anfwer : 1. Igranthim,that tiilaKing do aftually caft away his Government and become an Enemy, or elfe habitually make himfelf incapable or be made fo by God, the people may not depart from their fubje&ion. It is not casing offfabjection in * ft ate, but reftfiing in a particular cafe thatis now in queftion.

2. The cafe of Alarriage and Civil Government^ much vary,that the Objection is of no force. For

1. God hath already dated the power of Husband and Wife, and fub jefted the Wife to the Husband by his Laws,and that for all alike • fothat they are not left at liberty to make any alterations, nor feveral Species of Husbands, as Commonwealths may have feveral Species of Government. God hath not determined in his Word,whether this or that Nation fhall be governed by a Monarch, by the Optimates, or by a mixt Government. He hath left it free to them to put the Soveraignty into the hands of one, or two, or an hundred,or a thoufand ^ and to make the divi-fion equall or unequall: much more to limit Rulers in the things that God hath left to their prudentiall determination. 2. Moreover God hath determined that Marriage (hail be for life, and not for a limited time^nd that it (hall not be dilfolvable on any terms but thofe of his defcription : But he hath not done fo

by

by Governours. He hath no where made it necef-fary that Kings (hall be for life, and unremoveabie : A Diftator for a year, or two year is not forbidden ; A King for feven year,is not contrary to Gods Word. If a people that are free, may choofe whether they will have a King or none, then may they fay, if you -frill accent the Crownforjeven years ,we vpiUfuhjeEt our [elves to you, elfe not. if they refolve to have Kings by Rotation as Rome had Confuls, that every yearor feven year they might have a new one,though I think it not fit,yet it is not againft any word of God. And if they may absolutely Stipulate with them, to be Kings but forfuch a tlme,x\\zn may they conditionally ftipulate to be Kings no longer then they dofo crfo. e. g. To forfeit their Crowns, if they {hall raife War againft the Nation, or if they introduce a forraign power, or if they fet up infidelity, or banifh the Gofpel, or if they difpoffefle the people of their Proprieties. There is liberty for fuch contracts here, when there is none in Marriage, which God hath not left fo much to the will of man.

3. And yet even in the cafe of marriage, I deny his conclufion that the violation of the effentiaj Conditions doth not warrant afeparation. He confefTeth that Adultery and wilfull deferticn^re juft Caufes of divorce : and thefe are the violations of the eflential Gondirions.An obftinate perpetuated negatio congref-fus, isadeferrion, His inftances otfterUity, fnorofi* ty, and adventitious imfotency, are not initances of a violation of the eflential Conditions, kfcold vio-lateth not the eflential Conditions and volmtaryfte-rility, and impotency fubfequent were never Covenanted againft. Voluntaryfelf'debilitation (yea involuntary)

voluntary) in many Chriftian States, is allowed as a juft caufc of Divorce. But if it be not fo yet

4. The cafe diflfereth in this : A Nation muft needs have Government:: But a man or a woman are notiniuchneceflity of marriage: If a Husband be impotent, the woman may lawfully live without his ufe. Bui a Nation may not live ungoverned : And I therefore if a King fall diftra&ed, or ftatedly incapa-1 ble, they muft be governed by others. ^

5. And laftly I anfwer,That even about Joynture, and Peace and outward Privi!edges, though a Woman may not be divorc't for injury in thefe,yet hath (he her remedy from theMagiftrate,who isfuperiour to her Husband. By your fimilkude then,you fhould allow a Nation their remedy, in asgreat and much greater cafes, which yet will not warrant a divorce^ or withdrawing of their fubje&ion.

There is fomewhat in.cxcrcitio, that is effentia! tol Governing-, and fomewhat that percainech but tol better Governing. As he that nfeth not the former is[ no Governotir, To he that is mcapable of it, is uncafa ble of Governing. If the ejfential qualifications hi wanting, or the ejfential conditions vi^cUed, andthd ejfential ends be ftatedly fubverted, the Government nullified: Or elfe the effence is not thejffence. ifthaiji part of the happinefs of the people be* iubverted thaij! is next to theeffential end, they may retain anc j exercife the power of feeking a due Remell dy.

The commoneft remedy that Nations have thought meet to life in this cafe is, to keep all Subje&s unde the known Laws, and Courts, of Juftice, that the

ma

te<

may not dare to execute unlawfull Commands,and to reftrain Kings from pardoning or defending ftich malefactors as do endanger the Nations Rights and Peace : And fo to let the Perfon of the King alone, and co punifti the Subjects that break the Laws, though he command them. This is a refitting the J ufts, and the Wills of Princes, but not them, as to their per ions or their Power,

Augufiine thought that feme Juftice wasEffentiat ro a C ommoi;wealth (Lib. 11 Je CMm.DcL cited by a great defender oi Kings, jiptJog.VLenvid.+.Jni-ferdti ris in l : rchrr. Vc LI .. pag. 177. ) \_Rcpulmn nun omnem t ceium mtdtitHdlms, fed coetxmpiris confenfu G J utilltatls comrnnnicne fociatum ejfe determinant-, & diixnt, tt;nc cjfe Rewpubliccrrn, id eft, rem fofxll (jHumbene ac folicgericar, five ab uno\Rege> five a. panels opt Mat ib its y five ab univerfopopu/o. $Vftm vero injuftm eft Rex, quern Tyra?:nam, more Gr&co appellant, av.t injuftl Qptimates, quorum con[er.fiu?n die tint ejfe fa&ionetti, ant injuftus ipfe populus, cut women ufitutum nan rtfcri~UHt t nifx etiam ipfitim Tyran* nam vocent , nenjarn dicmt Wix^i^Xificut priusfue-rat disputaturn, fed fieut ratio ex his illis rations bus connexa docuijj] :r,Omnino nullam efle Rempubiicam: Jthtcni.imnonrjftr Res Popu/i qnum Tjrannus earn Sattione capejferet. Nee ipfe Populus jam-Populus effctiieflct injuftus. Qiioniam non ejfet multitude juris confen[pt& utilitatis communionefocietas > fictn Populus fuerat definitns.

To conclude this point: If princes violating their Covenants, and changing the Conftitution, be not to berefifted, then all Princes have equal power,that 'Is, theit pow<?r is abfolute and unlimited as to man:

Gs lor

45° Of due obedience to Rulers,

For then they may all do what they lift •, which if we I tell them, their///? to exalt their Wills and Intereft will be invariable: And Covenants are vain, and afford not the leaft fecurity for our .peace or Welfare, wheninforo exteriori,the keeping and breaking them is all one. If Princes were fent down from Heaven, or meer Nature produced Governing Families, this Doctrine might have fome pretence,which now hath none.

• Thef.373. A notorious Atheifl, and Enemy to the Ejfentials of Godlinefs, that fet s himfelf to root it out, is an open Traitor or Rebel a gain ft the God of Heaven, from whom all Power mufi -proceed : And therefore as he is a Afagiftrate but fecundum quid, fo it is but an anfwerablt obedience that we owe him, as one that is tolerated by God in his Rebellion, for the maintaining of external Order among men, for the common good.

Thef.374. If a Prince that hath not the tvholt Soveraignty, be conquered by a Senate that hath the other part , and that in a jufi Defenfivi

e Warre, that Senate as the conquering part, can* not affume the whole Sovcraignty, but mufl fnp-pofe the Government in fpecie to remain, a^ therefore another King mufi be chofen, if the forme* be uneatable.

I here refpeft the Senate as the remaining Sove-raigntj, and not as the Peoples Reprefentative: Anc

f<

fo the cafe is plain: Becaufe, i. They conquered not the Species, but the Individual. 2. They conquered not the People^ but the Prince : And therefore they have no Power to change the Confiitution, which was formed by Contrail with the People. The Commonwealth hath not forfeited its form of Government when a Prince hath forfeited his Inter eft : And therefore- Re. v non moritur: The Conflitution remains good,and the Conquerours have no power to change it, without the Peoples Confent.

Thef.375. If'the whole Family with whom the People were in Covenant be extirpated , or become nncapible , the People may new forme the Government as they fleafe> ( fo they contradict not 'the Lew of God : ) not by Authority, but by Contraft with the next chofen Governours; nor as Subjefts, but as Free men, the Government being dijfolved.

When one party in Covenant is dead(raturally or civilly)the other is tree: j *ubjeBs asfuchfaxt nothing to do to change the Government: nor SubjeEls while fuch, unlefs they exprefly referve that liberty. But when a whole Royal Family is extin&,or all that they were in Covenant with for fucceffion,thcy are difob-Jiged,and may offer the next,what terms they pleafe> that are confident with the Laws of God. But they cannot fettle the new Government, either as Subjefts, or as Rule r/,but by Contrail: For they can command Jio man to become their Governour, an^ fubmitto their terms^but they may ofer it to any that is fit,who is as free to accept it, or refufe it.

Gg2 Thef.

4J2 of due'Obedience to Rulers,

Tbef.376. Where there are not Affemblies Representing the People, or feme Truftees enabled to be the Preservers of their Liberties, it Vritf -be hard to imagine how a War re can lawfully be raifed for their Defence , in any of the fore-mentioned Cafes, unlefs Where they are almoft all of a mind.

Foric mcftbe fome private men that muftbethe beginners, whofe aftions are not the a&ions of the Nation^ nor can they know wheriier the Nation approve of them, and would*concurre: fo that the PojfibUity and Lawfulnefs of Defence will be queitionable, where there are rio Trn-ftees.

Thef.377. Though too many lay their Religion and Salvation at the feet of Princes, becaufe they have fir ft laid them at the feet of their flejhly interefi and lufts, yet moft men have more neea to be called on to obey their Rulers, then toU how far re they may difobey cr refift: And in donbtfull cafes, it is fafefi to fuffer, rather that refift.

Every man is naturally felfifh and proud, and apl to break the bounds that God hath fet us, andtobl Kings and Laws unto our felves. This Rebelling difl 1 obedient difpofition, therefore fhould befirft refiftem and fubdued, &s a greater enemy to the peace of Nat tions (at leaft of many) then the faults of Princel are.

Thef.378

Tlief.378. The proud cenforioufnefs of Subjetts, that thir\ them ftIves caf-able of fudging of all their Rulers altions, when they are fo diftam as never to know or hear the Reafuns of them, is the common Caufe of ftnfvll wurwfirings and Rebelluns.

The moft ignorant Country people are exceeding prone to pafs their cenfures upon the adions of Kings and parliaments, and flioot their bolt before they ever faw the Mark. How confidently will they blame and reproach their Superiours,as it they were able rheinfe! ves to Govern better, or at leaft were fo much honefter then their Rulers, that their honefty would fupply their lack of wit. In all ages, murmuring againftSuperiours, and ignorant cenfuring them, have been the common finne of the people: Though alas, Princes have given them too much oc-cafion and provocation.

Thef.379. The moft excellent Policy is true Piety: and the principal ..way for Princes to oblige the Subjects to them, and remove all fears of Seditions and Rebellions, is heartily to devote all their Power and Inter eft to the Caufe of God, and the common aood.

e>

This will engage the Lord to own them, that is the King of Kings, and the difpofer of all, inwhofe "avour alone their fafety lieth. And this will endear :hem to all that are good, and caufe them to be as tealous in loving and honouring them, as children to

G g 3 their

454 of du$ Obeditnte to Rulers, their lather. Yea, it will breed much Reverence in the minds of common and ungodly men, who will fpeak highly of Godlinefs in a prince, though they like it not for themfelves. And when they fee that Princes are Fathers of their Countreys, and feek not themfelves, but the common good: it is the moft excellent means to procure them common Love and Reverence.

Thef.380. A Prudent, Godly, Righteous Prince is fo rare, and fo great a mercy, that the Peo~ fie that enjoy fuch, are hound exceedingly to Love, Honour and Obey them, and daily fray for them, and cheerfully fay the Tributes they demand, and willingly venture their lives for their Defence.

Oh how few fojhuah's, David's, Jojiah's, Conftan-tine's, Theodoftus's, &c. have the Kingdoms of the world enjoyed 1 At this day alas, how few are the Princes that have any zeal ,for God, and preferre his Kingdom and Intereft before rheir own I How many arc fighting their own warres, arifing from the lulls that warre in their members, and making havock of the Church of God? But how few are itudious to promote the Gofpel, and the union of the Churches, and Peace of Chriftians, and the Converfion of the enbelieving world! Let them that God enricheth with fo great a mercy, value it highly, and take heed of murmuring and ingratitude, or of negledt of thofe earned prayers, and cheeriull obedience, by which fo great a mercy may be continued and improved. How fad a blow was it to .England that

Edward

Edward the Sixth was fo foon taken away I How many would have after redeemed his life with the deareft price, that before too much undervalued their happinefs ! One ferious thought of the ftateof moft of the Nations of the world, fhould turn the murmuring humour of too many into hearty Praife, and earneft Prayers to God for our Superiours. if that Nation "that is moft happy of any upon Earth, in a Government Anted to the higheft Intereft, --and to Gods Defcription, ( Rom. 3. 5. ) ftiould yet murmure and defpife that Government, it would be a moft hainotts fin, and a terrible Prognoftick, efpecially to the guilty fouls. *

Gg+ CHAP.

CHAP. XIIL Of the late Warres.

HAving laid down thefe fore-going Grounds, it would not be hereunfeafonable to render a publick account of my own a&ions, in answer to that Queftion, which I have been urged with byfo many, £ By what Reafons was I moved to engage my ft If in the Parliaments War re ? 2 But (thougn I have not leifure to render fo full an account to each particular Quxrift, as may be fatisfaftory, and therefore could be content to difpatch it here at once for all, yet ) it will require fo long a Hi-floryofmy own affairs, and alio fo many ungrate-full recitals of the abufes and evils of thofe times, that I fball not undertake fo unpleafant a task, till I am called to it by fuch neceflity, as will ex-< cufethefe inconveniences: but only curforilyfhall caft in thefe following brief accounts inftead of a fuller Declaration.

§. I. The malignant hatred of ferioufnefs in Religion, did work fo violently in the rabble where Hived, that I could not ftay at home with any probable fafety of my life. My life was fought before I went away : Sober, pious men of Nvighbour-P<*rifhes, that thought the rabble had been upon my head in a

tumult

tumult ( when indeed I was out of Town ) were knocktdownin theftreets, to the hazzard of their lives, when they went amoLg them to look after me^ and meerly becaufe they were accounted Puritans, And all this was but on a falfe rumour, that the Churchwardens were about to obey the Parliaments Order, in taking down the Images .of the Trinity about the Church. TheWarre was begun in our ftreets before the King or Parliament had any Armies. The hatred of the Puritans, and the Parliaments Reformation, inflamed theignorant,drunken, and ungodly rout, fothatl was forced to begone even before the Wanes ^ but when I returned, and the Armies came among us, I could then ftay no longer ^ nor had I any place of fafety from their rage, but the Armies and Garrifons of the Parliament: And multitudes of my Neighbours as well as I, were forced into Garifons to fave their lives, that elfe would have lived at home in peace. And I only propofe it, Whether thofe Subjeds, that are utterly undeservedly deprived of the protection of Magiftrates and Laws, are not difcharged of their obligations, and turned out of their Relations to them, and are put to feek for other Pro-tedours ?

$. II. A Parliament (as farre as I have been able to learn) hath all thefe four or five capacities 1. ItisaReprefentativeofthe Peopleasfree. 2. Ie Reprefenteth the People as Sub jeds. 3. By the Constitution they have part in the Sove-raignty. 4. They are the Kings chief Counce!. 5. And they are the Kings chic? Court of Judicature. Of

Of the Antiquity of their Power, and its Extent, I referre you to Mr. Ba.com Treatife of Parliaments, and Mr. Prins Book of the Power and Priviledges of Parliaments (to pafs by others ) But it is no way neceflary to the caufe in hand to-prove the Antiquity of their Being, or their Power. When ever they were eftablilhed in that Power, it wasjby an Explicite or Implicite Contratt, between the Prince and Peo-ple,there being no other Ground that can bear them, except an immediate Divine Inftitution, which none pretend to. And the Prince and People have as much power in this Age to make fuch a Contrad:, and alter the Conftitution,as they had three thoufand years ago. And therefore if I find them in pojfejfi on of the Power, and can prove but a Mutual Consent of Prince and People, I need no other proof of their Power.

§. III. When I fay that the Parliament Repre-fenteth the People as free, I take it for undeniable, that the Government is constituted by Contract, and that in the Contract, the People have not Absolutely fub je&ed themfelves to the Soveraign, without re-fcrvinganj Rights or Liberties to themfelves-, but that fome Rights are referved by them, and exempted from the Princes power: And therefore that the Parliament are their Trvftees for the fecuring ofthofe exempted Rights, and fo Represent the People as free y not as wholly free, but as being/0 farre fret as that exemption fignifies. The Rights and Freedom of the People as a People, are in order of nature before the Confiitution, and excepted,and fo eftablMhed and fe-cured ik it. And this is the firft Capacity of Parliaments,

merits, To Reprefentthe People as a People, to fecttre their Liberties as Trufiees. if any man deny them this Capacity, he makes us abfoluteljfubjeEl^o an unlimited arbitrary power, contrary to all Law, and our long poffeflions, and to all reafon. To have no Rights, and to have none but what are wholly at the Princes will, and which we have no fecurityfor, is in eflfed all one.

2- The Parliament as they Repreftnt the People as Subjetts, can do nothing but humbly manifeft their grievances, and petition for Relief.

3 .The Parliament as having part in the Sovereignty by the Confutation, hath part in the Legiflative power, and in the final Judgement.

4. As it is the Kings chief Councel, he is ultimately to hear them in cafes that concern the fafety and Peace of the Commonwealth.

5. As it is bis higheft Court of Juftice, they have power of judgement and execution, over all the Sub-jeds •, fo that from them there is no Appeal: The King being to judge by bis Judges in their fever«tl Courts, this is his higheft Judicatures yet fo as that the Power of Judging was not equally in both Houfes.

The Difputers that oppofe the Parliaments Caufe, do commonly go on falfe fuppofitions, about the very Being and Power of Parliaments, and take it for granted, £ That the Soveraign Pcwer was only in the Ki'ng, and fo that itwas an Abfolute Mcnarchy, and not a mixture of Monarchy, Arifiocracy and Democracy ^ and that the Parliament had but the propofiftg of Laws, and that they were enabled only by the Kings Authority, upon their Re que ft, and fo that the Power

of

of Armes^ andofWarre, and Peace> was^tn the'King alone j and therefore they conclude, That the Parliament being Sub)e&s way not take up Armes without him, and that it is Rebellion to refifi him •, and mofi of this they gather from the Oath of Supremacy, and from the Parliaments calling themfelves his Subjects.

But their Grounds are fandy, and their Superftru-Aure falfe, as I (hall manifeft.

i. The Oath of Supremacy fecureth the Kings Title againft all forrain claim, either of the Pope or any other, and consequently againft all home-bred Ufurpers: But the Name of j^m^/, or Sovereign, given peculiarly to the King,is no fufficient difcovery of the conftitution.of the Commonwealth, nor any proof that it is an abfolute Monarchy, and not a mixt Government, and that the foveraign Power is wholly in him; When the contrary is known in the Conftitution, the Name or Title is no difproof. It's ufualto honour the Prince with the Title of Sove-raign, (for divers weighty Reafons) when yet the Senate or Nobles have a part in the foveraign Power. Such Oftthes therefore bind us only to acknowledge the Kings Soveraignty a^it is in the conftitution, implying the Power of the Parliament, and they cannot be interpreted to be againft the Conftitution : Politicians and Lawyers commonly warn us to take heed of judging of the Power in the Commonwealth by meer Titles.

2. That the Parliament are Sub]eUs is confefled •, but as they are Subjefts in one capacity, (both in their pejrfonal private ftates, and as the Reprefentative of ihcSubje^is as fuch) fo have^ they part in the Sovereign-

ratgntj alfo, in their higher capacity, by the Conftitv-tion, as (hall be proved. The fame perfons may have part in the Soveraignty, that in other refpe&s are Subje&s.

3. Some go further, and would prove from Scripture, the full Soveraignty of the King,as from 1 Pet. 2. I3,&c. As if the Species of Government were um-verfally determined of in Scripture •, and fo all forms of Government made unlawfull,except abfolure Monarchy. If they could prove this, they might dif-patch many Controverfies inChriffian States about their Conftitutions, and all muft be reduced to one form: But there is nothing in Scripture againft other forms, but fomewhat for a mixt Government in 7/"-rael. God hath not told us whether Englandznd all other Nations fhall be Governed by One or Two, or four Hundred : but Vrherc the King is the Svfream 3 it is the will of God that the people (hould obey him, which is all that Peter requireth. The Romans hated the Name of a King: It was neither the intent of Pe-fcrhere, or otPattl, Rom. 13. to determine whether the Emperotir or the Senate were Supreaimmuch lefs to determine that Kings muft have the full Supremacy through the world.

This folly poffeffeth'the Democratical party alfo, (thatcallthemfelves Commonwealths men: ) they imagine that God himfelf hath given the Sovetaign Power to the people-, and confequently that no Go-vernment,but Popular is lawfull. Whereas itV certain, that God hath not tyed the Nations df the world to Monarchy, Ariftocracy, Democracy, or any one form, but left that free to their own choice, under the Direction of his general Rules, and the ordering

dering of his Providential difpofals.

2. And as the Objeders Grounds are manifeftly t otten, fo that their fuperftru&ure is unfound, and that indeed the Parliament hath a part in the Suprea-macy, I (hall undeniably prove.

i. Legiflat Ion is the mofb principal eminent part of the Sovereigns Right : But Legijlaticn belonged to the two Houfes of Parliament as well as to the King : therefore the Right of Soveraignty belonged to the far-liament inpart y as well as to the King.

The Legiflative Power j4 is not only eflential to Soveraignty, butisthecwW/ofitseflfence, and the firft and chiefeft pare. He that denyeeh this,renoun-ceth Policy and Reafon. But that the Parliament had a part in the Legiflative power, (even of Enabling, and not only oipropofwg,) is undoubted. I will not run to Records, or to Writers for proof, becaufe here a contradicting wit may find fome work ^ but I will give you two proofs, that nothing but immode-fty can contradid. The firft is,Common Experience defatto. Parliaments do make Laws: the King was fworn to Govern by thofeLaws,^//^ vulgtts elegerit : the Lawes exprefly fpeak their Authors, £ Be it Enabled by the Authority of Parliament ] or £ by the Kings Majefty, and the Lords, and Commons in Parliament Affembled, &c. ] It is not [_ upon their Petition or Propofal~\ only, but [bythemj or [by their Authority. J

2. The King himfelf (by the advice of his delinquent Council in the time of his feparation from Parliament) doth confefs as much as I defire: i. That the Government of England is mixt of Monarchy, Ariftocracy, and Democracy. 2. That it is not an

Ab-

Sl>folute Monarchy. 3. That the Ballance muft hang :vcn between the three Eftates. 4. That the King, :he Lords,and the Commons, are thefe three Eftates. j. That the Laws are made in England by a King,by 1 Houfe of Peers,and by a Houfe of Commons ch'ofen by the people joyntly. 6. That the Houfe of Commons are an excellent Confer ver of the Peoples Liberties. y.That they are folely entrufted with the firft Proportions concerning the Levies of Monies, the finews of Peace and Warre ^ and the Impeaching of thofe that violate the Law. 8. That the King is bound to proteft the Law. 9. That he may not make ufe of his power to the hurt of thofe for whole good he hath it. 1 o. That the Commons are to Avivife him fortheProte&ionoftheLaw. 11. That the Lords are trufted with a power of Judicature. 12. That they are a Screen or Bank between the Prince and people,toaffifieaeh againft the Encroachments of the other and by juft Judgement topreferve the Law, which ought to be the Rule of every one of the Three. 13. That the Parliament have a Legal power, more than fufficient to reftrain the power of Tyranny. 14. That the encroachffig of one of thefe Eftates upon the others power, is unhappy in the effefts to all. 3 All this you {hall have in the Kings own words in his Anfwer to the Parliaments 19 Propositions.

£ There beingthree kinds of Government, Abfolute Monarchy, Ariflocrac) , and Democracy • and in ail thefe their particular conveniences and inconvenience s y the experience and wifdome of jour Anceflours hath mouldedthUoutvf a mixture of thefe, with the conveniences of all three, without the inconveniences of anyone, as long as the Ballance hangs even between the

three

three Efiates; andin their proper channe 11 (begetting verdure and fertility in the meddows on both fides J and then overflowing of either on either fide, raifed no deluge or inundation r The ill of Abfolute Monarchy is Tyranny ; The ill of Arifiocracy is Faftion, andDi-vifiun: the ills of Democracy are Tumults, Violence , and Licentioufnefs. The good of Monarchy is the %J± siting of a Nation under one Head, to repfi Invafioti from abroad, and InfurreEkion at home. The good of Arifiocracy is the conjunction of Councils in the aklfi Pe'rfons of a State for the publique bene ft. The good of Democracy is Liberty, nad the courage and indufiry Vchich Liberty begets.

In thy Kingdowe ike Laws are joyntly m&de by a King y by a Houfevf Peers, and by a Houfe of Commons choftn by the People, all having free Votes, and particular Priviledges ^ the Government ofthefe Eaws are intrufied to the King •, Power of Treaties of War and Peace, of making Peers, of choo/ing Officers and Counfellors of State, fudges for Law,Commander s for TortsandCaflles, giving Commifiions for rai/ing men to make War re abroad, or to prevent or provide againfi Invafionsor InfurrettiiMat home, Benefit of Confifcaptions, power of'pardoning, and fome more of the likj? kind are placed in the King. And this hind of regulated Monarchy havingthe power to preferve that Au* thority, without which it would be difabled to preferve the Laws in their force,and the SubfiBs in their Liberties,is intendedio draw to him fuch a 'reflect andrcii-tionfrom the great ones as may hinder the ills^of Divifi-on and Faction,and fuch a fear and reverence from the people-^as may hinder tumults,violence,and licentioufnes. Again,that the Prince may not make ufeofthis high.

an

d

*d perpetual power, to the hurtofthofe for whofe good e hath it, and make nfe of the name of piibjick^necejjity )r the gain of his private Favorites and Followers, the Jcnfe of Commons (an excellent Ccnferver of Liberty, uf never intended for any fhort in the (7c-ernment, or the choofwr of them thai He mcanct.i ,, ' v ■ r i a. J •/ the execu-

GvVttn,) is fatly intruded with t Vc in>

he firfi Prcpofricns, ccncerninftheL--lesof Afoncts (the finews of Peace and ] \ . be impeaching of thofe, v?ho for their own ends haf&e related that Law, which he is bound to pr.-teft, and it ie protection of which they were bound to aavife him, Ind the Lords being trutied with a judicature power, ye an excellent Screen or Bank between the Prince and \ople, to ajfift each again]} the En.; . nts if the

her, and by jtfft Judgements to preftrve that Law } hich ought to bt the Ride of ever J one of the three — nee therefore the Legal power in P&riixments is more )an(efficient to reftrat wer cf Tyrannie—fmce

h em rvaching of one of thefe Eftates uf r the ether, is unhappy in the efftfi to alLj You fee bete all the Wfliaments capacities acknov/-dged : 1. Thctthe Commons are chofrn by the eopie, asTruirees for their Liberties j (and that ley reprefent them asSubjefts none deny.) 2. That ley are the Kings Advifers. 3 That the Lords have ie power of Judicature, as the Commons of im-*aching,#r. 4 .That the Legiftarive power/thac is, le Sovereignty) is joyntly in King, Lords and Corr-ons as three Eftates • and fa that the Goven m£nt mixt of Monarchy, Ariftocraey and Democracy nd thus far we are agreed of the Gonfticurior. 3. And if it were not thus confefTed, we might H h prove

prove the Parliaments interefi: in the Supremacy, by fome Judicial Inftances, with the reftraints of the King:, ( but that it's needlefs to debate a confeffed thing.)Grotius faith,^? Jmperiof^mmar.Poteftat:circa facra c.i.p.y,2.\^Sunt qui objiciant,Rcges q Murium im-perare non poJfe,ni/i confcenfus Ordinum accejf^rit : fed hi non vide'nt quibus in locis id juris eft, ibi fummum Imperium, non ejfe penes Reges, fed aut penes Or dines, aut certe penes id corpus, quod Rex & f until conftitu-unt^ m Bodinus, Suarezius, Victoria, alijque abunde demon ft rarunt. Certe fummum Imperinm totum habere, & aliquidimperare nonpojfe, ideo tantum quod alter vetat aut inter cedat, planefunt *Wsa-ra.J (But in this laft I diflenc from him,unlefs that aliter illepo-teft at em habeat illudimperandi,qnod Reximperare non poteft : For meerly to limit the power of the Ruler in things not neceffary unto Government, proveth not a Copartnerfhip in the Limiters: for it may be done by ContraB and Referve,by a people that will be Governed fo farre and no further.)

§. IV. I was fatisfied by Reafon, andconfentof Lawyers,even thofe that are moft zealous for Monarchy, and moft judicious, that in many Cafes a King may be refifted : I will Xnilance thefe following out of Grotius (and Barclay, with whom in divers of them he contents, and adds the reft': ) de Jure Belli & J } acis,li.i,c.d..pag.%6$'7 J 9Q,9T. which I will not fo much as translate, that none may mfped me to corrupt the words by the tranilation, cr to tempt the vulgar to mifunderftand them.

. ^Graviar ilia eft JQueftio, An Lex de non Rejiften-di) nos obliget in gravijfimo & certiffirno difcrimine.

Nam

Nam L?gesetiam Dei qu&dam, qnanquamgeneraliter prolate jatitam habentexceptionemfumma neceffitatis. —Qua exceptioprobata efi ipfi Chrlfto: met in kge altera de non edendis panibus propofitioms.EtHebrxorum Jidagifiri legibus de cibis vetitis, alijfque nonnullis ex vetch traditione tandem addunt excepticnem^ refte quilem: Non quod Deo jus nun fit ad certam mortem fubeundamnos obfiringere-Jed quod Leges qu&dam ejus fwt argumenti, ut mn credibile fit datas ex tarn ri-gidavoluntate, quod in legibus humanis magis etiam procedit. Ncn nego a lege etiam humana quo]dam vir-tutis aStuspojfeprecipijub certo mortis periculo ^ ut de ftatione non defer enda : fed nee temere ea voluntas legis condentis fuijfe intelligitzr: neque viaentur homines in fc, & alios t ant urn jus ace'epiffe, nifi qutotenusfumma, necefjitas id exlgat. Ferri enirn leges ab hominibus foL nt & debent eumfenfu humane iwbecillitatis. Hxc autem Lex de quaagimus ptndere videtur a volunta-te ecrum y quife prim-urn infocietatem civ'dem confoci-<wt, a quibus jus pcrro ad imper antes manat. (He tneaneth chat it is a contraft between 1 he Conftitutors of the Policy, and not a proper Law, that muft decide this cafe.) Hi vero fi interrogaremur, an velint omnibus hoc onus imponere ut moripreoptent, quam ullo vafu vimfuperiorum armis arcere, nefcio an vellefe ftnirefponfuri, mfi forte cum hoc additamento, fire-ffii mqueat nificum maxima reipublica perturbati-vne 3 aut exitlopluriwrutainncentium. ^uodenim tali circumfiantiaCharitas commendaret, id in legem quoque humanam deduct pojfe, non dubito. Dicat diquis, rigidam illam obligaticnem, mortempctiusfe-rendi,qgam ullam unquam fuperlorem iri^miamrepel-lendi non ex lege humana fed divina prbficifci, fed Hh Z notandnm

notandum efi, primo homines non Dei pracepto, fed fponte adduttos experimento infirmitatis familiar urn fe-gregum adverfxs violentiam, in focietatem civ'dem eoijffe y unde urtum habet pet efi as civilis, quam ideo hu-manam crdinationem Petrus vocat: ( but here he i$ out, or dark, in his Politicks, and Expofition: Men are (ordinarily) obliged by the Law of Nature and Scripture, to Political Relations and Duties, and fin if they joyn not to fome Commonwealth, when they may,) quanquam alibi & divina ordinatio voca-tufj quiahominumfaluhre infiitutum Deusprobavit, (This is true of the Species of Policy, and of the' Individual Rulers, though not of Government in gene-re) Deus a tit em humanam legem probans, fenfetur probareut humtnam, & humano mo do. Barclaius, Regij imperij ajfertor fortijfimus, hue tamen defcendit Mpopulo,& injigni ejus parti jus concedat fetuendi ad-verfus immanem f^vitiam, cum tamen ipfe fateatur tor urn pupulum Regifubditum ejfe.Ego facile intelligo, quo pluris efi id quod convcrfatur,eo major em effe <zqui-t fit em,qua adverfus legis verba exceptionemporrigat: fiittamen indifcriminatim damnere aut fingulos, am yartempopulimimrem, qua ultimo neceJfit at is pr&fidio fie dim ufa [it, tit interim & communis boni, refpe-Bum non defer at, vix aufim. Nam David, qui ex-irapaucafaUa testimonium habet vita fee undum leges exafta, armatos circafe primum quadringentos, de-ind^p lures aliquandohabuit: quo nifi ad vim arcen-dam ft inferretur ? Simile pot efi videri faUum Alac-cabaornm. T —-Nihil efi quod Maccabaeos tueatur prater fummum certijfimumquepericulumr-Illa interim cautio tenendaefi, etiamintali periculoper/one Regis

parcexdum.

Dixiwus

T)ixims fummum imprrium tenentibns rejlfti jure non pejfe: Nunc qu&damfunt qu& Letiorem monere debe?hus, ne putet in banc legem delinquere eos, qui re-vera non delinquent.

Primum ergo, qui principes fub populofunt,five ab initio talem acceperuntpcteft^te?n , fivepoftea it a con-venit ,ut Lacedxmone y fifeccent in leges ac Rempublica, non tant urn vi repeliipojj\nt,fedfiopusfit,puniri morte. 2. Si Rex aut alius quis i?r;periumabdicavit , aut manifefle habet pro dtreliUo, in eum pofi id tempus o?r„-■ ■1 licent qu<t in privatum— 3- ExiftiW6tti&vchius,fi Rcxregnumdknet, aut alii fubjkixt, amitti ab eo regnum. Ego hie fubfifto ST fitamen Rex rcipfa etiam tradere Regnum aut fub-jicere mcliatur^quin eirejifiiin hocpoffit, non dub it 9. Aliudeftcnim, Imperium^ aliudhabena. qui

ne mutetur cbfiare poteflpopulus (N. B.) Lienimfub Imperio comprehenfumnon eft. £lm aon male aptes u-ludfeneca in re non diffimi U:\_Et fiparendum in omnibus Patri,in eo nonparendum quo effcitur ne Patrr fitf\

4. Ait ideyn Barclaius, amitti Regnum ft Rex vere heftili animo in totius populi exitiam feratur: quod concede. Ccnfiftere enifn fimul rwn pojfunt voluntas imperandi, & voluntas perdendi. Quare qui fe hoftem populi totius profit etur, is eo ipfo ab die at Regnum, fed vix videtur idaccidere pojfe in Rege mentis compote,qui uni populo imperet: Quod fi pluribus populis imperet accidere poteft, ut unius populi] in gratiam alterum velit,perditum, ut colonics ibi faciat.

5. Si Regnumcomm'ittatur, five ex feIonia ineum cujus feudum eft, five ex claufulapofita inipfadelati-one imperii, ut ft hoc aut hoc Rex faciat, fubditi omni obedientia vinculo falvantur, tunc quoque Rex in pri-vatamperfonamrecidit. Hh 3 6. Si

6. Si Rex partem habeat fumwi Imperij, partem alteram Pop. vel Sen. Regi in partem non fuam involanti vis jufla opponi piterit ^ quia eatenus Im-perium non habet : J$uod locum habere cenfeo, etiamfidittumfit, Belli potefiatem penes Regem fore ( N. B. ) id enim de bello externo intelllgendum efi : Cum alioqui quifquis Imperij partem h'abeat, non pojfit non jus habere earn partem tuendi. Quod ubi fit, po-tefi Rex etiamfuam Imperij partem belli jure amit-tere.

7, Si indelatione Imperij diElum fit, utcerto even-. turefifii Regi pojfit, etiamfieo paBo pars imperij re-tent a cenferi non pojfit,certe retenta eft aliqua Libertas naturalis, & exempta Regio imperio.Pctefl autem qui jusfuum allenat, idjuspaUis imminuere.

You fee here divers Cafes in which Reiifting is law-full. In general, it's lawfull for them that have part in the Soveraignty, to defend their part: and it's lawfull for the people to defend their Liberties^ in points exempted from the Princes Power: (but this muft be with the exceptions, limitations and Cautions, which I have before expres't.)

$. V. The Laws in England are above the King: Becaufe they are not his Ads alone, but the Afts of King and Parliament conjun&ly,* who have the Le-giflative (that is, the Soveraign ) Power. This is confeffed by the King in the forecited Anfwer to the i9Propofitions.

" §. VI. The King was to execute Judgement according to thefe Laws, by his Judges in his Courts of Juftice*/aiid his parliament was his higheft Court

( as

(as is faid) where his perfonal will and word was not of fufficient Authority to fufpend or crofs the Judge-• mentof the Court, except in lbme particular cafes iubmittedtohim.

§. VII. The peoples Rights were evidently invaded; Ship-money, and other impofitions were without Law, and fo without authority : The new Oath impofed by the Convocation, and the King: the ejeding and punifhing Minifters for not reading the Books for Sports on the Lords Daies, for not bowing towards the Altar, for preaching Ledures, and twice on the Lords Day, with many the like, were without Law, and fo without authority. If Bifliops jure JEc-chfiaftico might have commanded them, yet could they not lay any corporal penalties or mulds for them,nor fhould any man have loft his temporal livelihood or Iiberty,which Ecciefiafticks have no power over. Many thoufands have fuffered,or been forced to remove out of theLand,upon the account of illegal impofitions.

§. VIII. The Parliament did Remonftrate to the Kingdom, the danger of the fubverfion of Religion, and Liberties, and of the common good and intereft of the people, whofeTruftees they were. And we were obliged to believe them both as the moft compe* tent WitnefTes and Judges, and the chofen Truftees of our Liberties. We are our felves uncapable of a full difcovery of fuch dangers till it be too late to remedy them: And therefore the conftitution of the Government having made the Parliament the Truftees of our Liberties, hath made them o^ureyes by

H h 4 which

which we muft difcern our dangers. Or elfe they had been ufelefs to us.

§. IX. The former proceedings afforded us fo much experience as made the Parliaments Remonftrance credible. We had newly feen a general endeavour to change the face of things among us. Many new orders in the Church-, abundance of the-moft painfull Preachers f though peaceable) caft out: Abundance of ignorant, idle, fcandalous Readers kept in ^ and pra&ical ferious godiinefs made the commonfeorn^ though found in the conformable to all the legal Or-. ders. I will forbear to rake any further into thofe calami ties.Only I (hall fay, that I fuppofe my Reader to have been acquainted with thofe times, and with the courfe of the High Commiflion, and the Bifhops Courts, and to have read the Articles in Parliament againft Bifhop J^aud, Bifhop Goodman, Bifhop Wren % Bifhop Pierce, &c. and the charge againft the Judges about Ship money ^ and Mr. White's Centuries : and Mr. PHns Introduction, or Works of Darknefs brought to Light:, and his Canterburies Tryal,and his Popifh Royal Favorite, and his Romes Mafter piece r and efpeciaily the fworn Articles of the Sfanljh and French Match.

§.X. It was time for us to believe a Parliament concerning our danger and theirs, when we heard fo many impious perfons rage againft them ^ and when theArmy then in the North was (by the confeffion of the chief Officers) about to have been drawn tap towards London -, to what end is eafie to conje&ure: when fomany Delinquents were engaged & enraged v againft

againft them, who all took refuge with the King. And when we fay the odious Irith Rebellion broke forth, and fo many thonfand barbaroufly murdered^ no lefs (by credible teftimony) then an hundred and fifty thouland murdered in the one Province of VI-fteronly: I fuppofe himthatldifpute with to Save read the Examinations by the Irifh Juftices, and Mr. Clarks Persecution of the Church in Ireland : elfe he is incompetent for the debate.lf you fayJVhat tpm all this to England ? I Anfwer, We knew how great a progrefs the fame party had made in England^ and it was them that we were told by the Trufteesof our fafety, that we were in danger of, and the fire was too near us to be neglefted •, and our fafety too much threatned, to be carelefly ventured in the heat of the peril 5 or to be wholly taken out of our Truftees hands,when thoufands were thusfuddenly butchered by the Papifts in our own Dominions, and thofe Papifts likely to have invaded England^ when they had conquered Ireland^ and their "Friends werefo powerfull about theCourt,& through the Land, aijd the parliament hated by them for oppofing their attempts (the Irifh profefling to raife Arms for the King,todefend his Prerogative & their own Religion againft our Pariiament)l fay,in fuch a time as this,we hadreafonto believe our entrufted Watchmen, that told us of the danger, & no reafon to fuffer our lives and liberties to be taken out of their Truft, & wholly put into the hands of the King. We had rather of the two be put upon the inconvenience of jnftifying our defence, then to have been butchered by thoufands, or fall into fuch hands as Ireland did : For then complaining would have been vain. It would not have

made

made dead men alive, nor recovered England out of their hands, for the furvivers to have aeculed them of perfidioufnefs or cruelty. It was then no time to discredit our Watchmen.

§. XI. WefawtheKingraife Forces againft the Parliament, having forfaken them,and firft fought to fei^e upon their Members, in a way which he confeft a breach of their privitedge.

Ob j.The Tumults at Weftminfter drove him away.

Anfw. Only by difpleafing blm^not by endangering

him, or medling with him.

Ob yThe Parliament was net free by reafon of them. Anfw. The Parliament knew beft when they were free. If the major part had thought fb, why did they not Vote againft thofe tumults, and forbid,and bring the rude Petitioners tojuftice? Thediforders on both fides among the tumultuary, were unexcufa-ble:but no juft caufe to caft the Nation into a Warre. A Prince may not raife War againft his people, be-caufe Apprentices fhewfome rudenefsin their behaviour.

Objeft. But the Parliament began the War. Anfw. For my part,I am fatisfied ot the contrary: but the caufe dependeth not on that. And the debate is not eafily managed to fatisfa&ion on either fide,be-caufe we agree not what was the beginning of the Warre. If the Apprentices tumultuous petitioning " were a Warre, then it was begun long before on the other fide, when the Army was to have been drawn up towards London ^xA by other waies ^ as when the King fet a Guard on them againft their wills,when the Lord Digby raifed Forces near the City^ and the King

after-

afterward in Torkfnre ,the Parliament had no Army; fo that if adual raifing force was the beginning of the Warre, itfeemshebegun. Put yet he faith, Their Commiffions Vvere dated before his. It may be fo : (I knew nothing of that.) But Forces may be raifed before they have any written Commiffions. It was long before that the Lord Dlgby wrote to him to withdraw into a place of fafecy, 10 thefe ends which hepurfued. If you fay, that tbofe began the War that gave the firfi occafion • 1. We muit follow that fo high as will make the difcovery difficult, and the debate irkfome. 2.And when we have done,no doubt (as in moft fallings out) we (hall hnd that both fides were too blame, though not equally too blame.

§. XII. Ail the Kings Counfellours and Souldiers were Subjefts, and legally under the Power of the Parliament. They had Power to try any Subje #,and judge them to punilhment for their crimes. The Of-fendors whom they would have judged,fledfrom Ju-ftice to the King, and there defended themfelves by -force.

Ob jed:. But the Parliament would have injured them.

Anfw. Who (hould be Judge of that, if not the Supream Court of Juftice? The Laws are above the King.

Ob je&.X/tf Parliaments Souldiers were SubjeHs of the King, as well as the Kings St uldiers to the Parlia-*ment 4

Anfw. True: but ifSubje&s break the Laws, the King is to judge them by his Courts of Juftice, and fo the King can do no wrong.

§. XIII.

§,XHI.lfinferiour Courts of Juftice may profecute the execution of their fentences, in feveral cafes a-gainft the Kings Will, and the Sheriff may raife the Power of the County to afiift that execution, much more may the Higheft Court do thus: But the Antecedent is commonly acknowledged to be true: Therefore.

§. XIV. The Parliament did not raife War againft the Perfon or Authority of the King-, nor did I ever ferve them on any fuch account: But their caufe was, i. To defend themfelves and the Commonwealth from evil Subjects, that flying from Juflice, had made up an Army by the Kings confent. 2. To bring Offenders to a Legal Trial. 3. And confe-quently eo Defend themfelves againft the Kings mif-guided Will. So that their War was dire&ly againft Subje&s, but remotely againft the Will of the King, but not againft his Authority or Perfon. And Subjects ceafe not to be Sub jeds, when they get into an Army, and procure his confent to their illegal enter-prife. Unlefs every one of his Souldiers was a King, orfomeof them at leaft, I know not that I ever fought againft the King. Nor really do I believe that every man is againft him,that is againft a Subjett that hath K^Commiffion, when by the Law which is above the Will and Commiffion of the King, he is a SubjeB flill^ and anfwerable for his offences.

That it was ^ubje&s that the War was raifed againft, and not the King, appeareth, 1. In all aie Parliaments Declarations of their Caufe (though his mifdoings they alledge as the occafion of their ne-

^ceffity.)

I

ceflity.) 2. In their Commiffions to their Souldi-ers. All that ever I faw were for King and Parliament : Yea it was the common word of their Soul-diers, if they were asked, Who they were for ? ro fay -[ For King and Parliament. ] 3 N We had two Protections, and a Solemne League and Covenant impoled on the Nation, to be for King and Parliament. And if Declarations, Profejfions, Commijfi-ens, and National Ottht and Covenants will not tell us, what the Caufe of the War was, then thereisnodifcovery., I refer the Reader that would know the Parliaments Caufe,to their Eemonfirance cf thefiateofthe Kingdom-, and A Declaration of the Lords and Commons ajfembled in Parliament, fet-ting forth the Grounds and Rcafons, that necejjitate them at this time to taks u f Defenfive Armes, for the Preservation of his May flies Per/on, the maintenance of the true Religion, the Laws and Liber -ties of this Kingdome, and the Power and Prlvi-/edges of Parliament. Auguft 3. 1642."] Thefe fully tell you the Parliaments Caufe, being their pro-feffion of it.

§. XV. When the Parliament commanded us to obey them, and not Refill them, I knew not how to Refill and difobey them, without violation of the Command of God, Rom. 13. Let every foul befub-jett to the Higher Power, Sec. And without incurring the danger of the Condemnation there threat-ned to Refifters. I think none doubts but that Command obliged Chriftians to obey the Senate as well as the Emperour. When it was confefTcd by the King, that the Legiflative Power was in the three Eftates

conjunft,

conjund:,and the State wasMixt, and confequently that the Parliament had a part in the Sovereignty, I thought it Treafon to Reiift them, as the Enemy did^ apparently in order to their fubverfion,&nd unlawfull to difobey their juft Commands, fuch as I thought thefe were.

§. XVI. When the Sub jefts were in doubt of the fenfeoftheLaw, (into which m oft of the Contro-verfiewasrefoived) I took the parliament to be the Higheft Interpreter of Lowes that was then exiflent in the Divifion. And therefore that it was Law to us, which they declared to be Law, fo it were not di-reftly and clearly againft our own Knowledge, or againft that truth which in our callings we might well attain the Knowledge of. I knew no higher Judge of the Law t hen to appeal to. If in cafe of Ship-money the Judges of inferiour Courts did faiisfie the King^ then in cafe of the fafety or danger of the Commonwealth, I thought the Judgment of the higheft Court ihould fatisiie me.

§. XVII. I had great reafon to believe, that if the King had conquered a Parliament, The Nation had lofi all feevrtty of their Liberties, and been at his Mercy, and not only under his Government: and that Warre is an aft of Hoilility; and that if he had conquered them by fuch perfons as he then imployed, it had not been in his power to havepre-ferved the Commonwealth it he would: Hisimpious and popifh Armies would have ruled him, and ufed him as other Armies have done thole that entrufted them. And checefore when Ireland was fo ufed before

of the latt Wants. . 47^

fore our eyes, and thePapifls there foftrong, and tho. Queens, and the Earl of New-czfiles forces (be-fides others) fo many of them Papifts, and the common Souldiers of the King were commonly known, where ever they came, by horrid Oaths and Curfes, being called Daww-me's, becaufe [_God damnwe~\ was their common word, and when a man was ufed by them as a Traitor, that was but noted forapuri-tane, or was heard to read the Scripture, or to fing apfalminhisFamiiy-, I fay, when thefe were they that were imployed to conquer us, I knew that the fafety of the Commonwealth lay in refilling them, and that they could have conquered the King, when they had conquered us. Jb

§. XVIII. I had fufficient ground from what is cited before from Grotius (and more fuchlike) to conclude that the Parliament having a part in the So-veraignty, might defend their part againft any that invaded it: and exercife it upon any Subject. And that their part was invaded, the fore-mentioned evidences, with what is in their Remonftrances fhew: And the very intermiffion and almoft extin&ion of Parliaments (heweth it yet more. The King wasen-trufted with the Calling of parliaments, on fuppofiti-on that called they mult be : The feafondlenefs which he wasentrufted with,was but a circumftance; and if tinder pretence of feat end le calling them, he will c. II none, or to no purpofe, or brea^ them up before they can do the work to which they were appointed, this is but to betray the truft of the Commonwealth. Parliaments by Law were to be held yearly, and fay fome, before the Conqueft

twice

^ou uj we Mte wanes.

twice a year. See An. 56. £. 3, & 4. £.3^ £**¥*

m*/^.r Edgar, r^. 5. Cook Infiitut. fart 4- /?. 7. (Of their Honour and Antiquity, fe€ Mr?Bacon and Prj^ 3 and C^ 7^/?//-. P,^r 1. <SV#. 164. <£• Prafat. Ii&i9. Of Reports,/*/. 1.2, 3,4,&c ^ 7- H. 6.) They that trufted the King to call aParliament,there-by expreffed that they were to be called ,& it was not in his power to extinguifh them,by not calling them.

§. XIX. I knew, that as the Parliament was the ReprefentativeBody of the People of the Commonwealth, who are the fubjed: of the Common Good, fo that the Common Good is the Effential End of Government, and therefore that it cannot bea juft War That by their King is made againft them (except in the fore-excepted Cafes: And that the end being more excellent than the means, is to be preilr-ved by us,and no means to ftand in competition with the End. And therefore if ] had known that the Parliament had been the beginners, and in moft faulr, yet thr mine of our Trttftees and Re$refentatives y andfoof a!l the Security of the Nation, is a funifh-ment greater , than any fault of theirs againft a King can from him deferve ^ and that thdr faults cannot difoblige me from defending the Commonwealth. I owned not all that ever they did •, but I took it to be my duty to look to the main end. And I knew that the King had all his Power for the Common Good, and therefore had none againft it ^ and therefore that no Caufe can warrant him to make the Commonwealth the party, which he ftmllexer-cife Hoftility againft. And that War againft the Paiu li^ment(efpecially by fuch an Army,in fuch a Caufe)

is Hoftility againft them, and fo againft the Commonwealth •, all this feemed plain to me. And efpe-daily when I knew how things went before, and who were the Agents, and how they were minded, and what w^re their purpofes againft the people.

§. XX. When I found formny things Conjundr, as two of the three Ejtates againft the lV///of the King alone- the Kingdoms Reprefentative and Truftees aflaulted in the guarding of our Liberties, and the higheft Court defending themfelves againft offending S*bjetts^nd feeking to bring them to a Legal Tryal, and the Kingdoms fafety, and the Common Good involved in their Caufe (which may be more fully manifefted, but that I would not fiir too much in the evils of times paft.) AJlthefe, and many more concurring, perfwaded me, that it was ftnfull to be Neutrals, 'and Treacherous to be againfl the Parliament in that Cattfe . Thefe were my apprehenfions, and on fuch grounds as thefe here briefly hinted .And itfomewhat moved me to fee what the Farcies on both fides were, of whom I will now fay no more, but that it were a wonder* if fo many humble honeft Chriftians, fearfull of (inning, and praying for direction, fhould be all miftaken in fo vyeighty a cafe,and fo many Dam me's all in the right. But yet this was not the Rule I went by, but fome Motive on the by.

So that the Caufe of the Parliament which they engaged us to defend, 1. Was not the Sovereign Power of the People, u above the King,- and the Original of Authority ^ as if the State of the Commonwealth had been Democratical. 2. Nor was it

Ii ^ td

to procure a change of the Conftitution, and to take down Royaltie, and the Houfe of Lords, but clean contrary, it was the Defence of the old Conftitution againft the changes which they affirmed were attempted. 3. Nor was it the altering of Laws, which is not to be done by force.but freely by the Law-givers. And therefore it was not to procure a cefTation of the Magiftrates Power in Religion, for encouraging well-doers, and reftrainingintolerable Deceivers, which fome call Liberty of Confcience. 4. Nor was it to offer any violence to the Perfon of the King •, but to refcue him from them that hadfeduced him into a War againft his Parliament, to his peril. Thefewere the Grounds that we were engaged on, and I knew no other.

And therefore whereas fome Pamphlets now flie abroad, that would defame the Parliament and their Adherents, as having engaged in a Treafonable Caufe, and make that Caufe to have been, 1. The Changing®? the Government into Popular. 2. Or the Defence of it as Popular already^ as if the People had been the Sovereign Power. 3. The depofing or deftroying of the King. 4. The vindicating of an illegal or unlimited exemption from the Magiftrates Power in matters of Religion, which they call, Religious Liberty^ thefe need no further confutation then the reading of the Parliaments Remonftrance and Declaration aforefaid, and the reft of their pubiifhed Profeffions, and Oaths, and Covenants. The clean contrary to thefe they openly profeflfed: As,

1. That King, Lords and Commons in parliament were the Legidators, and fo had higheil power.

2. That it was the Peoples Proprieties and Liberties,

(and

(and not their pcrfonal Sovereignty)chat they defended. 3. That it was the Defence and not the deftrnfti-0/* of the Laws that they endeavoured. And, 4. That it was former connivance at Popery that they were offended at, and not a Liberty for popery that they fought for ^ and that Herejie and Popery wereCVw-nantedagzinft by them, is well known- chough the Liberty of Truth and Godiinefs they defended. AneT, 5. That they intended no hurt, but prefervaiion to the King. This was iheiv prcfejfedCxufe.

I know Grot ins in che lore-cited paffages goeth higher, Th? t a Ring may lofe his own part in the Sovereignty in a War, in which he invadeth the part of thofe that had a fhare with him : And I know that he condudech that Hoftiii:y isinconflftent with Government^ and chat other Learned Politicians conclude, That if a King will make himfelf the Enemy if the People, and engage In War again/} them, he depofeth himfelf \and may be ufed {j them as an Enemy. But thefe things belong not to the Old Cattfe of the Parliament ^ nor, for my own part, have I ever in-:ereffed my felf in any feirh Cauie, and therefore am lot to be accountable for it. Every man muftanfwer : or himfelf. Ic is only chat Old C\:uft that I have been engaged in. And many things that fince have been lone, my foul lamenteth and difcteimeth.

Yet mufti add, That though I own not all the vaysof men, rhac have had a hand in our Changes, t.I am confident chat thefe that have been caft down> *ad great cauie to acknowledge the Juflice of God igainft them, efpecially for their encouraging the corn of Holinefs through the Land, and the perfection of multitudes fearingGod, which the righ-

Ii 2 teous

teous God would not put up.

2. That I am bound to fubmit to the prefent Government, as fet over us by God, and to obey for Con fcience fake, and to behave my felf as a Loyal Subjeft towards them* For, 1. A full and free Parliament hath owned it, and fo there is notoriouily the Confent of the People ^ which is the evidence that former princes had to juftifie their bed Titles. They that plead Inheritance and Law, muft fetch the original from Confent (Though, as I have {hewed before, that Confent doth but Jpecifie , and then defign the Perfons , on whom Cod himfelf doth confer the (Power.)

When Gronus queftionethzveninvafores Imperii (De Jure belli, lib a. pag.91.) he excepteth from any Queflion the Cafe, 1. Poftquam longapoffefftone. 2. Aut Pa£lo\ jus natius efiMnvafor^ and even of others, he acknowledged! lbme obligation to obey them. And ib. cap. 4. pag.93. §.20. he giveth that fafe and general Rule, which fuchas I that are private men, and not made Judges of the controvertible Title of Princes muft be guided by, and which Paul commended, itfeemeth to the Chrifiians in his times, yea and before him, Chrift himfelf \_Maxlme tiutem in re controversy judicium fibi privatus fu-mere 'non debet, fed poffeffionem feqni 3 fie tributum folvi Caefari Chrifius juvebat (Mat.22.20. ) quk ejus imaginem nummus praferebat, sid eft 3 quia in Poffeffione erat Imperii f\ That is i Efpecially in a controverted matter i a private man ought not to become a fudge y but to follow Poffejfion* So Chrift commandeth that Tribute be paid to Cadar, be A caufe the Money had his Image > that is, be A

caufX

caufe he was in poftejfun of the Government^

1 have made tins Confeifion to the world of my former adions, and the reafon of them, r. At once to fatisfie the Many that demand fatisfaftion. 2.That it" 1 have erred, I may not die without Repentance, but may be recovered by their advice.

And therefore 1 will further confefs how I ftand affeded to thefe anions in the review, 1. The experiences of War, and the evils that attend and follow ie^ "hath made me hate it incomparably more than I did before I tried or knew it: and the name of Peace, much more the Thing, is now exceeding amiable to me. 2. I unfeignedly believe that both Parties were too blame in the late Wars: The one Party in the things forementioned: and the other in too impatient nndergoings S ^ e M thc *; lfe the Prelates perfections and fome in l^lmX too peevilhlcrupling and quarrelling, clarfo Mar-where there was no caufe, or not fo tyrology,^, much as was pretended. But who can 4*8. about be free from fome cauflefs fcruples, ^ c ^ in 8 s that hath any Faith of hi?own, and is not carelefs of his foul. 3. I think that all of us did rufti too eagerly into the heat of Divifions and War, and none of us did fo much as we fhould have done to prevent it: And, though I was in no capacity to have done much, yet I unfeignedly Repent that I did no more for Peace in my place,then I did, and that I did not pray more heartily a-gainft Contention and War before it came, and fpake no more againft it than I did ^ and that I fpoke To much to blow the Coals. For this I daily beg for-givenefsof the Lord , through the precious blood of

J13 the

the great Reconciler. 4.The hatred of Strife and War, and love of Peace, and observation of the lamentable miscarriages fince, have called me oft to fearch my heart, and try my ways by the Word„of God, Whether I did lawfully engage in that War or not ? (which I was confident then was the great-eft outward fervice that ever I performed to God :) And whether I lawfully encouraged fo many thou-fandstoic? And the iflue of all my fearch is this, and never was any other but this, 1. The cafe of blood being a thing fo dreadfull, and fome wife and good men being againft me, and many of their Arguments being plaufible, and my underftanding being weak, I {hall continue with felf-fufpition to fearch and be glad of any information that may convince me, if I have beenrniftaken ^ and I make it my daily earneft prayer to God, that he will not ibflfer me to live or die impenitently, or without the difcovery of my fin, if I have finned in this matter: And could I be convinced of it, I would as gladly make a publick Recantation, as I would eat or drink: And I think I can fay, that I am truly willing to know the-trurh.

2. But yet I cannot fee that I was miftaken in the mainCaufe, nor dare I rep-nt of it, nor forbear the fame, if it were to do again in the fame ftate of things. I fhould do all I could to prevent fuch a War- bw: if it could not be prevented, I muft take the fame fide as then I did. And my judgement tells me, That if I fhould do otherwife I (hould be guilty of Treafon or Difloyakie againft the Sovereign Power of the Land, and of perfi-dioufnefs to the Commonwealth, and of prefer-

ing

ring offending Subjects before the Laws and Ju-ftice, and the Will of the Kkig above that fafety . of the Commonwealth, and confequently above his o ¥ wn welfare-, and that I fhould be guilty of giving up the Land to blood (as Ireland was) or too much worfe, under pretence of avoiding blood, in a necefTary defence of all that is dear to us.

And it were too great folly, by following accidents , that were then unknown, forme to judge of the former Caufe. That which is calamitous in the event, is not alway finfull in the enterprife. Should the change of times make me forget the ftate that we were formerly in, and change my judgement by lofing the fenfe of what then conduced to its information, this folly and forgetful-nefs would be the way to & finfull. and not to an obedient Repentance. Nor can I be fo unthank-full as to fay, for all the finnes and mifcarriages of men fince, that we have not received much mercy from the Lord: When Godlinefs was the common fcorn, the prejudice and {harne moft lamentably prevailed to keep men from it, and £0 encouraged them in wickednefs: But through the great mercy of God, many thoufands have been converted to a holy upright life, proportionably more than were before, fince the reproach dia ceafe, and the prejudice was removed, and faith-full Preachers tooJt the places of fcandalous ones., or ignorant Readers. When I look upon the place where I live, and fee that the families of the ungodly, are here one, and there one in a Street 5 as the Families of the godly were hereto-

Ii 4 fore

LOO \J\ IfJC lUVl Vf nuts*

fore (though my own endeavours have been too weak and cold) it forceth me to fet up the Stone of Remembrance, and to fay, \jilTHERTO HATH THE LORD HELPED V S.l

And now I mufl fay (to prevent the Cavills of malicious Readers J That though I have here laid down the Grounds upon which I think my Ergagement in the late War to have been jufli-fiable, yet I intend not that every one of thefe diftinctiy, is a fufficient Medium to inferre the Conclufion; But all together fhew you on what Grounds I (hall proceed with any man that will ingenuoufly difpute the point. I muft profefs, that if I had taken up Arms againft the Parliament in that Warre, my' Confcience tells me I had been a Traitor, and guilty of Refitting the Higheft Powers. And fuch Writings , as the (pretended) French Difcoverj of the Scotch and English Presbyterie 9 abound with fo much Ignorance of our Caufe, or Serpentine malice, that they are much uncapable of changing mens judgements that know their vanity. But the Reading of fuch Books doth make me lament the mifery of the World, through the partiality of Hiftori-ans : This Book, and Sanlrrfons Hiftory, and many more that I have lately feen , upon my knowledge do abound with falftioods, and delu-fory omifiions, and are (in my judgement) as unfit to give Pofterity a true Information of our late -affairs, as the Alcoran is to tell thepi the

right

right way to Heaven. I know I (hall highly offend the Authors with faying fo5 but not fo much as they offend God and wrong Pofteruie by their fallhoods. The forefaid (pretended) French Anti-Presbyterian, takes it for granted, that the total Sovereignty was in the King,and upon that,and many fuch falfe fuppo(itions,he makes the Presbyterians the odiouieft Traitors under Heaven-So that I do not wonder that Porreign Nations do fpit at the very name of an Englljh Proteftant, as at the name of the Devil: And that Papifts make their Ideots believe , That the Proteftants in England are run ftark mad , and turn'd fuch Rebels as can never more for fhame upbraid them with their Laterane Decrees, their Powder-plot, or their murdering of Kings: And what have thofe Proteftants to anfwer for, that by odious lies do feed thefe reproaches of the ways of truth, and of the innocent fervants'of the Lord ? Yea the faid (Eng-Ufi) French Calumniator, moft palpably contra-di&eth himfelf, and telleth all the world that he lieth : When he hath charged the Presbyterians with Hypccrifie and Treachery in their Oaths and Covenants for the fafety of the King, the Privileges of Parliament, &c. he proves by the breach of thofe Covenants, that they were falfe in making them : And yet confeffech , that it was other men that broke them, and pull'd them down, to enable them thereto. Our only comfort is, That malice and lying {hall not carry it at^ laft, nor pafs the final fentence on us.

If any of them can prove, that I was guilty of hurt "to the Perfon, or deftru&ion of the power

of

of the King, or of changing the Fundamental Con-ftitution of the Commonwealth , taking down the Houfe of Lords, without Confent of all Three Eftates that had a part in the Sovereignty ^ or that I violated the priviledges of Parliament by im-prifoning or excluding the Members, and invaded the Liberties of the People, I will never gainfay them, if they call me a moft perfidious Rebel, and tell me tfiatlamguiityof far greater fin than Murder, Whoredom, Drunkennefs, or fuchlike. Or if they can folidly confute my Grounds, I wilU thank them, and confefs my fin to all the world. But malicious railings of them I take for Rebellions them-felves, Khali not uegard.

April

April 2$. I 6 J 9.

When I had gone thus far, and was about to proceed a little further, the fudden News of the Armies Reprefentation, and of the dif-folving of the Parliament , and of the dif-plealure againft my Book againft Popery, called, A Key for Catbelicks , and fome other paflages, interrupted me, and caft me upon thefe M E DITATIO NS and LAMENT AT 10 NS following.

SECT. L

GO D is not the God of Confufton , but of Order : Wonderfull I Whence then are all the wofull disorders of the world \ Why are they permitted, while infinite Wifdom, Goodnefs and Power is at the Stern ! He loveth and tenderly lo-veth his People : Why then are they tofi up and doVrn the world, as a Sea-rackt vrffel , as the football of contempt ! His Spirit is the Spirit of Love and Peace ! and his fervants have learn d to be meek^ and lowly 3 and his Difciples are all humble , and

teachable

teachable, and tradable as little children : How cones it to pafs then that their habitation is in the fiances ? and that they are hurried about the -world with tempefts ? and dwell fo much in the jlormy Region ? and that his Lambs mufl be fent forth amcncr Wolves ? Nay that Homo homini Lupus, is turned to Chriftianus Chrifliano Lupus ! Surely a word, a bech^, a will, of him that ruleth over all, is able to compofe this raging World y and ft ill thefe waves, and bring all into perfeft order : How eaftly could he difpell cur darknefs > andreccncile our minds, and heal cur breaches, and calm eur pafjions, and fubdue corruptions, and bring us into the way of pleafant Peace ? Andean Infinite goodnefs be unwilling to do us good ? Aftcnifhing Providence [that the Vejfelfljouldbefo toft that hathfuc h a Pilot I and the Kingdom fo difordered that hath fuch a King I and the Patient fo almoft deflorate that hath fuch a Phyftcion, that is able to cure us when he Will! 0 what a woundis it to our fouls,that the Churches enemies of all forts ft and by, and laugh at our folly and calamity, and hit us in the teeth with cur God, and our Reformation, andourGodlinefs, and our Hopes ! with our Fa fling and Prayer, and all-cur pretended brotherly love ! And thus it hath been from stge to age I and while we glory in the hopes of better 'days, and thought that Charity was reviving in the world though it cooled when iniquity did abound, new fiorms arife -, our hopes delude us ^ we find our Jelves in the tempeftuous Ocean, when even now we thought we, had been almoft at the fhore I What Age, what Na-ticn hath fo followed Holinefs and Peace, as to overtake them ? Doth the moft perfett Govemour of the world dtlight in impious, confufw ?

Oh

Oh no 1 his works are glorious, and bear their (hare of the imprefs of his excellency. Shali we pre* fume to call the heavenly M a jefty to account? Muft he render a fatisfa&ory reafon of his ways, to every worm? Is it not enough toaffaire us that they are thebeft, in that he is their Author who is infinitely good? We that are in the Valley of Mortality, and the {hadow of death, are yet uncapable of feeing that,whkh on the Mount of Immortality we fliall fee to our fatisfa&ion. We fee but pieces of the works of God,bbth as to their extent and their duration.As all the Letters make one word^ and all the words do make onefentence, and all the fentences and fedions and chapters make one Book 5 & the ufe of the letters, fyllables, words and fentences, cannot be rightly un* derftood or valued^if taken feparatedfrom thewhole: no more can we rightly underftand & value the works of God, .when we fee not their relation to the whole. We parcel Arts and Sciences into fragments, according to the ftraitnefs of our capacities, and are not fo panfophical as uno intuitu to fee the whole ^ and therefore we have not the perfed knowledge 01 any part. As the whole Creation is one entire frame, and no part perfedly known to any,but the compre-henfive wifdom that knoweth all ^ and as the holy Scripture is an entire frame of holy Dodrine-, and the work of Sandification is one new man-, fo alfo the works of difpofing providence, are perfedly har* monious, and make up one admirable Syfteme,which our non-age hindereth us from underftanding. We muft learn the Books of God by degrees ^ word by word, and line by line> and leaf by leaf \ but we fliall never be ripe Scholars till we have learnt all:

And

And then we fhatl fee that Nature and Grace, Scripture and Creatures, Phyficks and Morals, and all the works of God for man, do conftitute one moft per-fed frame, which we {hall admire for ever. The knowledge of method, is neceffary to our knowledge of the feveral pares: They borrow much of their fenfe from their afpeft on that which goeth before and cometh after • and the firft hath fome connexion to the laft. The Wheels of aWatchcon-fidered feparatedly, are ufelefs toys : but in the Frame the fmaileft Pin is ufefull. God fetth all his works at once: were it pofsible for us to have fuch a fight, it would anfwer all our doubts at once. The works of Providence are yetunfinifhed, and therefore not to be feen in their full beauty: fix days fufficed to the Work of Creation ; but aU moft fix thoufand years have not ended the difpofals of this prefent World. Had we feen the Creation after the firft or fecond or third days Work, we ihould not have feen it in its tuil beauty : But on thefeventh day God relied in it all as very good. A fcrap or broken parcel of the moft curious pidure containeth notthe beauty of the whole ^ nor is feen in its own beamy but as joyned to the reft. One ftritg of thislnftrument maketh no great melody .But when we are perfected, we (hall have a more perfeft knowledg of the Providences that now we do but fpell. What Chrift is doing in planting and pulling up in all thefe diforders of the world, we know not now, but hereafter we (hall know. The day makes hafte, when all thofeaftionsfhall be opened at once to a common view: when the men that make this bufsle in the world are dead and gone,and Prince and people,Par-

Ha-

laments and Armies are off this Stage, and appear jndreft before the Lord, and have received their *verlafiingrecompenee,from him that is no refpe&er of Perfons, then Judge of thefe prefers ways ot Providence : The end will expound the actions of this day.

Till then, as we know they are the ways of the moftwife, fo we muft confider how many minds he hath to govern 1 every man hath an underftanding and will of bis own 1 arid, Ohow different! When fo many thouland millions of men are of fo many minds, or are principled and tempted to fo ma»y. We may wonder that fuch order is preferved in the world. Efpecially confidering that their Intereftsarc almoft as various as their minds. Where they (hould agree they differ h where they axe uncapable of a joynt poflefiion , they agree in the defire of that which is impoffibie. How many have a mind of the fame Crowns, the fame Honour or Office, or Land, or other bait of worldly vanity; And how eafily might Satan fet all the world together by the ears,by cafting fuch a bone among them, if God were not the uniwfal King. Mens interefts engage them againft each other: And tbeir vices are fuited to their carnal interefts: When humane nature is fo corrupt, that vices fwarm in the hearts of the ungodly, as worms in a Carrion •, when ignorance, felf-conceitednefs, Hnbelief, fenfuality, pride, worldlinefs, hypocrifie, and paffions of all forts abound 1 When fo many hearts are blinded and byaffed: and all men by corrupted nature are enemies te a Holy Peace, & honeft Unity muft be attained by croflifcg the very natures and interefts of fo many*, when the beft have fo much

of

of ihefe corruptions, and grace that miift overpower them is fo weak • when the tempter is fo fubtile, diligent and unceffant, our temptations to evil, and hin-derances to good, fo'many and fo great, how won-derfull is that overruling Providence,that keepeth up io much order in the world 1 and preferveth us from utter confufion andlnormity? It is infinite power that fo far uniteth fuch incoherent matter, and that fo far reftraineth fuch corrupted fouls:that every Nation are not Cannibals,thn every Prince is not a Nero fit Dionjftus, and every perfon is not a Cain, is all fr^p the wifdom and mercy of our Almighty King. Let God therefore have the honour of his tranfeen-dent Government^ He attaineth bis ends by that which feems to us Confufion. He is a perfed: Go-vernour that perfectly attaineth the ends of Government ! His ends are known to him, but much unknown to us. The night is ufefull as well as the day, and darknefs is no difhonour to the Creator. Nor isitdifhonourableto him that there are Toads and Serpents on the sarth,&that he made not every worm a man, or every man a King, or an Angel: Much lefs that wicked men do wickedly, when he hath refolved to govern the world in a way confident with the Liberty of their wills. If fin were perfectly reftrained, and the world reduced to perfeft order,we (hould not have the benefit of persecution, which muft be expefted by thofe that will live godly in Chrifl: Jefus. How (hould we ever exprefs and try our patience & felf-denial and contempt ©fall for the fake of Chrifl:, if we had all things here as we would have them ? It argueth too carnal a frame of mind, when we are hearkning after felicity, or too great

things

things on earth , and with the Jews would have a Kingdom of this world, and a Saviour that (hould make us great on earth: Should we not exped that God in equity and wifdom fhould keep a proportion of our comfort to our duty, and caufe our profperity to be anfwerable to our fidelity I If we have leffe here then we exped- and fuffer after our faith and diligence, eternity is long enough to make amends tot ali; But that a finfall; carelefs, hypocritical world; fhould yet be a profperous world, is utterly incon-gruous,unlefs we would have our portion here.While the world is wilfully fo vile, no wonder if it be fo mi-ferable. When finne makes the greateft breach of or-der,and divideth our hearts from our Creatour,whac wonder if leflet diforder do attend it, and we be all divided from each othersfAnd whofe conference will fcruple rebellion, refiftance, or difobedience againft: the higher powers, that is hardned in rebellion j refiftance, and difobedience againft God $

It is a great miftake to exped perfection of fo excellent a thing as holy order here on earth.If we are furc th^it there will be no perfection of knowledge, charity, felf-denyal, patience, and ali other graces ne-ceflary to our perfed order, how then can that order be perfeft that muft refult fromthefe? Can ignorant, froward , imperfect men , makeup a perfed Church or Commonwealth ? Or can we be great-Iyer miftaken, then to afcribe to earth the Prerogatives of Heaven ? Have we daily experience of im-perfedions and corruptions in our felves and others? Is not every foul imperf^d and difquieted,and disordered ? and every Family fo too ? and every parifli. Corporation i and fociety fo ? And can it then be

K k 6ett«

better in a Commonwealth ? Can it be peffefl: and ordered aright, that is compofed of imperteft difor-dered materials f The whole cannot be gold, where all the parts are ftone or iron. Unbelieving fouls / repine not in your ignorance againft the Lord /When you come to Heaven 3 and fee the perfed order of bis Kingdom, and look back with better underftan-ding on the affairs of the world that now offend you* then blame the Lord of imperfection in his Government if you can I All mercies on earth are but hatching in the (heikNone are here ripe / We muft know what earth is, that we may the more thankfully know what Heaven is. We muft fow in tears, if we will reap in joy. We muft know what finneis, before we find what grace is- and what grarc is, before we find what glory is. if finne were not fuffered to (hew itfelf in the worlds and play its part, it would not be fuffici-ently hated: nor Grace, or Chrift, or Heaven fuffi-ciently valued. We love the godly much the better, becaufe the neighbourhood and tryal of the ungodly ,flaeweth us the difference. We are the more thank-full for our own grace, becaufe of the experience of our corruptions. Holy order will be the fweeter to the Saints, becaufe of the odious confufions that ftand by. And as itisneceflary that Herefie arife, that thofe which are approved may bemademani-fieft • fo is it necefTary that Warres, confufion, and rebellions arife, that the meek, arid pcaceable,and obedient may be manifeft.

They are good works as from God, and as to the finall iffue, which he accomplifheth by badlnftru-ments. And when the work is rough, and below his upright ones i he ufeth to leave it to polluted hand^

Even

Even evil Angels are oft his Inftrumentsin affiift-ing: and God can do good by the Devils i But when there is fuch a difference between the principal caufe and the inftrument in the work, and each worketh as he is, and bringeth fomewhat of his nature to the effed:, no wonder if there be a mixture of order and confulion in the world: and that be finfull and con-fufion as from men, that is good and orderly as from God. If there were nothing in the world but what is of God, there would be nothing but what is good But when Satan hath got fo great an Intereft, and is become a Prince that ruleth in the Children of difo-bedience, (hall we wonder to find the works of Satan ? Or (hall we dare to impute them to the Lord? or blame his Government becaufe the enemy makes difturbance.

It is the reckoning day that fets all ftraight. Many are now triumphing whom God laughs to fcorn, becaufe he fees that their day is coming. Till then we muftlivcalifeof Faith. If flefhly props be taken from us, and we be left to live on God alone; our comforts will be the more pure,as having little of the creature to defile them. A fenfual life is a beaftial life. If God were not refolved to holdliis fervatxts to a life of Faith, with little mixture of fenfible evidence^ we (hould not have fuch feldorri MefTengcrs from the other world; and from age to age have fcarce any more then Faith to tell us of the invifible things; When all men that we trufted to are gone, we fhall tomfortourfelvesonlyinthe Lord our God; And is he not enough for us alone? Hovy apt are we t6 draw out from God to men ? But when fome prove inefficient* and others treacherous,and their friend-

K k 2 Jtap

{hip is as the waves and weathercocks,we {hall cleave the etefer to the Rock of Ages, and retire ourfelves with mortified and Heaven-devoted fouls to God. And the more we converfe with him, and fee him in all the Creatures and their Produds -, the more we fhall perceive his order in their confufions, and their confufions making up his order, But O when we fee his bleffed face,and behold the glory of the univerfal King, how fweet an harmony {hall we then perceive in the concord of all the motions and affairs that now fee'm only tumulcuary and difcordant. We {hall fee how all thefe diftanc lines do meet in God,and in him we fhall fin4 all providences reconciled, and making up one beauteous frame.

SECT. II.

TIZ/t it is not the diforder that is fo much offence, as ^the quality of the perfons from whom it doth proceed. Shall the worh^ of God be hindered by them that feems his mo ft refolved Servants ? Afufi the eaufe of Chrifl be abufed by its Friends ? And his Church diflrejfed by its Members ? Thefe are -works that better be\eem the enemies , even Satan himfelf then the Servants of the Lord. Shall we be guilty of the impenltcncy of the Churches enemies , while wejeem to jufiifie their attions by our own ? Mufi we receive thefe wounds in the Houfes of our Friends? Did we once thinly > hat the Goffrf muU have fuf-* ferec- fo much by them that were fo zealous for it? Our familiar friends , that tooh^fweet counfel with us ,. and w*nt wirh us In company to the Houfe of God? Ttaftill it is profejfedly for God, that God is

abufed and diffjcnoured: It is for Christ that Chrift it fo much refisied ; It is for the Gofpel that men have liberty to deny theGsspel, and dilute against it 5 and for the Scripture that men have lewv&o revile and argue again ft the Scripture , and draw as many as they can into the fame condemnation ; It is for the Church , that the Church is wounded and torn in pieces , and that the Favours of it are by lifenfe vilified. It is for the godly that the godly are cast out ; and it is for the interest of the Saints that liberty is granted to draw men from the Waies of fanBity : It Is for mens falvation, that liberty is granted to tempt and draw the people to damnation. And it is for the fecurity of the Nation , our i2>-ligion, Peace and common good , that the Trustees of it are fo ufed, and. our fecurity feiz,ed upon^as they have oft been : It is for Authority that Authority hath been brought into ecntempt: and made the football of the world ; And if God were not wifer find faith fuller then man , the Church would be utterly destroyed in order to its prefervation : and q/ur common good would be procured , as the Irifi did procure the Peace of Ireland: Our Brethren that hate us, and caft us out for the Lords Name fake , fay \ Let the Lord be glorified, lfa.66.%. O lamentable cafe , that God alfo must be called upon , and engaged in the Caufes which he(0 abhorres ! That he is feiJn-ed to be the Author of Satans works ?That fr&yt r are engaged against Prayers ? and fo many Parties fait and pray , and cry to God from morning untill night, with greatest fervency , that he would direct them in his way , and acquaint them with his Truth and Will 9 and own his caufe , and help them in his K k. 3 wor k>

work, againft their Brethren: and all rife up with ftrengthened confidence, that their caufe is right, and Are by Prayer animated to their contrary wayes, which in fome of them mufi needs be very evil. A-^as, that the ungodly fljpuld be thus temped to fcorn the Prayers of the Saints ^ and weak^ ones temped to fufftett their force.

But did we not know till now that offence muft come?and that it will be woe to the world becaufe of offences? (and to them alfo by whom the offence doth come ?) Is it fuch a wonder for purblind men to {tumble? or for children in their hafty running to catch a fall ? May not friends fall out and hurt eachuother ia their paflion ?Friend(hip is not feen, nor Judgement feen, when Paflion is up-, but a friend doth feem a very enemy, and a man of Reafon feemeth mad. Much more if paflion turn to phrenfie 1 What wonder then if the deareft friends have foul words and blows from the diftrafted ? dpeciaily if they areloofe and armed. The remnants'of ignorance will have their effe&s, according to the matter that we are imployed in. So far as corruption remaineth unmodified Satan hath fomuch intereft in us: and therefore hath fome-what to make ufe of, and may eafily make men ipftruments in his work, when he gets the advantage againft their, graces. But inftead of being fcanda-Hztfd with my God, or with his holy Truth and Work, let my foul be jealous of it felf, and from all thefe things receive Inftru&ion.

i. Andfirft, I fee here what Man\$! How unmeet a pHlarfor our confidence? too fickle to be a certain Friend: tpo feeble to be a fure Support:

too.

too frail to ftand in ftrong temptations, without relief from the Almighty ftrength : coo vile for us :o glory in: too blind, toofelfifti,iinfull,and infirm, to be*the Guardian of the Church ! Were Godlineffe chiefly entrufled in fuch hands, and did the Caufe and honour of the Lord, depend mod on their wiidom, fidelity and innocency, how foon, how certainly would all be loft • and pro-ftkuced, to the enemies fcorn f Ctafe then from man 9 whofe breath is in bis Nostrils: for wherein is he to be accounted, of? lfa. 2. 22. Thus faith the £ord y curfed be the man that tru&eth isnman, and rnaketh flefh his arm , and whofe heart departethfrom the Lord. For he Jhall be like the heath in the de-fart , and fhall nut fee Vvhen good cometh , but fiiall inhabit the parched places in the Wildern a fait Land 9 not inhabited, file {fed is the man th.t trusleth in the Lord, and whofehope the Lrrd is: Tor h Jhall be as a tree planted by the waters ^ and that sfreadeth out her root by the Rivers, and Jhall not fee -when heat cometh , 'but her leafe JJjall be green, and Jhall not be carefull in the year of drought , neither Jhall ceafe from jceldyng frattjer. 7-5A?,8. Though grace do elevate the foul, and tend to ks perfection, yet being imperfeft, it leaves man frail, and meeter to be our trouble then our Reft.

2. How dangerous a thing is it to have a miftaking Judgement, in praAicals of greateft moment ? How iamentabiy will it mifguide their Prayers, their Speeches, and their practices ? And the greater \% eheir zeal, the forwarder will they be to p;*of^cure #*hat evil which they take for good. While they

K k 4 are

?re pulling down the Church, fuppofing tjiat they are building it, how refolutely will they proceed? Lee but a zealous mans underftanding be deluded % and it will engage him in acourfeof hainous finne. He will diftort all that he readeth or heareth, to the ftrengthening of bi$ finne. Sermons and Prayers,and Providences , fhall all be preft to ferve him in his evil way. Hov/ earneftly will he beg of God for afliftance in his iniquity, when he thinks it is his duty? How joyfully will he give God thanks for profpering him in doing mifchief? What evil will not a man do, if you can but make him think it good? If he kill the holieft Servants of the Lord, he will think that he doth God fervice by it, and that his peoples blood is ar\ acceptable Sacrifice. Were it the killing of Chnft, the Lord of life, they would not ft'ick at it, but fay, Let his I hod be on us , and on our Children. It will drive back all the motions to Repentance, and confirm them in impenitency,and makethem angry with all thofe that approve not of their tranfgreffions, and will not be as bad as they: It will caufe them to milinterpret all Gods Providences , and mifappiy his promifes and Threatnings^ and their hearts will rife, with Zealous indignation againft all thofe that would recover them; Reproofs, though moft necetfary, th?y will call Reproaches: and thofe will be taken for fenforions railers, that tell them of their crimes, though with the tenth part of the plainnefle and ferioufnefle as the cafe' requirerh. In a word, the difeafe is ftrengthened, and frcqred from the ' power of all Remedies. Let us therefore bsg of God , that he would not leave us to a deluded

mind,

mind , nor give us over to the errour of our hearts. Owhat caufe have we to be jealous of our under-ftandings, and diffident of our felves, and to prove our way before we make too much haft in ic^ left the fafter we go , the further we go out of *mr way I What caufe have we to hearken to the Judgements of the wife, and to be much in learning,and diligent intheufe of holy meanes to increafe our knowledge? What need have Babes to know their weakneis, and keep their due dependance on the ftrong, and thofe that lack^ w if dome, to ask^it of God, and withall, to feel^for it as filver, and dig for it as for a hidden Treafure , and to be fearful of falling into forbidden paths t

3. How dangerous a thing is Pride of heart? When once it grows to an enormeous height, it will make men fwell with felf-conceit, and think none fo fit to govern Countries and Nations as they : Nor any fo fit to teach the Church: Nor any fo meet to judge what is good or evil to the Commonwealth. They will think that God hath qualified them to hold the reines • and if he bring them within the reach of a Crown , or lower Government, they will think he offereth it them. How defpicably look they on the Judgments and Coirtifels of men much wifer then themfelves? Pride makes every Conftable a Juftice, and every Souldier a Commander, and every man a King, a Parliament, and a Pope in his own eyes. O what caufe have we to watch againft this tumifying deluding vice, and to learn of Chrift to be meek and lowly, and to behave our felves as Children in his School, and to fufped our underftandings,

and

and walk humbly with our God : What Slaughters, what Scandals, what Breaches in the Church, what Triumphs for the Devil, hath Pride wrought in the Earth, and that among them that profefle the faith? And it fortifyeth and defends it felf: It will noflfeeitfelf, nor bear with the means that {hould difclofeit. It hateth faithfull neceffary plainneffe, and loveth fooiifh daubing flattery. Wuh humble words, will men be proud: with formal confeffi-ons and daily reprehenfions of the Pride of others, and complaints of the abounding of Pride in the world ^ with high applaufes of the humble, and zealous exhortations to humility, will men be proud and not obferve it. When they read their condemnation in the Scripture, as that God abhorreth the proud, and knowcth them afar off, and humbleth them that exalt themfelves. When they read the Prohibitions of Chrift, againft fitting down at the upper end, and feeking honour of men, a-gainft defpifing of Dominion, and fpeaking evil of dignities, and refilling the higher Powers as fet over them by God ^ they read all this as if they read it not: They perceive not the fenfe of it: They know not that it fpeaks to them: But as the ignorant unrenewed foul doth hear the fubftance of the Gofpel, but as a lifeleffe empty found, as not undemanding or favouring the things of the Spirit, fo ufually do Profeflbrs hear or read Texts that condemn the fins that they are guilty of.

4. How dangerous a thing is it, to growftrange at home ? and fo unacquainted with our own hearts, as not to know their errours and enormities ? It we (hould but long negled our Watch, and grow

unob-

unobfervant of our hearts, how vfle will they \fe when we think they are upright ? and how hypocritical!, when we think they are fincere? and what horrid things may we attempt with good pretences?

5. How deceitfull a thing is the heart of man ? when after (o much light and means, after fo much teaching and enquiry, after fo long felf-obfei;van-cy and ufe of means, and fo many difcoveries and confeftions of finne, moft odious finnes fhould fo eafily cr£ep in , and be indulged and undifcerned, yea befriended and maintained, as if they were the holieft Works ? How deceitfull is that heart, that cannot difeern the moft ugly mountainous tranfgref-fions ? Yea that entitleth them , the Work of God?

6. How dangerous is it for men to lean to their ownunderftandings, ortohearnone but thofethat are engaged in their own Caufe ? and to loofe and rejeA the advice of impartial ftanders by, that havejbad better opportunities of knowledge then themfelves.

7. And how dangerous is it to live under ftrong temptations ? and to have a potent carnal Intereft before them ! What a byas will fuch an In-tereft be to the underftanding, when it (hould try the good or evil of their waves ? After great Vi&ories, Renown and Honour is become mens In-tereft: and how odious is any word or way that would eclipfe their honour ? if feme of the Victories of Alexander or Cafar had been obtained by perfidious Rebellion, how hainoufly would they have taKen H to have been told (o 9 and called to

Repentance,

Repentance, for that which was the matter of their Renowne, and to have their a&s of higheit Honour numbred wich the moft odious crimes ? What caufe have we daily to pray, that God would not lead us into temptation? When Honour, and Dignity, and Command and Wealth, are become a mans Intereft, what will he not believe, anddotoferve it, if wonderfull grace do not preferve him ? Any caufe (hall feem righteous that promoteth-that-Inte-* reft- & any Arguments lhall feem valid that do main r tain it ; Gain (hall become Godlinefs: For nothing fhall be Godlinefs that fuiteth not with their gain* or other ends: and Paulftnd Peter fhould noc be godly, if they crofle their Intereft, and efpecially if they do it plainly and faithfully. And the Herod th&t hath reverenced fohn Baptift, and heard him gladly, will yield to the cutting off his Head, if Herodias be once dearer to him then the Lord. How excellent and ne-ceffary is felf-denial ?How dangerous a (landing have the Rulers and Commanders of the world ? What a follyisit toenvy them, ordefiretobe in their Condition ? What wonder, if few of the great and rich arefaved?andifitbe as hard for them to enter into Heaven, as for a Cornell to go through a needles eye^ how little caufe have the low and poor to murmur at their condition ? Experience hath taught me to re-folve , that I will never put confidence in my neareft Friend, nor the beft man that I know, if once he have a potent carnal Intereft, and dwell among great and ftrong temptations. Though I doubt not but God hath his humble ones, whom he preferveth even in fuch affaults, yet how rare is it for Cedars loflg to ftand,on the tops of Mountains IMan kmgif honour

and

and not underftanding, is like the beafts that peri/h , Ffal.4.9. 20.

8. How dangerous a thing is it to be once engaged in a finful way ? The further they go, the more their engagements will increale : How hard will it be to return/ when once they have let foot in a courfe of finne? Their intermit then will lead them to impiety, and even to perfecutionkfelf^ and to take Chrift , and Scripture, and faithful! Minifters for their enemies. For all thefe are in-gaged againft finne; which the guilty foul is in-gaged in, Chrift and Scripture do condemn it: Minifters muft ( as they have a Call ) reprove it; and taithiull Chriftians muft difown it: and this will enrage the guilty foul. The guilty have riot the patience of the Innocent. Hadlwrocethat to the view of ten thoufand that are Innocent, which hath fo exafperated the guilty, it would not fo much as have offended them. AsSetecafouh, Ithurteth them that havefores , tothink^that they are touched, though joh touch them not. fear makes them complain as if they were hurt: The fiek and fore are impatient and querulous. And all that defendeth them in the finfull way that they are ingaged in, they like and own i And fo they go on from finne to finne, deceiving and being deceived. And if God have fo much mercy for them , as ro recover them by Repen r-ce^ How dear muft it coft them, incompari v«ri of what a prevention would have done?

9. How dangerr 1 ?n, fo

dream that ever\ < with things abov^

fices

fices winch they are unfit for ? When men that have not had the inward and outward opportunities and helps for holy knowledge • which Ministers of Chrifl: muft have, will invade the Office upon a proud conceit -of a fitnefs which they have not-, or will be more peremptory in their judgement in Theological difficulties, thenisfuit-able to the proportion of their knowledge; and when men unacquainted with the true Principles of Government, will be rafhly condemning the anions of their Govarnours, and turning them be-fides the Saddle^ that they may get up them-felves, when ever they have a conceit that their Governours erre, and that themfelves are wi-fer, and can govern better ^ what an Ocean of iniquity doth this prefumption plunge them into ?

10. What delufions doth i galled Conference betray men to? When they have done evil, in ftead of Repenting, they would fain bring others to approve their deeds, and fain have them juftified before the world / And what if they were ? Doth this conduce to their Juftification before God ? Is this any falve to a wounded foul ? Will God abfolve them \ becaufe men do it ? What figg-leaves are thefe, that will not hide their nakedneffe from Pofterity, much lefle from God.

11. How abundantly hath experience fatisfied me of the blefTednefle of Peace, and the mifchiefs of Warre, from the ordinary effe&s of them upon the foul. In Peace when we live in quiet Neighbourhood , and in Church-order, men are

eftecm-

efteemed among us according to their real worth: A poor Chriftian that is of excellent parts, and of a holy exemplary life, is he that bears the Bell a-mong us, and the fcandalous are prefently discovered , and noted to their juft contempt and fhamc, (Pfal. X5.4. 2Theff.i. 14 J and froathy^ wrangling, proud Profeflbrs, that know nothing but dote about words that gender itrife, and edifie not, are looked upon as the lpotsinour Affemblies: fo that Humility, Innocency and Edification here, bear ail the glory and the fway. But in the Armies, fome ot our hopefull Profeflbrs turned Drunkards (and when they came home, we could fcarce recover them-,) fome turned away from Mini-fters, Ordinances, Scripture \ Godlinefle, from Chrift j and from common Sobriety and Civility : Some that fped beft, lament their coolings, di-ftempers, and difcompofureof foul, and are other men in Peace, as to the beauty and integrity of their lives, than they were inWarre. And (which is the thing I aim at) true Godlinefle and Vice are feldom rightly eftimatedmWarre. A flip into ex* ceffe is excufed there as a neceflaryevil A railing Word ^ or rude behaviour and unfeeftily carriage, is accounted not much unbefeemiagSouldiers for the moftpart: A great deal of humility and real worth in a private Souidier is buried, and too little observed or operative on others: When an ha!£. wittcd Officer, or one that is notional, and empty ^ and ignorant, may be heard and regarded, n$ if his erroneous words were Oracles. So great i$ the Iiitereft of Commanders in their Souidier^ that thofe have been there honoured and followed

as

as men of notable parts and piety, and born much fway, that when they have returned to their Trades, and lived among their able, humble; upright Neighbours, have appeared to be of the loweft forme. I doubt not but Armies, have perfons of the highefl worth: But I havefeen that ignorance^ pride and errour, have far more advantage to gain reputation, and play their game, to leaven others, and rule the roft in a military ftate, then they have in peaceable Church-ftate.

12. I fee more and more, how impoffible it is^ that honeft,plain, and faithful dealing, in fvlinifters or others, fhould ordinarily find acceptance in the world! We muft expeft to difpleafeGod or men, when men will fwerve from the wayes of God : God or the guilty will condemn us: Confidence or engaged galled perfons will cenfure us, and fvyell againft us. While their Do&rines or Pra&U ces are unreconcilable to God, our Do&rineand reproofs will be offenfive unto them. And whofe pleafure and favour fhall I chufe ? Not mans, but Gods: For thy pleafure, OLord, was I created: In thy favour is life: Or if men be permitted to deprive me of my life ^ thy loving kind-nefle is better than life. Men are corrupt: and honefty will not alway pleafe j when they pretend to honefty: They .are giddy, and will not be long pleafed with one thing: And I cannot change as faft as they. Their Interefts call for that to pleafe them i which is againft the Intereft of Chrift, the Church, and my own, and others fouls. And (hall I fell all thefe for the favour of man I Of a lump of dirt, that fhortly will be loathed by thofe that

now

cow flatter them? Men are fo many, and of fo many contrary Intcrefts and minds, that I cannot poffibly pleafe all, or many: and which then fhall I pleafe ? Nay one mans mind is fo contrary to it felf, that if I pleafe him in one thing ; I muft difpleafe him in another. The holieft Apoftlcs and Paftors of the Church, have not pleafed them. Chrift did not pleafe them: God doth not pleafe them: and how fliould I ?

My God 1 I am fatisfied I May I but pleafe thee, I have enough. How eafily may I fpare the favour of man, whofe breach is in his noftrils, if I have thy favour ? He that cannot be fatisfied in thee, will never be fatisfied. I covenanted not with thee, for the favour of the beft of men, when I became thy fervant: but that thou fhouldft be my God in Chrift. Let me have this, and I declare to all the world, that thou haft made good thy holy Covenant, and I have that which I agreed for. O that I had more faithfully pleafed thee, though I had difplcafed high and low, Princes and Armies, and all the world. The favour of man cannot continue my foul in life: I muft be fick, and die, and rot in the grave, if I have the favour of all the world. But if God be for me, who fhall be againft me / All things fhall work together for my good; Became Chrift liveth, I (hall live. The wounds of my foul arc not for difpleafing men,but thee /The frowns of the greateft leave no fting behind them in my heart; But who can bear the frowns of God ? My, God / it is not earthly men, that I muft live with long I How long have I looked for thy Call / It is thee that I muft live with for ever. And therefore,

LI hqt£

how little doth it concern me, whether I be loved or hated here/ Thofe that {hall live with me in thy prefence, will ail be reconciled by the light of thy Face, and the power of thy Eternal Love. The reft are not of my Communion. Itwoundeth not my confcience that I have honoured thy Providence, which preferved this Nation from fo much guilt: nor that I preferred the honour of thy Caufe and Churches, before the honour of finning men. Wifdom and Holmeffe in any of thy feryants, defire me not to defend their Neighbour enemy-, nor to preferre their Honour before thine, much lefle to juftifie their finne, which hath di^ {honoured thee, and which they muft condemn themfelves, that they may not.be condemned for it. And the demands of folly and Impiety are not regardable. I thank thee for weaning my foul from man! but let it not now be eftranged from thee. I ftand to my Covenant / I give up all 1 for all is nothing: But then let me have thee, that indeed art all! Forfake me not, that confent to forfake all for thee, and ikould not have confented, if thou hadft forfaken me. The darkneffe and diftance ©f thy foul from thee, is more grierous to me than all the frowns of men! Alas my God, that I can know thee no more, after fo many and gracious difcoveries / That I love thee no more, that by fo many mercies haft teftified thy love^ and done fo much to convince me that thou art moil Lovely5 this«> this istheprifon, the famine i the fickneffci and I had almoft faid the death of my languifh-kg j drooping^ fainting foul / That I have thought, and read, and heard i and faid fo much of Heaven,

the

the Reft of Saints , and yet my foul can reach no higher, and get no nearer, and believe \ and love, and long no more •, thefe, Lord arc the wounds andfcourgesthatlfuffer.' I may not open my breft wiih Camero^ and fay, Feri mifer • but I may fub-mic with Luther , and fay, Feri Domine , cle-menter feri, ill had but more of the apprehend-ons of thy love, and more of the tafts of Heaven upon my foul. I reiufe not theftocks of P^/and SiUs, nor their fcourges neither, fo I might have their heavenly vifits and elevation, which ipight tune my foul to their delightful melody. Were I but free from the Prifon of my ignorance \ unbelief, and other finnes, how eafily could I bear the imprifonment of my body I Were I with foh'n in Vatmos , fo I might alfobe with him in the Spirit, I would rather call it a paradife, than a Banifh; menr. What can it be but thy prefence or ab-fence, that may denominate places and conditions , a Homo , or a Banifhrnent y Libertj or Imprisonment, Sweet or Bitter, Huppj or Mifer able. Were there a Countrey on Earth that had more of God, and where the Sunne of his face doth ftiine more brightly, and where Heaven Is opener unto earth, and the Spirit hath more illuminating, quick-wing influences on the fouls of men ; O that I were banifhed thither / How cheerfully; how fpeedily would I go feek that place? But while I carry my Gaoler and my Prifon about me, and am fettered,in my own corruptions and infirmities, alas * in Libert) I am not free ^ while I am honoured and ap^. plauded, I am afliamed of toy felf: While i am Loved of others; I loath my felf: Though my bo-L 1 z dv

dy be affiifted by none without me, {but by thy juft and gracious cafti gat ions, which I have born even from my youth) yet how can it chufc but droop and languid*, that is animated by an affli&ed foul ? How oft do my Bodily pains feem nothing being over-fenfed with my fowls more grievous languilhings ? So long have I been a Prifoner at Home , that I could long for a Prifon that would but bring me nearer Home. The darknejfe that I live in in the open light, doth make rne think that Dungeon happy, where fouls are more open to thy celeftral Rayes. I wonder not at the Labours and Patience of holy Paul , when I confiderwhat Spirit dwelt within him , and what a fight he had had of Chrift f and whither ke was wrapt, and what he faw. The fight of Chrift in his Humiliation was much:, but the giimpfe of a glorified Chrift was more, though mixt with fomcwhat of rebuke and tcrrour. To be taken up into the third Heavens, and there fee things to usunutter-able, muft needs be an effe&ual Motive, to all that holy diligence and patience, and a reward exceeding all that we can do or fuflfer. Much more unworthy are the fufferings of this prefent life, to be compared with the glory that fhall be revealed. It will be a fmall thing to him to be judged of men, that knoweth that there is one that judgcth, even the Lord ^ and feeth by faith, the Judge even at the door. Were I fully certain that my finnes could do no more againft me, at the barre of God, then all the cenfures,difpleafures^ reproaches or perfections of men can do, how little fhould I fear that dreadful day / Might I but finifb my eourfe

with

with joy, why (hould I count life or liberry dear ? Let me be equal with the moft affii&ed of .thy Saints, fo I may but believe, and ;ove as much as the hoficft. Might I but have their meafure of the Spirit, how gladly fhould I fubmit to their meafure of perfection ! Might I fee what Stephen faw, how gladly would I fuflfer what he fuffered i But I dare not, I mull not thus capitulate with God/ The times andmeafures of the Reward are in thy hand. Much lower termes are very high. Difpofe of me therefore according to thy gracious will. Thy wiil is the Original and the End, of me and all things. Fromitlfeekfor guidance, fafety, ftrength and happinefs. By it let me be dire&ed and difpofed: In it alone let my foul have Reft. Not my will , but thj will be done.

FINIS.

A Catalogue of the Chief eft of thofe Books , as are Printed for Thomas Underhil!.

By Col. Edw. LelghEfqxdre.

ATreatife of the Divine Promifes in five Books. The Saints Encouragement in Evil Times. Critica Sacra, or Observations on all the Radices or Primitive Hebrew words of the Old Teftament, in order Alphabetical.

Critica Sacra , or Philological and Theological Obfervations upon all the Greek words of the New Teftament,in order Alphabetical.

By Samuel Gott Efquire. Nova Solym<z,Libri/ex } Sive Infiitutio Chrifttani. I. De Pueritia.

2. De Creatione JMundi.

3. De Juventute.

4. De Peccato.

5. De Virili imitate.

6. De Redemptione Hominis. EfTayes concerning Mans true Happinefs. Parabola Evangelica Latin* redd'rta Carmine Pa-

raphrafiico varii generis.

Morton , His TouchftoneofConverfion. Mr. He^ekiah Woodward. Of Education of Youth \ or, \ The Childs Patrimony.

The Lives and Ads of the good and bad Kings of Judah.

A Treatife of Fear.

A Thank-offering. M. Samuel

M. Samuel Fijher. A Love-Token for Mourners, being two Funeral Sermons, with Meditations preparatory to his own expected Death, in a time and place of great Mortality.

M .Herbert Palmer, and M. Daniel Cawdrey. ATreatife of the Sabbath, in four Parts. Memorials of Godlinefs and Chriftianity, in feven Treatifes :

i. Of making Religion onesBufinefs- With an Appendix applied to the Callingof a Minifter.

2. The Character of aChriftian in Paradoxes. v

3. The Chara&er ofvifible Godlinefs.

4. Confederations to excite to Watchfulnefs, an$ to fhake off fpiritual Drowfinefs.

5. Remedies againft Carelefnefs.

6. The Soul of lading

7. Brief Rules for daily Converfation, and particular Directions for the Lords-day.

His Sermon, entituled, The GLifs of Gods Providence ttivard his faithful ones.

His Sermon, entituled, The Duty and Honours of Church-Reft,

M. William $arton. His Pfalms.

His Catalogue of Sins and Duties, implied ine*ich (Commandment in Verfe. His Scripture Hymns. M. Vicars Chronicle, in four Parts. M.Samuel Clarke A general Martyrology, or, AHiftofy of all the great Perfections that have been in the world to this time. Together, with the Lives of many eminent Modern Divines.

His

His Sermon at the Warwickshire mens Fcaft, entitled, Christian Good Fellow/hip.

His Cafes of Confcience. His Golden Apples.

M. Kings Marriage of the Lamb.

M. Shorts Theological poems.

The Trench Alphabet.

fas Divinum Mini Sierii, by the Provincial-Af-fembly of London.

M. Thomas Blake.

His Anfwer to Blacky ood^ of Baptifm.

Birth-Priviledge,

M. Coe^ His Font uncovered.

D. John Wallis, His Explanation of the Aflfcmblies Catcchifm.

M. AuStins Catechifm.

M. Vicars Catechifm.

M. John Pagits Defence of Church-Government, by Presbyterial, Clafiical and Synodal Affemblies.

M. Thomas Paget , A Demonftration of Family-f Duties. *%

M. Anthony Burgejfe.

Vindicit Legis^ or 5 A Vindication of the Law and Covenants, from the E r rours of Papifts, Socinians and Antinomians.

A Treatife of Justification, in two Parts.

Spiritual Refining, Part i. or, A Treatife of Grace and AfTurance; Handling the Doftrine of Aflarance, the life of Signs in Self-examination •, how true Graces may be Siftinguifhed from counterfeit, fevcral true Signs of Grace, and many falfe ones: The Nature of Grace under divers Scripture Notions, viz* Regeneratioa,the New Creature, the Heart of Flcih, Vocation, San&ification, &c. Spiritual Refining, tkc Second Part, or, A Treatife

life of Sinne, with its Caufes, Diflferences 3 Mitigation§ and Aggravations, fpecially of the Deceitiulnefs of the heart, or Prefumptuous and Reigning Sins, and of Hypotrifie and Formality of Religion. All tending to unmask counterfeit Chriftians,terrifie the ungodly, comforc doubting Saints, humble man, and exalt the Grace of God.

His CXLV. Sermons upon the whole 17th Chapter of St. John, being Chrifts Prayer before his Paf-fion.

The Difficulty of, and Encouragements to Reformation, a Sermon upon Markj.. «r/.2,4.before the Houfe of Commons.

A Sermon before theCourt-Marftiall, P/W. 106, 30,31.

. The MagiftratesCommiflion, upon Rom. 13.4. at the Election of a Lord Maior.

RomesCmzky andApoftafie, upon Revel. 19.2. preached before the Houfe of Commons on Nov.5.

The Reformation of the Church to be endeavoured more than the Commonwealth, upon J^.6.27, 28. preached before the Houfe of Lords.

Publique Affections, prefled upon Num. 11.12 .before the Houfe of Commons.

Self-judging, in order to the Sacrament, with a Sermon of the Day of Judgement.

A Treatife of Original Sin.

An Exposition on 1 Cor. 3.

The Godly Mans Choice.

M.Richard Baxter.

Plain Scripture-proof of Infant-Baptifm.

The Right Method for getting and keeping Spiritual Peace and Comfort. The unreafonablenefs of Infidelity, in four Parts.

i. The Spirits Intrinfick witnefs to the truth of Chriftianity, with a Determination of this Queftion, Whether the Miracles ofChrifi and his Afofiles^do oblige thofe to believe , who never faw them ?

2. The Spirits Internal witnefs of the truth of Chriftianity.

3. A Treatife of the Sin againft the holy Ghoft.

4. The Arrogancy of Reafon againft Divine Re-vela tion reprefied.

The Chriftian-Goncord, <?r,Thc Agreement of the A(Tociated Minifters of XVorcefterfhire, with M. Baxters Explication of it.

A Defence of the Worcefterjhire Petition fo* the Miniftry and Maintenance.

The Quakers Catechifm.

An Apology againft M. Blake y D. Kendal\1A,Lodo-vicHs Molinaus, M. Aires, and lA.Crandon.

His Confeflion of Faith.

The Saints EverlaftingReft.

The fafe Religion, a piece againft Popery

His prcfent Thoughts about Perfeverance.

His Holy Commonwealth.

M, Lukin^lhc Pra&ice of Godlinefs. 1 M. Langly.

HLs Catechifm.

A Treatife of Sufpenfion. '

T>.Teat. His Sermon at the Funeral of S. Charts Coot.

M. Burj. The Defircs of Foreign Divines, of a Eody of Divinity from Englilh Divines, with an Ef~ fay of a Model,

Thefc

Thefe fever al Booths following are Printed 9 and to be fold by Francis Tyton, at the three Daggers in Fleetftreet.

M. Baxter.

SAints Everlafting Reft. 4 P

His Apology, containing Exceptions againft M. Blake, The Digreffion againft M. Kendal. Animadverfiohs on alatcDifTertationof Ludiomem

Colvinns, alias Ludovinus Molineus. An Admonition to Vi.Eyrs: With M. Crandons A-natomy. 4°

Confeflion of Faith. 4°

Christian Concord. 4°

Defence of the Worce&crJbireVctition. 4°

Advice to the Parliament. 4°

Letter to M. Bury for Pacification. 4°

Concerning the Saints Perfeverance. 4°

The Quakers Catechifm. 4°

Of Infant-Baptifm, againft M, Tombs. 4°

The Unreafonablenefs of Infidelity. 8°

Thirty two Dire&ions/or getting and keeping Spiritual Peace. 8° Againft Popery. 8° Holy Commonwealth. 8° M. Lawfons Examination of the Political part of Hobbs his Leviathan. 8®.

Thtfc

Thefe fever d Bookj of M. Gilberts, Minifter of Limrick i» Ireland.

THe Libertine School'd: or , A Vindication of the Magiftrates Power, in Matters of Religion. 40 A Sovereign Antidote againft thofe finful Errors than are the Epidemical Difeafe of our Times. 40 A pleafant Walk to Heaven , on Ephef 4.1. 40 The Bleffed Peace-maker, or, A ChrifKan Reconciler, intended for the Healing of our Divifions. 4 0 ' Innocents, no Saints: or, A Pair of Spe&acles for a dark fighted Quaker, By E. Bod. 40 Man's Duty, in magnifying God's Work: A Sermon preached before the Pariiamenr f on the occafion of the Vidory obtained againft the Spmijb Fleet: By John How, Preacher of the Word at the Abbey ~ Church, WeHmintter. 40 The Perufal of an old Statute of Death and Judgment. A Funeral Sermon, ByM. Bedford. 4©

Thefe feveral Books following of M. Strong.

HEavenly Treafure: or, Mans chiefeft Good. 12 0 Communion with God,the Saints Privilcdg and Duty. 12*

Thirty one Sermons, preached on feJed Occafions.4 0 The Will of man, fab jeftcd to the Will of God, 8«

A Commemoration Sermon, preached at Paulson the 5 th of November, 1646. 40

A voice out of the Temple: Being alfo a Sermon on the5thofiVW0z£/ 4 0

A Confeffionof Faith, of the feveral Congregations, or Churches of Chrift in London, commonly called Anabaptifis. 4 0

A Difcovery of fome troublefom Thoughts. By Daniel King* 4*

Gofpel-Glory, in the Vifibleandlnvifible Worfhip of God. By Edw. Drapes. 4°

Common-Good : or , The Improvement of Com-mons,Forrefts and Chafes,by Inclofure;By S.T.4 0 An Aflize Sermon^ Preached by Tho. Gilbert. 4 0 The Word of Faith : or, The Collection of the Sermons of a Moneth, preached at Martini iftihe Fields methodically. ByM. Sangor. Bartons Tranflation on the Gnging Pfalms, 12 0

His Scripture Hymns. 1 z°

Sydenham ; for Infant-Baptifm. 8°

Remdeus Difpenfatoiy. Tol.

Spencers Similies. F&L

D. Robinfons Eiidoxa. 8°

D. Harrifons Spiritual Logick. , 8°

The Hiftory of Dreams: By M. Philip Goodwin, Mi-nitter at Watford. 8°.

The Three Theological Graces: By M. Ward: 8° 2?^W/fdifpoffeft,in Anfwer to his Challenge. 12 0 Habbington'% Edward the Fourth. Fol.

His Observations onHiftory. 8°

Aliens Henry the Seventh. 8°

Back, on the Beatitudes. 4°

Eurialns ajid Lucretia , . 8?

Herbert** Henry the Eighth,' _ Tol.

Englifh Law : By Charles George-Cock^. JfoL

Par on the Romans, Fol.

Hackjvels Argument for the Liberty of the Subject. 4° The falfe Brother. 40 M.Obadiah Sedgwick* Sermon at H. Strongs Funeral. 4 0 Duke Hamiltons Cafe, argued by M. Steel 9 now Lord C hancellour in Ireland. 4 0 Gofpel-Miniftery, and Gofpel-Light and Liberty,by Dow ford. 8° The Rife, Fall, tnd Ruine of Antichrift, By Haughton. 8° Orders of mhancery. 8° Illuftrious Bafhaw. \ FoL The Bloudy Inquifition 01 Spoilt. i^° Hughs Abridgment of the coramonLaw. Ear. 4 0 His Abridgment of all the Ads and Ordinances. 4° Several Works of M. Murcot , Minifter of Dublin in Ireland ^ with his Life. 4 0 A Catalogue of the Chancellours of England. 4^ A Scripture Chronology, B M. Allin Minifter. 4° A Catalogue of moft Books vendible in England, of Divinity, Hiftory, Law. &c. / 4 6 Annotations mpon Job, Pfalms, Proverbs, £ctleji^ afies , Song of Solomon , By Arthur Jwkjon, Preacher of Gods Word at Faiths under /W^*

To

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THough fignature L and Cc, T>d be not> yet the Book is perfedl.

The price of this Book is } s Bound,

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